xx. 1120); Γύνιδες γοῦν τινες ἄνδρες οὐκ ἄνδρες, τὸ σέμνον τῆς

φύσεως ἀπαρνησάμενοι, θηλείᾳ νόσῳ τὴν δαίμονα ἱλεοῦντο. But probably Eusebius is here speaking of the men who castrated themselves in honour of the goddess, and thereafter wore female attire. See Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 51; and below, pp. 269 _sq._

231 Strabo, xi. 4. 7, p. 503.

232 Drexler, in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, _s.v._ “Men,” ii. 2687 _sqq._

233 It is true that Strabo (_l.c._) speaks of the Albanian deity as a goddess, but this may be only an accommodation to the usage of the Greek language, in which the moon is feminine.

234 Florus, _Epitoma_, ii. 7; Diodorus Siculus, Frag. xxxiv. 2 (vol. v. pp. 87 _sq._, ed. L. Dindorf, in the Teubner series).

M56 Resemblance of the Hebrew prophets to the sacred men of Western Africa.

235 Above, pp. 52 _sq._

236 1 Kings xix. 16; Isaiah lx. 1.

237 1 Kings xx. 41. So in Africa “priests and priestesses are readily distinguishable from the rest of the community. They wear their hair long and unkempt, while other people, except the women in the towns on the seaboard, have it cut close to the head.... Frequently both appear with white circles painted round their eyes, or with various white devices, marks, or lines painted on the face, neck, shoulders, or arms” (A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_, p. 123). “Besides the ordinary tribal tattoo-marks borne by all natives, the priesthood in Dahomi bear a variety of such marks, some very elaborate, and an expert can tell by the marks on a priest to what god he is vowed, and what rank he holds in the order. These hierarchical marks consist of lines, scrolls, diamonds, and other patterns, with sometimes a figure, such as that of the crocodile or chameleon. The shoulders are frequently seen covered with an infinite number of small marks like dots, set close together. All these marks are considered sacred, and the laity are forbidden to touch them” (A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, p. 146). The reason why the prophet’s shoulders are especially marked is perhaps given by the statement of a Zulu that “the sensitive part with a doctor [medicine-man] is his shoulders. Everything he feels is in the situation of his shoulders. That is the place where black men feel the Amatongo” (ancestral spirits). See H. Callaway, _The Religious System of the Amazulu_, part ii. p. 159. These African analogies suggest that the “wounds between the arms” (literally, “between the hands”) which the prophet Zechariah mentions (xiii. 6) as the badge of a Hebrew prophet were marks tattooed on his shoulders in token of his holy office. The suggestion is confirmed by the prophet’s own statement (_l.c._) that he had received the wounds in the house of his lovers (בית מאהבי); for the same word lovers is repeatedly applied by the prophet Hosea to the Baalim (Hosea, ii. 5, 7, 10, 12, 13, verses 7, 9, 12, 14, 15 in Hebrew).

238 1 Samuel ix. 1-20.

239 H. Callaway, _The Religious System of the Amazulu_, part iii. pp. 300 _sqq._

240 See above, pp. 52 _sq._

241 1 Samuel ix. 9. In the Wiimbaio tribe of South-Eastern Australia a medicine-man used to be called “_mekigar_, from _meki_, ‘eye’ or ‘to see,’ otherwise ‘one who sees,’ that is, sees the causes of maladies in people, and who could extract them from the sufferer, usually in the form of quartz crystals” (A. W. Howitt, _The Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, London, 1904, p. 380).

242 That the prophet’s office in Canaan was developed out of the widespread respect for insanity is duly recognized by Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. p. 383.

M57 Inspired prophets at Byblus.

243 W. Max Müller, in _Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1900, No. 1, p. 17; A. Erman, “Eine Reise nach Phönizien im 11 Jahrhundert v. Chr.” _Zeitschrift für Āgyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde_, xxxviii. (1900) pp. 6 _sq._; G. Maspero, _Les contes populaires de l’Égypte Ancienne_,3 p. 192; A. Wiedemann, _Altägyptische Sagen und Märchen_ (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 99 _sq._; H. Gressmann, _Altorientalische Texte und Bilder zum Alten Testamente_ (Tübingen, 1909), p. 226. Scholars differ as to whether Wen-Ammon’s narrative is to be regarded as history or romance; but even if it were proved to be a fiction, we might safely assume that the incident of the prophetic frenzy at Byblus was based upon familiar facts. Prof. Wiedemann thinks that the god who inspired the page was the Egyptian Ammon, not the Phoenician Adonis, but this view seems to me less probable.

244 1 Samuel ix. 6-8, 10; 1 Kings xiii. 1, 4-8, 11, etc.

245 1 Samuel ii. 22. Totally different from their Asiatic namesakes were the “sacred men” and “sacred women” who were charged with the superintendence of the mysteries at Andania in Messenia. They were chosen by lot and held office for a year. The sacred women might be either married or single; the married women had to swear that they had been true to their husbands. See G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_2 (Leipsic, 1898-1901), vol. ii. pp. 461 _sqq._, No. 653; Ch. Michel, _Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques_ (Brussels, 1900), pp. 596 _sqq._, No. 694; _Leges Graecorum Sacrae_, ed. J. de Prott, L. Ziehen, Pars Altera, Fasciculus i. (Leipsic, 1906), No. 58, pp. 166 _sqq._

M58 “Holy men” in modern Syria.

246 Hosea ix. 7.

247 Jeremiah xxix. 26.

248 S. I. Curtiss, _Primitive Semitic Religion To-day_ (Chicago, New York, Toronto, 1902), pp. 150 _sq._

249 S. I. Curtiss, _op. cit._ p. 152. As to these “holy men,” see further C. R. Conder, _Tent-work in Palestine_ (London, 1878), ii. 231 _sq._: “The most peculiar class of men in the country is that of the Derwîshes, or sacred personages, who wander from village to village, performing tricks, living on alms, and enjoying certain social and domestic privileges, which very often lead to scandalous scenes. Some of these men are mad, some are fanatics, but the majority are, I imagine, rogues. They are reverenced not only by the peasantry, but also sometimes by the governing class. I have seen the Kady of Nazareth ostentatiously preparing food for a miserable and filthy beggar, who sat in the justice-hall, and was consulted as if he had been inspired. A Derwîsh of peculiar eminence is often dressed in good clothes, with a spotless turban, and is preceded by a banner-bearer, and followed by a band, with drum, cymbal, and tambourine.... It is natural to reflect whether the social position of the Prophets among the Jews may not have resembled that of the Derwîshes.”

M59 The licence accorded to such “holy men” may be explained by the desire of women for offspring.

250 S. I. Curtiss, _op. cit._ pp. 116 _sq._

251 S. I. Curtiss, _op. cit._ pp. 118, 119. In India also some Mohammedan saints are noted as givers of children. Thus at Fatepur-Sikri, near Agra, is the grave of Salim Chishti, and childless women tie rags to the delicate tracery of the tomb, “thus bringing them into direct communion with the spirit of the holy man” (W. Crooke, _Natives of Northern India_, London, 1907, p. 203).

M60 Belief that men and women may be the offspring of a god.

252 1 Samuel i.

253 Genesis vi. 1-3. In this passage “the sons of God (or rather of the gods)” probably means, in accordance with a common Hebrew idiom, no more than “the gods,” just as the phrase “sons of the prophets” means the prophets themselves. For more examples of this idiom, see Brown, Driver, and Briggs, _Hebrew and English Lexicon_, p. 121.

254 For example, all Hebrew names ending in _-el_ or _-iah_ are compounds of El or Yahwe, two names of the divinity. See G. B. Gray, _Studies in Hebrew Proper Names_ (London, 1896), pp. 149 _sqq._

255 Brown, Driver, and Briggs, _Hebrew and English Lexicon_, p. 1028. But compare _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii. 3285, iv. 4452.

256 A trace of a similar belief perhaps survives in the narratives of Genesis xxxi. and Judges xiii., where barren women are represented as conceiving children after the visit of God, or of an angel of God, in the likeness of a man.

257 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-Stämme_ (Berlin, 1906), pp. 446, 448-450.

M61 The saints in modern Syria are the equivalents of the ancient Baal or Adonis. M62 Belief in the physical fatherhood of God not confined to Syria. Sons of the serpent-god.

258 For more instances see H. Usener, _Das Weihnachtsfest_2 (Bonn, 1911), i. 71 _sqq._

259 G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 vol. ii. pp. 662, 663, No. 803, lines 117 _sqq._, 129 _sqq._

260 Pausanias, ii. 10. 3 (with my note), iii. 23. 7; Livy, xi. Epitome; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxix. 72; Valerius Maximus, i. 8. 2; Ovid, _Metam._ xv. 626-744; Aurelius Victor, _De viris illustr._ 22; Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 94.

261 Aristophanes, _Plutus_, 733; Pausanias, ii. 11. 8; Herodas, _Mimiambi_, iv. 90 _sq._; G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 vol. ii. p. 655, No. 802, lines 116 _sqq._; Ch. Michel, _Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques_, p. 826, No. 1069.

262 Pausanias, ii. 10. 3, iv. 14. 7 _sq._

263 Pausanias, ii. 10. 4.

264 Pausanias, ii. 11. 5-8.

265 Suetonius, _Divus Augustus_, 94; Dio Cassius, xlv. 1. 2. Tame serpents were kept in a sacred grove of Apollo in Epirus. A virgin priestess fed them, and omens of plenty and health or the opposites were drawn from the way in which the reptiles took their food from her. See Aelian, _Nat. Hist._ xi. 2.

266 Pausanias, iv. 14. 7; Livy, xxvi. 19; Aulus Gellius, vi. 1; Plutarch, _Alexander_, 2. All these cases have been already cited in this connexion by L. Deubner, _De incubatione_ (Leipsic, 1900), p. 33 note.

267 Aelian, _De natura animalium_, vi. 17.

M63 Women fertilized by stone serpents in India.

268 H. V. Nanjundayya, _The Ethnographical Survey of Mysore_, vi. _Komati Caste_ (Bangalore, 1906), p. 29.

M64 Belief that the dead come to life in the form of serpents.

269 T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, _Voyage d’Exploration au Nord-Est de la Colonie du Cap de Bonne-Espérance_ (Paris, 1842), p. 277; H. Callaway, _Religious System of the Amazulu_, part ii. pp. 140-144, 196-200, 208-212; J. Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal_ (London, 1857), p. 162; E. Casalis, _The Basutos_ (London, 1861), p. 246; “Words about Spirits,” (_South African_) _Folk-lore Journal_, ii. (1880) pp. 101-103; A. Kranz, _Natur- und Kulturleben der Zulus_ (Wiesbaden, 1880), p. 112; F. Speckmann, _Die Hermannsburger Mission in Afrika_ (Hermannsburg, 1876), pp. 165-167; Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_ (London, 1904), pp. 85-87; Henri A. Junod, _The Life of a South African Tribe_ (Neuchatel, 1912-1913), ii. 358 _sq._

270 W. A. Elmslie, _Among the Wild Ngoni_ (London, 1899), pp. 71 _sq._

271 O. Baumann, _Usambara und seine Nachbargebiete_ (Berlin, 1891), pp. 141 _sq._

272 S. L. Hinde and H. Hinde, _The Last of the Masai_ (London, 1901), pp. 101 _sq._; A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_ (Oxford, 1905), pp. 307 _sq._; Sir H. Johnston, _The Uganda Protectorate_ (London, 1904), ii. 832.

273 M. W. H. Beech, _The Suk_ (Oxford, 1911), p. 20.

274 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), p. 90.

275 H. R. Tate, “The Native Law of the Southern Gikuyu of British East Africa,” _Journal of the African Society_, No. xxxv. April 1910, p. 243.

276 E. de Pruyssenaere, _Reisen und Forschungen im Gebiete des Weissen und Blauen Nil_ (Gotha, 1877), p. 27 (_Petermann’s Mittheilungen, Ergänzungsheft_, No. 50). Compare G. Schweinfurth, _The Heart of Africa_3 (London, 1878), i. 55. Among the Bahima of Ankole dead chiefs turn into serpents, but dead kings into lions. See J. Roscoe, “The Bahima, a Cow Tribe of Enkole in the Uganda Protectorate,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxvii. (1907), pp. 101 _sq._; Major J. A. Meldon, “Notes on the Bahima of Ankole,” _Journal of the African Society_, No. xxii. (January 1907), p. 151. Major Leonard holds that the pythons worshipped in Southern Nigeria are regarded as reincarnations of the dead; but this seems very doubtful. See A. G. Leonard, _The Lower Niger and its Tribes_ (London, 1906), pp. 327 _sqq._ Pythons are worshipped by the Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast, but apparently not from a belief that the souls of the dead are lodged in them. See A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa_, pp. 54 _sqq._

277 G. A. Shaw, “The Betsileo,” _The Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine, Reprint of the First Four Numbers_ (Antananarivo, 1885), p. 411; H. W. Little, _Madagascar, its History and People_ (London, 1884), pp. 86 _sq._; A. van Gennep, _Tabou et Totémisme à Madagascar_ (Paris, 1904), pp. 272 _sqq._

278 “Religious Rites and Customs of the Iban or Dyaks of Sarawak,” by Leo Nyuak, translated from the Dyak by the Very Rev. Edm. Dunn, _Anthropos_, i. (1906) p. 182. As to the Sea Dyak reverence for snakes and their belief that spirits (_antus_) are incarnate in the reptiles, see further J. Perham, “Sea Dyak Religion,” _Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 10 (December, 1882), pp. 222-224; H. Ling Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo_ (London, 1896), i. 187 _sq._ But from this latter account it does not appear that the spirits (_antus_) which possess the snakes are supposed to be those of human ancestors.

279 George Brown, D.D., _Melanesians and Polynesians_ (London, 1910), pp. 238 _sq._

M65 Serpents which are viewed as ancestors come to life are treated with respect and often fed with milk.

280 Rev. E. Casalis, _The Basutos_ (London, 1861), p. 246. Compare A. Kranz, _Natur- und Kulturleben der Zulus_ (Wiesbaden, 1880), p. 112.

281 A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_ (Oxford, 1905), p. 307.

282 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), p. 90.

283 Mervyn W. H. Beech, _The Suk, their Language and Folklore_ (Oxford, 1911), p. 20.

284 H. R. Tate (District Commissioner, East Africa Protectorate), “The Native Law of the Southern Gikuyu of British East Africa,” _Journal of the African Society_, No. xxxv., April 1910, p. 243. See further C. W. Hobley, “Further Researches into Kikuyu and Kamba Religious Beliefs and Customs,” _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xli. (1911) p. 408. According to Mr. Hobley it is only one particular sort of snake, called _nyamuyathi_, which is thought to be the abode of a spirit and is treated with ceremonious respect by the Akikuyu. Compare P. Cayzac, “La Religion des Kikuyu,” _Anthropos_, v. (1910) p. 312; and for more evidence of milk offered to serpents as embodiments of the dead see E. de Pruyssenaere and H. W. Little, cited above, p. 83, notes 1 and 2.

285 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 320 _sq._ My friend Mr. Roscoe tells me that serpents are revered and fed with milk by the Banyoro to the north of Uganda; but he cannot say whether the creatures are supposed to be incarnations of the dead. Some of the Gallas also regard serpents as sacred and offer milk to them, but it is not said that they believe the reptiles to embody the souls of the departed. See Rev. J. L. Krapf, _Travels, Researches and Missionary Labours in Eastern Africa_ (London, 1860), pp. 77 _sq._ The negroes of Whydah in Guinea likewise feed with milk the serpents which they worship. See Thomas Astley’s _New General Collection of Voyages and Travels_, iii. (London, 1746) p. 29.

M66 The Greeks and Romans seem to have shared the belief that the souls of the dead can be reincarnated in serpents.

286 L. Preller, _Römische Mythologie_3 (Berlin, 1881-1883), ii. 196 _sq._; G. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der Römer_2 (Munich, 1912), pp. 176 _sq._ The worship of the _genius_ was very popular in the Roman Empire. See J. Toutain, _Les Cultes Païens dans l’Empire Romain_, Première Partie, i. (Paris, 1907) pp. 439 _sqq._

287 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxix. 72. Compare Seneca, _De Ira_, iv. 31. 6.

288 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 5. 4; Hyginus, _Fab._ 6; Ovid, _Metam._ iv. 563-603.

289 Plutarch, _Cleomenes_, 39.

290 Porphyry, _De vita Plotini_, p. 103, Didot edition (appended to the lives of Diogenes Laertius).

291 Plutarch, _Cleomenes_, 39; Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Plutus_, 733.

292 Herodotus, viii. 41; Plutarch, _Themistocles_, 10; Aristophanes, _Lysistra_, 758 _sq._, with the Scholium; Philostratus, _Imag._ ii. 17. 6. See further my note on Pausanias, i, 18, 2 (vol. ii. pp. 168 _sqq._).

293 Sophocles, _Electra_, 893 _sqq._; Euripides, _Orestes_, 112 _sqq._

_ 294 Mittheilungen des Deutsch. Archäo log. Institutes in Athen_, iv. (1879) pl. viii. Compare _ib._ pp. 135 _sq._, 162 _sq._

295 Above, pp. 84 _sq._

296 E. de Pruyssenaere, _l.c._ (above, p. 83, note 1).

297 See C. O. Müller, _Denkmäler der alten Kunst_2 (Göttingen, 1854), pl. lxi. with the corresponding text in vol. i. (where the eccentric system of paging adopted renders references to it practically useless). In these groups the female figure is commonly, and perhaps correctly, interpreted as the Goddess of Health (Hygieia). It is to be remembered that Hygieia was deemed a daughter of the serpent-god Aesculapius (Pausanias i. 23. 4), and was constantly associated with him in ritual and art. See, for example, Pausanias, i. 40. 6, ii. 4. 5, ii. 11. 6, ii. 23. 4, ii. 27. 6, iii. 22. 13, v. 20. 3, v. 26. 2, vii. 23. 7, viii. 28. 1, viii. 31. 1, viii. 32. 4, viii. 47. 1. The snake-entwined goddess whose image was found in a prehistoric shrine at Gournia in Crete may have been a predecessor of the serpent-feeding Hygieia. See R. M. Burrows, _The Discoveries in Crete_ (London, 1907), pp. 137 _sq._ The snakes, which were the regular symbol of the Furies, may have been originally nothing but the emblems or rather embodiments of the dead; and the Furies themselves may, like Aesculapius, have been developed out of the reptiles, sloughing off their serpent skins through the anthropomorphic tendency of Greek thought.

M67 The serpents fed at the Thesmophoria may have been deemed incarnations of the dead. Reluctance to disturb the Earth Goddess or the spirits of the earth by the operations of digging and ploughing. Hence agricultural operations are sometimes forbidden.

298 Scholia on Lucian, _Dial. Meretr._ ii. (_Scholia in Lucianum_, ed. H. Rabe, Leipsic, 1906, pp. 275 _sq._). As to the Thesmophoria, see my article, “Thesmophoria,” _Encyclopaedia Britannica_,9 xxiii. 295 _sqq._; _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 17 _sqq._

299 A. S. Gatschet, _The Klamath Indians of South-Western Oregon_ (Washington, 1890), p. xcii.

300 Washington Matthews, “Myths of Gestation and Parturition,” _American Anthropologist_, New Series, iv. (New York, 1902) p. 738.

_ 301 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, iii. _Draft Articles on Forest Tribes_ (Allahabad, 1907), p. 23.

302 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, v. (Leyden, 1907) pp. 536 _sq._

303 W. Crooke, _Natives of Northern India_ (London, 1907), p. 232.

304 J. Spieth, _Die Ewe-Stämme_ (Berlin, 1906), p. 796.

305 J. E. Erskine, _Journal of a Cruise among the Islands of the Western Pacific_ (London, 1853), pp. 245 _sq._

M68 Graves as places of conception for women.

306 Persons initiated into the mysteries of Sabazius had a serpent drawn through the bosom of their robes, and the reptile was identified with the god (ὁ διὰ κόλπου θέος, Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 16, p. 14, ed. Potter). This may be a trace of the belief that women can be impregnated by serpents, though it does not appear that the ceremony was performed only on women.

307 See above, p. 78. Among the South Slavs women go to graves to get children. See below, p. 96.

308 S. I. Curtiss, _Primitive Semitic Religion To-day_, pp. 115 _sqq._

309 A. C. Kruijt, _Het Animisme in den Indischen Archipel_ (The Hague, 1906), P. 398.

M69 Reincarnation of the dead in America and Africa.

_ 310 Relations des Jésuites_, 1636, p. 130 (Canadian reprint, Quebec, 1858). A similar custom was practised for a similar reason by the Musquakie Indians. See Miss Mary Alicia Owen, _Folk-lore of the Musquakie Indians of North America_ (London, 1904), pp. 22 _sq._, 86. Some of the instances here given have been already cited by Mr. J. E. King, who suggests, with much probability, that the special modes of burial adopted for infants in various parts of the world may often have been intended to ensure their rebirth. See J. E. King, “Infant Burial,” _Classical Review_, xvii. (1903) pp. 83 _sq._ For a large collection of evidence as to the belief in the reincarnation of the dead, see E. S. Hartland, _Primitive Paternity_ (London, 1909-1910), i. 156 _sqq._

311 Mary H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_ (London, 1897), p. 478.

312 Rev. John H. Weeks, “Notes on some Customs of the Lower Congo People,” _Folk-lore_, xix. (1908) p. 422.

313 Th. Masui, _Guide de la Section de l’État Indépendant du Congo à l’Exposition de Bruxelles-Tervueren en 1897_ (Brussels, 1897), pp. 113 _sq._

314 J. B. Purvis, _Through Uganda to Mount Elgon_ (London, 1909), pp. 302 _sq._ As to the Bagishu or Bageshu and their practice of throwing out the dead, see Rev. J. Roscoe, “Notes on the Bageshu,” _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xxxix. (1909) pp. 181 _sqq._

M70 Measures taken to prevent the rebirth of undesirable spirits. Belief of the Baganda that a woman can be impregnated by the flower of the banana.

315 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 46 _sq._ Women adopted a like precaution at the grave of twins to prevent the ghosts of the twins from entering into them and being born again (_id._, pp. 124 _sq._). The Baganda always strangled children that were born feet first and buried their bodies at cross-roads. The heaps of sticks or grass thrown on these graves by passing women and girls rose in time into mounds large enough to deflect the path and to attract the notice of travellers. See J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp. 126 _sq._, 289.

316 Rev. J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp. 126 _sq._ In the Senegal and Niger region of Western Africa it is said to be commonly believed by women that they can conceive without any carnal knowledge of a man. See Maurice Delafosse, _Haut-Sénégal-Niger, Le Pays, les Peuples, les Langues, l’Histoire, les Civilisations_ (Paris, 1912), iii. 171.

317 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 47 _sq._; _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 506 _sq._ As to the custom of depositing the afterbirths of children at the foot of banana (plantain) trees, see J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp. 52, 54 _sq._

M71 Reincarnation of the dead in India. Means taken to facilitate the rebirth of dead children.

318 W. Crooke, _Natives of Northern India_ (London, 1907), p. 202. As to the Hindoo custom of burying infants but burning older persons, see _The Belief in Immortality and the Worship of the Dead_, i. 162 _sq._

_ 319 Census of India, 1911_, vol. xiv. _Punjab_, Part i., Report, by Pandit Harikishan Kaul (Lahore, 1912), p. 299.

320 E. M. Gordon, _Indian Folk Tales_ (London, 1908), p. 49. Other explanations of the custom are reported by the writer, but the original motive was probably a desire to secure the reincarnation of the dead child in the mother.

321 E. M. Gordon, _op. cit._ pp. 50 _sq._

322 E. Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_ (Madras, 1906), p. 155; _id._, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_ (Madras, 1909), iv. 52.

323 W. Crooke, _Natives of Northern India_, p. 202; _Census of India, 1901_, vol. xvii. _Punjab_, Part i., Report, by H. A. Rose (Simla, 1902), pp. 213 _sq._

M72 Bringing back the soul of the dead in a fish or insect. Stories of the Virgin Birth. Reincarnation of the dead among the South Slavs.

_ 324 Census of India, 1901_, vol. xiii. _Central Provinces_, Part i., Report, by R. V. Russell (Nagpur, 1902), p. 93.

325 For stories of such virgin births see Comte H. de Charency, _Le folklore dans les deux Mondes_ (Paris, 1894), pp. 121-256; E. S. Hartland, _The Legend of Perseus_, vol. i. (London, 1894) pp. 71 _sqq._; and my note on Pausanias vii. 17. 11 (vol. iv. pp. 138-140). To the instances there cited by me add: A. Thevet, _Cosmographie Universelle_ (Paris, 1575), ii. 918 [wrongly numbered 952]; K. von den Steinen, _Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens_ (Berlin, 1884), pp. 370, 373; H. A. Coudreau, _La France Equinoxiale_, ii. (Paris, 1887) pp. 184 _sq._; _Relations des Jésuites_, 1637, pp. 123 _sq._ (Canadian reprint, Quebec, 1858); Franz Boas, _Indianische Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen Küste Amerikas_ (Berlin, 1895), pp. 311 _sq._; A. G. Morice, _Au pays de l’Ours Noir_ (Paris and Lyons, 1897), p. 153; A. Raffray, “Voyage à la côte nord de la Nouvelle Guinée,” _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_ (Paris), VIe Série, xv. (1878) pp. 392 _sq._; J. L. van der Toorn, “Het animisme bij den Minangkabauer der Padangsche Bovenlanden,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, xxxix. (1890) p. 78; E. Aymonier, “Les Tchames et leurs religions,” _Revue de l’Histoire des Religions_, xxiv. (1901) pp. 215 _sq._; Major P. R. T. Gurdon, _The Khasis_ (London, 1907), p. 195. In some stories the conception is brought about not by eating food but by drinking water. But the principle is the same.

326 F. S. Krauss, _Sitte und Brauch der Süd-Slaven_ (Vienna, 1885), p. 531.

M73 Belief of the Kai that women may be impregnated without sexual intercourse. Belief in the island of Mota that a woman can conceive through the entrance into her of a spirit animal or fruit.

327 Ch. Keysser, “Aus dem Leben der Kaileute,” in R. Neuhauss’s _Deutsch Neu-Guinea_, iii. (Berlin, 1911) p. 26.

M74 Similar belief in the island of Motlav.

328 W. H. R. Rivers, “Totemism in Polynesia and Melanesia,” _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xxxix. (1909) pp. 173-175. Compare _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 89 _sqq._ As to this Melanesian belief that animals can enter into women and be born from them as human children with animal characteristics, Dr. Rivers observes (p. 174): “It was clear that this belief was not accompanied by any ignorance of the physical _rôle_ of the human father, and that the father played the same part in conception as in cases of birth unaccompanied by an animal appearance. We found it impossible to get definitely the belief as to the nature of the influence exerted by the animal on the woman, but it must be remembered that any belief of this kind can hardly have escaped the many years of European influence and Christian teaching which the people of this group have received. It is doubtful whether even a prolonged investigation of this point could now elicit the original belief of the people about the nature of the influence.” To me it seems that the belief described by Dr. Rivers in the text is incompatible with the recognition of human fatherhood as a necessary condition for the birth of children, and that though the people may now recognize that necessity, perhaps as a result of intercourse with Europeans, they certainly cannot have recognized it at the time when the belief in question originated.

M75 Australian beliefs as to the birth of children. Reincarnation of the dead in Central Australia.

329 Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_ (London, 1904), p. 330, compare _id._ _ibid._ pp. xi, 145, 147-151, 155 _sq._, 161 _sq._, 169 _sq._, 173 _sq._, 174-176, 606; _id._, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_ (London, 1899), pp. 52, 123-125, 126, 132 _sq._, 265, 335-338.

330 B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 162, 330 _sq._

331 B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 337 _sq._

M76 Reincarnation of the dead in Northern Australia.

332 W. Baldwin Spencer, _An Introduction to the Study of Certain Native Tribes of the Northern Territory_ (Melbourne, 1912), p. 6: “The two fundamental beliefs of reincarnation and of children not being of necessity the result of sexual intercourse, are firmly held by the tribes in their normal wild state. There is no doubt whatever of this, and we now know that these two beliefs extend through all the tribes northwards to Katherine Creek and eastwards to the Gulf of Carpentaria.” In a letter (dated Melbourne, July 27th, 1913) Professor Baldwin Spencer writes to me that the natives on the Alligator River in the Northern Territory “have detailed traditions—as also have all the tribes—of how great ancestors wandered over the country leaving numbers of spirit children behind them who have been reincarnated time after time. They know who everyone is a reincarnation of, as the names are perpetuated.”

333 W. Baldwin Spencer, _An Introduction to the Study of Certain Native Tribes of the Northern Territory_ (Melbourne, 1912), pp. 41-45.

M77 Theories as to the birth of children among the tribes of Queensland.

334 Walter E. Roth, _North Queensland Ethnography_, _Bulletin_ No. 5, _Superstition, Magic, and Medicine_ (Brisbane, 1903), pp. 22, § 81.

335 Walter E. Roth, _op. cit._ p. 23, § 82.

336 Walter E. Roth, _op. cit._ p. 23, § 83. Mr. Roth adds, very justly: “When it is remembered that as a rule in all these Northern tribes, a little girl may be given to and will live with her spouse as wife long before she reaches the stage of puberty—the relationship of which to fecundity is not recognised—the idea of conception not being necessarily due to sexual connection becomes partly intelligible.”

337 The Bishop of North Queensland (Dr. Frodsham) in a letter to me, dated Bishop’s Lodge, Townsville, Queensland, July 9th, 1909. The Bishop’s authority for the statement is the Rev. C. W. Morrison, M.A., acting head of the Yarrubah Mission. In the same letter Dr. Frodsham, speaking from personal observation, refers to “the belief, practically universal among the northern tribes, that copulation is not the cause of conception.” See J. G. Frazer, “Beliefs and Customs of the Australian Aborigines,” _Folk-lore_, xx. (1909) pp. 350-352; _Man_, ix. (1909) pp. 145-147; _Totemism and Exogamy_, i. 577 _sq._

M78 Theories as to the birth of children in Northern and Western Australia. Belief that conception in women is caused by the food they eat.

338 Herbert Basedow, _Anthropological Notes on the Western Coastal Tribes of the Northern Territory of South Australia_, pp. 4 _sq._ (separate reprint from the _Transactions of the Royal Society of South Australia_, vol. xxxi. 1907).

M79 Conception supposed to be caused by a man who is not the father.

339 A. R. Brown, “Beliefs concerning Childbirth in some Australian Tribes,” _Man_, xii. (1912) pp. 180 _sq._ Compare _id._, “Three Tribes of Western Australia,” _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xliii. (1913) p. 168.

M80 Some rude races still ignorant as to the cause of procreation.

340 Those who desire to pursue this subject further may consult with advantage Mr. E. S. Hartland’s learned treatise _Primitive Paternity_ (London, 1909-1910), which contains an ample collection of facts and a careful discussion of them. Elsewhere I have argued that the primitive ignorance of paternity furnishes the key to the origin of totemism. See _Totemism and Exogamy_, i. 155 _sqq._, iv. 40 _sqq._

M81 Legends of virgin mothers. M82 Procreative virtue apparently ascribed to the sacred stocks and stones at Semitic sanctuaries.

341 Jeremiah ii. 27. The ancient Greeks seem also to have had a notion that men were sprung from trees or rocks. See Homer, _Od._ xix. 163; F. G. Welcker, _Griechische Götterlehre_ (Göttingen, 1857-1862), i. 777 _sqq._; A. B. Cook, “Oak and Rock,” _Classical Review_, xv. (1901) pp. 322 _sqq._

342 The _ashera_ and the _masseba_. See 1 Kings xiv. 23; 2 Kings xviii. 4, xxiii. 14; Micah v. 13 _sq._ (in Hebrew, 12 _sq._); Deuteronomy xvi. 21 _sq._; W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 187 _sqq._, 203 _sqq._; G. F. Moore, in _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _svv._, “Asherah” and “Massebah.” In the early religion of Crete also the two principal objects of worship seem to have been a sacred tree and a sacred pillar. See A. J. Evans, “Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xxi. (1901) pp. 99 _sqq._

343 As to conical images of Semitic goddesses, see above, pp. 34 _sqq._ The sacred pole (_asherah_) appears also to have been by some people regarded as the embodiment of a goddess (Astarte), not of a god. See above, p. 18, note 2. Among the Khasis of Assam the sacred upright stones, which resemble the Semitic _masseboth_, are regarded as males, and the flat table-stones as female. See P. R. T. Gurdon, _The Khasis_ (London, 1907), pp. 112 _sq._, 150 _sqq._ So in Nikunau, one of the Gilbert Islands in the South Pacific, the natives had sandstone slabs or pillars which represented gods and goddesses. “If the stone slab represented a goddess it was not placed erect, but laid down on the ground. Being a lady they thought it would be cruel to make her stand so long.” See G. Turner, LL.D., _Samoa_ (London, 1884), p. 296.

M83 These conclusions confirmed by the excavation of a sanctuary at the Canaanitish city of Gezer. The infants buried in the sanctuary may have been expected to be born again.

344 See above, pp. 91 _sqq._

345 As to the excavations at Gezer, see R. A. Stewart Macalister, _Reports on the Excavation of Gezer_ (London, N.D.), pp. 76-89 (reprinted from the _Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund_); _id._, _Bible Side-lights from the Mound of Gezer_ (London, 1906), pp. 57-67, 73-75. Professor Macalister now inclines to regard the socketed stone as a laver rather than as the base of the sacred pole. He supposes that the buried infants were first-born children sacrificed in accordance with the ancient law of the dedication of the first-born. The explanation which I have adopted in the text agrees better with the uninjured state of the bodies, and it is further confirmed by the result of the Austrian excavations at Tell Ta’annek (Taanach) in Palestine, which seem to prove that there children up to the age of two years were not buried in the family graves but interred separately in jars. Some of these sepulchral jars were deposited under or beside the houses, but many were grouped round a rock-hewn altar in a different part of the hill. There is nothing to indicate that any of the children were sacrificed: the size of some of the skeletons precludes the idea that they were slain at birth. Probably they all died natural deaths, and the custom of burying them in or near the house or beside an altar was intended to ensure their rebirth in the family. See Dr. E. Sellin, “Tell Ta’annek,” _Denkschriften der Kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse_, l. (Vienna, 1904), No. iv. pp. 32-37, 96 _sq._ Compare W. W. Graf Baudissin, _Adonis und Esmun_, p. 59 n.3. I have to thank Professor R. A. Stewart Macalister for kindly directing my attention to the excavations at Tell Ta’annek (Taanach). It deserves to be mentioned that in an enclosure close to the standing stones at Gezer, there was found a bronze model of a cobra (R. A. Stewart Macalister, _Bible Side-lights_, p. 76). Perhaps the reptile was the deity of the shrine, or an embodiment of an ancestral spirit.

M84 Semitic custom of sacrificing a member of the royal family. The burning of Melcarth at Tyre. Festival of “the awakening of Hercules” at Tyre.

_ 346 The Dying God_, pp. 166 _sqq._ See Note I., “Moloch the King,” at the end of this volume.

347 Philo of Byblus, quoted by Eusebius, _Praepar. Evang._ i. 10. 29 _sq._; 2 Kings iii. 27.

348 See above, p. 15.

349 Philo of Byblus, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. Müller, iii. pp. 569, 570, 571. See above, p. 13.

350 See above, p. 16.

351 Sophocles, _Trachiniae_, 1191 _sqq._; Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, ii. 7. 7; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 38; Hyginus, _Fab._ 36.

352 [S. Clementis Romani,] _Recognitiones_, x. 24, p. 233, ed. E. G. Gersdorf (Migne’s _Patrologia Graeca_, i. 1434).

353 Josephus, _Antiquit. Jud._ viii. 5. 3, _Contra Apionem_, i. 18. Whether the quadriennial festival of Hercules at Tyre (2 Maccabees iv. 18-20) was a different celebration, or only “the awakening of Melcarth,” celebrated with unusual pomp once in four years, we do not know.

354 Eudoxus of Cnidus, quoted by Athenaeus, ix. 47, p. 392 D, E. That the death and resurrection of Melcarth were celebrated in an annual festival at Tyre has been recognised by scholars. See Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” _Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 25 _sqq._; H. Hubert et M. Mauss, “Essai sur le sacrifice,” _L’Année Sociologique_, ii. (1899) pp. 122, 124; M. J. Lagrange, _Études sur les Religions Sémitiques_,2 pp. 308-311. Iolaus is identified by some modern scholars with Eshmun, a Phoenician and Carthaginian deity about whom little is known. See F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, i. (Bonn, 1841) pp. 536 _sqq._; F. Baethgen, _Beiträge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte_ (Berlin, 1888), pp. 44 _sqq._; C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_ (Gotha, 1896-1903), i. 268; W. W. Graf Baudissin, _Adonis und Esmun_, pp. 282 _sqq._

355 Zenobius, _Centur._ v. 56 (_Paroemiographi Graeci_, ed. E. L. Leutsch et F. G. Schneidewin, Göttingen, 1839-1851, vol. i. p. 143).

356 Quails were perhaps burnt in honour of the Cilician Hercules or Sandan at Tarsus. See below, p. 126, note 2.

357 Alfred Newton, _Dictionary of Birds_ (London, 1893-96), p. 755.

358 H. B. Tristram, _The Fauna and Flora of Palestine_ (London, 1884), p. 124. For more evidence as to the migration of quails see Aug. Dillmann’s commentary on Exodus xvi. 13, pp. 169 _sqq._ (Leipsic, 1880).

359 The Tyrian Hercules was said to be a son of Zeus and Asteria (Eudoxus of Cnidus, quoted by Athenaeus, ix. 47, p. 392 D; Cicero, _De natura deorum_, iii. 16. 42). As to the transformation of Asteria into a quail see Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, i. 4. 1; J. Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_, 401; Hyginus, _Fab._ 53; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ iii. 73. The name Asteria may be a Greek form of Astarte. See W. W. Graf Baudissin, _Adonis und Esmun_, p. 307.

360 Quintus Curtius, iv. 2. 10; Arrian, _Anabasis_, ii. 24. 5.

M85 Worship of Melcarth at Gades, and trace of a custom of burning him there in effigy.

361 Strabo, iii. 5. 5, pp. 169 _sq._; Mela, iii. 46; Scymnus Chius, _Orbis Descriptio_, 159-161 (_Geographi Graeci Minores_, ed. C. Müller, i. 200 _sq._).

362 Silius Italicus, iii. 14-32; Mela, iii. 46; Strabo, iii. 5. 3, 5, 7, pp. 169, 170, 172; Diodorus Siculus, v. 20. 2; Philostratus, _Vita Apollonii_, v. 4 _sq._; Appian, _Hispanica_, 65. Compare Arrian, _Anabasis_, ii. 16. 4. That the bones of Hercules were buried at Gades is mentioned by Mela (_l.c._). Compare Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, i. 36. In Italy women were not allowed to participate in sacrifices offered to Hercules (Aulus Gellius, xi. 6. 2; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 28; Sextus Aurelius Victor, _De origine gentis Romanae_, vi. 6; Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 60). Whether the priests of Melcarth at Gades were celibate, or had only to observe continence at certain seasons, does not appear. At Tyre the priest of Melcarth might be married (Justin, xviii. 4. 5). The worship of Melcarth under the name of Hercules continued to flourish in the south of Spain down to the time of the Roman Empire. See J. Toutain, _Les Cultes païens dans l’Empire Romain_, Première Partie, i. (Paris, 1907) pp. 400 _sqq._

363 Livy, xxi. 21. 9, 22. 5-9; Cicero, _De Divinatione_, i. 24. 49; Silius Italicus, iii. 1 _sqq._, 158 _sqq._

364 Pausanias, x. 4. 5.

365 B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 674; G. A. Cooke, _Text-Book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, p. 351.

366 F. Imhoof-Blumer and P. Gardner, _Numismatic Commentary on Pausanias_, pp. 10-12, with pl. A; Stoll, _s.v._ “Melikertes,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, ii. 2634.

M86 Evidence of a custom of burning a god or goddess at Carthage. The fire-walk at Tyre. The fire-walk at Castabala. The Carthaginian king Hamilcar sacrifices himself in the fire.

367 Justin, xviii. 6. 1-7; Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 473 _sqq._, v. i. _sqq._; Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 545 _sqq._; Timaeus, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. Müller, i. 197. Compare W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 373 _sqq._ The name of Dido has been plausibly derived by Gesenius, Movers, E. Meyer, and A. H. Sayce from the Semitic _dôd_, “beloved.” See F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, i. 616; Meltzer, _s.v._ “Dido,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, i. 1017 _sq._; A. H. Sayce, _Lectures on the Religion of the Ancient Babylonians_ (London and Edinburgh, 1887), pp. 56 _sqq._ If they are right, the divine character of Dido becomes more probable than ever, since “the Beloved” (_Dodah_) seems to have been a title of a Semitic goddess, perhaps Astarte. See above, p. 20, note 2. According to Varro it was not Dido but her sister Anna who slew herself on a pyre for love of Aeneas (Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 682).

368 Justin, xviii. 6. 8.

369 Silius Italicus, i. 81 _sqq._

370 See above, pp. 16, 110 _sqq._

371 Ezekiel xxviii. 14, compare 16.

_ 372 Balder the Beautiful_, ii. 1 _sqq._ But, as I have there pointed out, there are grounds for thinking that the custom of walking over fire is not a substitute for human sacrifice, but merely a stringent form of purification. On fire as a purificatory agent see below, pp. 179 _sqq._, 188 _sq._

373 Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537. In Greece itself accused persons used to prove their innocence by walking through fire (Sophocles, _Antigone_, 264 _sq._, with Jebb’s note). Possibly the fire-walk of the priestesses at Castabala was designed to test their chastity. For this purpose the priests and priestesses of the Tshi-speaking people of the Gold Coast submit to an ordeal, standing one by one in a narrow circle of fire. This “is supposed to show whether they have remained pure, and refrained from sexual intercourse, during the period of retirement, and so are worthy of inspiration by the gods. If they are pure they will receive no injury and suffer no pain from the fire” (A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_, London, 1887, p. 138). These cases favour the purificatory explanation of the fire-walk.

374 Euripides, _Iphigenia in Tauris_, 621-626. Compare Diodorus Siculus, xx. 14. 6.

375 Herodotus, vii. 167. This was the Carthaginian version of the story. According to another account, Hamilcar was killed by the Greek cavalry (Diodorus Siculus, xi. 22. 1). His worship at Carthage is mentioned by Athenagoras (_Supplicatio pro Christianis_, p. 64, ed. J. C. T. Otto, Jena, 1857.) I have called Hamilcar a king in accordance with the usage of Greek writers (Herodotus, vii. 165 _sq._; Aristotle, _Politics_, ii. 11; Polybius, vi. 51; Diodorus Siculus, xiv. 54. 5). But the _suffetes_, or supreme magistrates, of Carthage were two in number; whether they were elected for a year or for life seems to be doubtful. Cornelius Nepos, who calls them kings, says that they were elected annually (_Hannibal_, vii. 4), and Livy (xxx. 7. 5) compares them to the consuls; but Cicero (_De re publica_, ii. 23. 42 _sq._) seems to imply that they held office for life. See G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, pp. 115 _sq._

M87 The death of Hercules a Greek version of the burning of Melcarth.

376 Lucian, _Amores_, 1 and 54.

M88 The Tyrian Melcarth in Cyprus. The lion-slaying god.

377 See above, p. 32.

378 G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, Nos. 23 and 29, PP. 73, 83 _sq._, with the notes on pp. 81, 84.

379 G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iii. 566-578. The colossal statue found at Amathus may be related, directly or indirectly, to the Egyptian god Bes, who is represented as a sturdy misshapen dwarf, wearing round his body the skin of a beast of the panther tribe, with its tail hanging down. See E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_ (London, 1904), ii. 284 _sqq._; A. Wiedemann, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1897), pp. 159 _sqq._; A. Furtwängler, _s.v._ “Herakles,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, i. 2143 _sq._

380 However, human victims were burned at Salamis in Cyprus. See below, p. 145.

M89 The Baal of Tarsus, an Oriental god of corn and grapes.

381 See above, p. 41.

382 For traces of Phoenician influence in Cilicia see F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, ii. 2, pp. 167-174, 207 _sqq._ Herodotus says (vii. 91) that the Cilicians were named after Cilix, a son of the Phoenician Agenor.

383 As to the fertility and the climate of the plain of Tarsus, which is now very malarious, see E. J. Davis, _Life in Asiatic Turkey_ (London, 1879), chaps. i.-vii. The gardens for miles round the city are very lovely, but wild and neglected, full of magnificent trees, especially fine oak, ash, orange, and lemon-trees. The vines run to the top of the highest branches, and almost every garden resounds with the song of the nightingale (E. J. Davis, _op. cit._ p. 35).

384 Strabo, xiv. 5. 13, pp. 673 _sq._

385 Dio Chrysostom, _Or._ xxxiii. vol. ii. pp. 14 _sq._, 17, ed. L. Dindorf (Leipsic, 1857).

386 F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, ii. 2, pp. 171 _sq._; P. Gardner, _Types of Greek Coins_ (Cambridge, 1883), pl. x. Nos. 29, 30; B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 614; G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia_ (London, 1900), pp. 167-176, pl. xxix.-xxxii.; G. Macdonald, _Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection_ (Glasgow, 1899-1905), ii. 547; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 727. In later times, from about 175 B.C. onward, the Baal of Tarsus was completely assimilated to Zeus on the coins. See B. V. Head, _op. cit._ p. 617; G. F. Hill, _op. cit._ pp. 177, 181.

M90 The Baal of Tarsus has his counterpart at Ibreez in Cappadocia. The pass of the Cilician Gates.

387 Sir W. M. Ramsay, _Luke the Physician, and other Studies in the History of Religion_ (London, 1908), pp. 112 _sqq._

M91 The rock-sculptures at Ibreez represent a god of corn and grapes adored by his worshipper, a priest or king.

388 E. J. Davis, “On a New Hamathite Inscription at Ibreez,” _Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology_, iv. (1876) pp. 336-346; _id._, _Life in Asiatic Turkey_ (London, 1879), pp. 245-260; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 723-729; Ramsay and Hogarth, “Prehellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” _Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes_, xiv. (1903) pp. 77-81, 85 _sq._, with plates iii. and iv.; L. Messerschmidt, _Corpus Inscriptionum Hettiticarum_ (Berlin, 1900), Tafel xxxiv.; Sir W. M. Ramsay, _Luke the Physician_ (London, 1908), pp. 171 _sqq._; John Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_ (London, 1910), pp. 191-195, 378 _sq._ Of this sculptured group Messrs. W. M. Ramsay and D. G. Hogarth say that “it yields to no rock-relief in the world in impressive character” (_American Journal of Archaeology_, vi. (1890) p. 347). Professor Garstang would date the sculptures in the tenth or ninth century B.C. Another inscribed Hittite monument found at Bor, near the site of the ancient Tyana, exhibits a very similar figure of a priest or king in an attitude of adoration. The resemblance extends even to the patterns embroidered on the robe and shawl, which include the well-known _swastika_ carved on the lower border of the long robe. The figure is sculptured in high relief on a slab of stone and would seem to have been surrounded by inscriptions, though a portion of them has perished. See J. Garstang, _op. cit._ pp. 185-188, with plate lvi. For the route from Tarsus to Ibreez (Ivriz) see E. J. Davis, _Life in Asiatic Turkey_, pp. 198-244; J. Garstang, _op. cit._ pp. 44 _sqq._

M92 The fertility of Ibreez contrasted with the desolation of the surrounding country.

389 See above, pp. 28 _sq._

390 Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537. When Cicero was proconsul of Cilicia (51-50 B.C.) he encamped with his army for some days at Cybistra, from which two of his letters to Atticus are dated. But hearing that the Parthians, who had invaded Syria, were threatening Cilicia, he hurried by forced marches through the pass of the Cilician Gates to Tarsus. See Cicero, _Ad Atticum_, v. 18, 19, 20; _Ad Familiares_, xv. 2, 4.

391 E. J. Davis, in _Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology_, iv. (1876) pp. 336 _sq._, 346; _id._, _Life in Asiatic Turkey_, pp. 232 _sq._, 236 _sq._, 264 _sq._, 270-272. Compare W. J. Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_ (London, 1842), ii. 304-307.

M93 The horned god.

392 L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_ (London, 1903), pp. 49 _sq._ On an Assyrian cylinder, now in the British Museum, we see a warlike deity with bow and arrows standing on a lion, and wearing a similar bonnet decorated with horns and surmounted by a star or sun. See De Vogüé, _Mélanges d’Archéologie Orientale_ (Paris, 1868), p. 46, who interprets the deity as the great Asiatic goddess. As to the horned god of Ibreez “it is a plausible theory that the horns may, in this case, be analogous to the Assyrian emblem of divinity. The sculpture is late and its style rather suggests Semitic influence” (Professor J. Garstang, in some MS. notes with which he has kindly furnished me).

393 See below, p. 132.

_ 394 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 16 _sq._, ii. 3 _sqq._

M94 The god of Ibreez a Hittite deity.

395 The identification is accepted by E. Meyer (_Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. p. 641), G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez (_Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 727), and P. Jensen (_Hittiter und Armenier_, Strasburg, 1898, p. 145).

396 Ramsay and Hogarth, “Pre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” _Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes_, xiv. (1893) p. 79.

397 G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, ii. 360-362; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 572 _sqq._, 586 _sq._

398 That the cradle of the Hittites was in the interior of Asia Minor, particularly in Cappadocia, and that they spread from there south, east, and west, is the view of A. H. Sayce, W. M. Ramsay, D. G. Hogarth, W. Max Müller, F. Hommel, L. B. Paton, and L. Messerschmidt. See _Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement for 1884_, p. 49; A. H. Sayce, _The Hittites_3 (London, 1903), pp. 80 _sqq._; W. Max Müller, _Asien und Europa_ (Leipsic, 1893), pp. 319 _sqq._; Ramsay and Hogarth, “Pre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” _Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes_, xv. (1893) p. 94; F. Hommel, _Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients_ (Munich, 1904), pp. 42, 48, 54; L. B. Paton, _The Early History of Syria and Palestine_ (London, 1902), pp. 105 _sqq._; L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_ (London, 1903), pp. 12, 13, 19, 20; D. G. Hogarth, “Recent Hittite Research,” _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xxxix. (1909) pp. 408 _sqq._ Compare Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1909) pp. 617 sqq.; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 315 _sqq._ The native Hittite writing is a system of hieroglyphics which has not yet been read, but in their intercourse with foreign nations the Hittites used the Babylonian cuneiform script. Clay tablets bearing inscriptions both in the Babylonian and in the Hittite language have been found by Dr. H. Winckler at Boghaz-Keui, the great Hittite capital in Cappadocia; so that the sounds of the Hittite words, though not their meanings, are now known. According to Professor Ed. Meyer, it seems certain that the Hittite language was neither Semitic nor Indo-European. As to the inscribed tablets of Boghaz-Keui, see H. Winckler, “Vorläufige Nachrichten über die Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-köi im Sommer 1907, 1. Die Tontafelfunde,” _Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin_, No. 35, December 1907, pp. 1-59; “Hittite Archives from Boghaz-Keui,” translated from the German transcripts of Dr. Winckler by Meta E. Williams, _Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology_, iv. (Liverpool, 1912), pp. 90-98.

399 G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, ii. 351, note 3, with his references; L. B. Paton, _op. cit._ p. 109; L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_, p. 10; F. Hommel, _op. cit._ p. 42; W. Max Müller, _Asien und Europa_, p. 332. See the preceding note.

M95 The burning of Sandan or Hercules at Tarsus.

400 A. H. Sayce, “The Hittite Inscriptions,” _Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes_, xiv. (1893) pp. 48 _sq._; P. Jensen, _Hittiter und Armenier_ (Strasburg, 1898), pp. 42 _sq._

401 Georgius Syncellus, _Chronographia_, vol. i. p. 290, ed. G. Dindorf (Bonn, 1829): Ἡρακλέα τινές φασιν ἐν Φοινίκῃ γνωρίζεσθαι Σάνδαν ἐπιλεγόμενον, ὡς καὶ μεχρὶ νῦν ὑπὸ Καππαδόκων καὶ Κιλίκων. In this passage Σάνδαν is a correction of F. C. Movers’s (_Die Phoenizier_, i. 460) for the MS. reading Δισανδάν, the ΔΙ having apparently arisen by dittography from the preceding ΑΙ; and Κιλίκων is a correction of E. Meyer’s (“Über einige semitische Götter,” _Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, xxxi. 737) for the MS. reading Ἱλίων. Compare Jerome (quoted by Movers and Meyer, _ll.cc._): “_Hercules cognomento Desanaus in Syria Phoenice clarus habetur. Inde ad nostram usque memoriam a Cappadocibus et Eliensibus (al. Deliis) Desanaus adhuc dicitur._” If the text of Jerome is here sound, he would seem to have had before him a Greek original which was corrupt like the text of Syncellus or of Syncellus’s authority. The Cilician Hercules is called Sandes by Nonnus (_Dionys._, xxxiv. 183 _sq._). Compare Raoul-Rochette in _Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 159 _sqq._

402 Ammianus Marcellinus, xiv. 8. 3; Dio Chrysostom, _Or._ xxxiii. vol. ii. p. 16, ed. L. Dindorf (Leipsic, 1857). The pyre is mentioned only by Dio Chrysostom, whose words clearly imply that its erection was a custom observed periodically. On Sandan or Sandon see K. O. Müller, “Sandon und Sardanapal,” _Kunstarchaeologische Werke_, iii. 6 _sqq._; F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, i. 458 _sqq._; Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” _Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 178 _sqq._; E. Meyer, “Über einige Semitische Götter,” _Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, xxxi. (1877) pp. 736-740: _id._, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 641 _sqq._ § 484.

403 P. Gardner, _Catalogue of Greek Coins, the Seleucid Kings of Syria_ (London, 1878), pp. 72, 78, 89, 112, pl. xxi. 6, xxiv. 3, xxviii. 8; G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia_ (London, 1900), pp. 180, 181, 183, 190, 221, 224, 225, pl. xxxiii. 2, 3, xxxiv. 10, xxxvii. 9; F. Imhoof-Blumer, “Coin-types of some Kilikian Cities,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xviii. (1898) p. 169, pl. xiii. 1, 2. The structure represented on the coins is sometimes called not the pyre but the monument of Sandan or Sardanapalus. Certainly the cone resting on the square base reminds us of the similar structure on the coins of Byblus as well as of the conical image of Aphrodite at Paphos (see above, pp. 14, 34); but the words of Dio Chrysostom make it probable that the design on the coins of Tarsus represents the pyre. At the same time, the burning of the god may well have been sculptured on a permanent monument of stone. The legend ΟΡΤΥΓΟΘΗΡΑ, literally “quail-hunt,” which appears on some coins of Tarsus (G. F. Hill, _op. cit._ pp. lxxxvi. _sq._), may refer to a custom of catching quails and burning them on the pyre. We have seen (above, pp. 111 _sq._) that quails were apparently burnt in sacrifice at Byblus. This explanation of the legend on the coins of Tarsus was suggested by Raoul-Rochette (_op. cit._ pp. 201-205). However, Mr. G. F. Hill writes to me that “the interpretation of Ὀρτυγοθήρα as anything but a personal name is rendered very unlikely by the analogy of all the other inscriptions on coins of the same class.” Doves were burnt on a pyre in honour of Adonis (below, p. 147). Similarly birds were burnt on a pyre in honour of Laphrian Artemis at Patrae (Pausanias, vii. 18. 12).

404 Herodian, iv. 2.

405 See Franz Cumont, “L’Aigle funéraire des Syriens et l’Apothéose des Empereurs,” _Revue de l’Histoire des Religions_, lxii, (1910) pp. 119-163.

M96 Sandan of Tarsus an Asiatic god with the symbols of the lion and the double axe.

406 F. Imhoof-Blumer, _Monnaies Grecques_ (Amsterdam, 1883), pp. 366 _sq._, 433, 435, with plates F. 24, 25, H. 14 (_Verhandelingen der Konink. Akademie von Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde, xiv.); F. Imhoof-Blumer und O. Keller, _Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Münzen und Gemmen des klassischen Altertums_ (Leipsic, 1889), pp. 70 _sq._, with pl. xii. 7, 8, 9; F. Imhoof-Blumer, “Coin-types of some Kilikian Cities,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xviii. (1898) pp. 169-171; P. Gardner, _Types of Greek Coins_, pl. xiii. 20; G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia_, pp. 178, 179, 184, 186, 206, 213, with plates xxxii. 13, 14, 15, 16, xxxiv. 2, xxxvi. 9; G. Macdonald, _Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection_, ii. 548, with pl. lx. 11. The booted Sandan is figured by G. F. Hill, _op. cit._ pl. xxxvi. 9.

M97 Boghaz-Keui the ancient capital of a Hittite kingdom in Cappadocia.

407 Herodotus, i. 76; Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ Πτέριον. As to the situation of Boghaz-Keui and the ruins of Pteria see W. J. Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_ (London, 1842), i. 391 _sqq._; H. Barth, “Reise von Trapezunt durch die nördliche Hälfte Klein-Asiens,” _Ergänzungsheft zu Petermann’s Geographischen Mittheilungen_, No. 2 (1860), pp. 44-52; H. F. Tozer, _Turkish Armenia and Eastern Asia Minor_ (London, 1881), pp. 64, 71 _sqq._; W. M. Ramsay, “Historical Relations of Phrygia and Cappadocia,” _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, N.S., xv. (1883) p. 103; _id._, _Historical Geography of Asia Minor_ (London, 1890), pp. 28 _sq._, 33 _sq._; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 596 _sqq._; K. Humann und O. Puchstein, _Reisen in Kleinasien und Nordsyrien_ (Berlin, 1890), pp. 71-80, with Atlas, plates xi.-xiv.; E. Chantre, _Mission en Cappadoce_ (Paris, 1898), pp. 13 _sqq._; O. Puchstein, “Die Bauten von Boghaz-Köi,” _Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin_, No. 35, December 1907, pp. 62 _sqq._; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_ (London, 1910), pp. 196 _sqq._

M98 The sanctuary in the rocks. The rock-sculptures in the outer sanctuary at Boghaz-Keui represent two processions meeting. The central figures.

408 This procession of men is broken (_a_) by two women clad in long plaited robes like the women on the opposite wall; (_b_) by two winged monsters; and (_c_) by the figure of a priest or king as to which see below, pp. 131 _sq._

M99 The rock-sculptures in the inner sanctuary at Boghaz-Keui. The lion-god. The god protecting his priest. Other representations of the priest at Boghaz-Keui and Euyuk.

409 W. J. Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_ (London, 1842), i. 393-395; H. F. Tozer, _Turkish Armenia and Eastern Asia Minor_, pp. 59 _sq._, 66-78; W. M. Ramsay, “Historical Relations of Phrygia and Asia Minor,” _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, N.S. xv. (1883) pp. 113-120; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 623-656, 666-672; K. Humann und O. Puchstein, _Reisen in Kleinasien und Nordsyrien_, pp. 55-70, with Atlas, plates vii.-x.; E. Chantre, _Mission en Cappadoce_, pp. 3-5, 16-26; L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_, pp. 42-50; Th. Macridy-Bey, _La Porte des Sphinx à Eyuk_, pp. 13 _sq._ (_Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1908, No. 3, Berlin); Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 631 _sq._; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_ (London, 1910), pp. 196 _sqq._ (Boghaz-Keui) 256 _sqq._ (Eyuk). Compare P. Jensen, _Hittiter und Armenier_, pp. 165 _sqq._ In some notes with which my colleague Professor J. Garstang has kindly furnished me he tells me that the two animals wearing Hittite hats, which appear between the great god and goddess in the outer sanctuary, are not bulls but certainly goats; and he inclines to think that the two heaps on which the priest stands in the outer sanctuary are fir-cones. Professor Ed. Meyer holds that the costume which the priestly king wears is that of the Sun-goddess, and that the corresponding figure in the procession of males on the left-hand side of the outer sanctuary does not represent the priestly king but the Sun-goddess in person. “The attributes of the King,” he says (_op. cit._ p. 632), “are to be explained by the circumstance that he, as the Hittite inscriptions prove, passed for an incarnation of the Sun, who with the Hittites was a female divinity; the temple of the Sun is therefore his emblem.” As to the title of “the Sun” bestowed on Hittite kings in inscriptions, see H. Winckler, “Vorläufige Nachrichten über die Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-köi im Sommer 1907,” _Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin_, No. 35, December 1907, pp. 32, 33, 36, 44, 45, 53. The correct form of the national name appears to be Chatti or Hatti rather than Hittites, which is the Hebrew form (חתי) of the name. Compare M. Jastrow, in _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, ii. coll. 2094 _sqq._, _s.v._ “Hittites.”

An interesting Hittite symbol which occurs both in the sanctuary at Boghaz-Keui and at the palace of Euyuk is the double-headed eagle. In both places it serves as the support of divine or priestly personages. After being adopted as a badge by the Seljuk Sultans in the Middle Ages, it passed into Europe with the Crusaders and became in time the escutcheon of the Austrian and Russian empires. See W. J. Hamilton, _op. cit._ i. 383; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _op. cit._ iv. 681-683, pl. viii. E; L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_, p. 50.

M100 The two deities at the head of the processions at Boghaz-Keui appear to be the great Asiatic goddess and her consort. The Hittite god of the thundering sky. Jupiter Dolichenus.

410 W. J. Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_, i. 394 _sq._; H. Barth, in _Monatsberichte der königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften_, 1859, pp. 128 _sqq._; _id._, “Reise von Trapezunt,” _Ergänzungsheft zu Petermann’s Geograph. Mittheilungen_, No. 2 (Gotha, 1860), pp. 45 _sq._; H. F. Tozer, _Turkish Armenia and Eastern Asia Minor_, p. 69; E. Chantre, _Mission en Cappadoce_, pp. 20 _sqq._ According to Barth, the scene represented is the marriage of Aryenis, daughter of Alyattes, king of Lydia, to Astyages, son of Cyaxares, king of the Medes (Herodotus, i. 74). For a discussion of various interpretations which have been proposed see G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 630 _sqq._

411 This is in substance the view of Raoul-Rochette, Lajard, W. M. Ramsay, G. Perrot, C. P. Tiele, Ed. Meyer, and J. Garstang. See Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” _Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), p. 180 note 1; W. M. Ramsay, “On the Early Historical Relations between Phrygia and Cappadocia,” _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, N.S. xv. (1883) pp. 113-120; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 630 _sqq._; C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_, i. 255-257; Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 633 _sq._; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 235-237; _id._, _The Syrian Goddess_ (London, 1913), pp. 5 _sqq._

412 K. Humann und O. Puchstein, _Reisen in Kleinasien und Nordsyrien_ (Berlin, 1902), Atlas, pl. xlv. 3; _Ausgrabungen zu Sendschirli_, iii. (Berlin, 1902) pl. xli.; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, p. 291, with plate lxxvii.; R. Koldewey, _Die Hettitische Inschrift gefunden in der Königsburg von Babylon_ (Leipsic, 1900), plates 1 and 2 (_Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft_, Heft 1); L. Messerschmidt, _Corpus Inscriptionum Hettiticarum_, pl. i. 5 and 6; _id._, _The Hittites_ (London, 1903), pp. 40-42, with fig. 6 on p. 41; M. J. Lagrange, _Études sur les Religions Sémitiques_2 (Paris, 1905), p. 93. The name of the god is thought to have been Teshub or Teshup; for a god of that name is known from the Tel-el-Amarna letters to have been the chief deity of the Mitani, a people of Northern Mesopotamia akin in speech and religion to the Hittites, but ruled by an Aryan dynasty. See Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 578, 591 _sq._, 636 _sq._; R. F. Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian Literature_, pp. 222, 223 (where the god’s name is spelt Tishub). The god is also mentioned repeatedly in the Hittite archives which Dr. H. Winckler found inscribed on clay tablets at Boghaz-Keui. See H. Winckler, “Vorläufige Nachrichten über die Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-köi im Sommer 1907,” _Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin_, No. 35, December 1907, pp. 13 _sq._, 32, 34, 36, 38, 39, 43, 44, 51 _sq._, 53; “Hittite Archives from Boghaz-Keui,” translated from the German transcripts of Dr. Winckler, _Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology_, iv. (Liverpool and London, 1912) pp. 90 _sqq._ As to the Mitani, their language and their gods, see H. Winckler, _op. cit._ pp. 30 _sqq._, 46 _sqq._ In thus interpreting the Hittite god who heads the procession at Boghaz-Keui I follow my colleague Prof. J. Garstang (_The Land of the Hittites_, p. 237; _The Syrian Goddess_, pp. 5 _sqq._), who has kindly furnished me with some notes on the subject. I formerly interpreted the deity as the Hittite equivalent of Tammuz, Adonis, and Attis. But against that view it may be urged that (1) the god is bearded and therefore of mature age, whereas Tammuz and his fellows were regularly conceived as youthful; (2) the thunderbolt which he seems to carry would be quite inappropriate to Tammuz, who was not a god of thunder but of vegetation; and (3) the Hittite Tammuz is appropriately represented in the procession of women immediately behind the Mother Goddess (see below, pp. 137 _sq._), and it is extremely improbable that he should be represented twice over with different attributes in the same scene. These considerations seem to me conclusive against the interpretation of the bearded god as a Tammuz and decisive in favour of Professor Garstang’s view of him.

413 J. Garstang, “Notes of a Journey through Asia Minor,” _Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology_, i. (Liverpool and London, 1908) pp. 3 _sq._, with plate iv.; _id._, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 138, 359, with plate xliv. In this sculpture the god on the bull holds in his right hand what is described as a triangular bow instead of a mace, an axe, or a hammer.

414 A. Wiedemann, _Ägyptische Geschichte_ (Gotha, 1884), ii. 438-440; G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, ii. (Paris, 1897) pp. 401 _sq._; W. Max Müller, _Der Bündnisvortrag Ramses’ II. und des Chetitirkönigs_, pp. 17-19, 21 _sq._, 38-44 (_Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1902, No. 5, Berlin); L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_, pp. 14-19; J. H. Breasted, _Ancient Records of Egypt_ (Chicago, 1906-1907), iii. 163-174; _id._, _A History of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1908), p. 311; Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 631, 635 _sqq._; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 347-349. The Hittite copy of the treaty was discovered by Dr. H. Winckler at Boghaz-Keui in 1906. The identification of Arenna or Arinna is uncertain. In a forthcoming article, “The Sun God[dess] of Arenna,” to be published in the Liverpool _Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology_, Professor J. Garstang argues that Arenna is to be identified with the Cappadocian Comana.

415 Ed. Meyer, “Dolichenus,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, i. 1191-1194; A. von Domaszewski, _Die Religion des römischen Heeres_ (Treves, 1895), pp. 59 _sq._, with plate iiii. fig. 1 and 2; Franz Cumont, _s.v._ “Dolichenus,” in Pauly-Wissowa’s _Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_, v. i. coll. 1276 _sqq._; J. Toutain, _Les Cultes païens dans l’Empire Romain_, ii. (Paris, 1911) pp. 35-43. For examples of the inscriptions which relate to his worship see H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, vol. ii. Pars i. (Berlin, 1902) pp. 167-172, Nos. 4296-4324.

M101 The Mother Goddess.

416 As to the lions and mural crown of Cybele see Lucretius, ii. 600 _sqq._; Catullus, lxiii. 76 _sqq._; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 23. 20; Rapp, _s.v._ “Kybele,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, ii. 1644 _sqq._

417 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 31; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 23. 19. Lucian’s description of her image is confirmed by coins of Hierapolis, on which the goddess is represented wearing a high head-dress and seated on a lion. See B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 654; G. Macdonald, _Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection_ (Glasgow, 1899-1905), iii. 139 _sq._; J. Garstang, _The Syrian Goddess_, pp. 21 _sqq._, 70, with fig. 7. That the name of the Syrian goddess of Hierapolis-Bambyce was Atargatis is mentioned by Strabo (xvi. 1. 27, p. 748). On Egyptian monuments the Semitic goddess Kadesh is represented standing on a lion. See W. Max Müller, _Asien und Europa_, pp. 314 _sq._ It is to be remembered that Hierapolis-Bambyce was the direct successor of Carchemish, the great Hittite capital on the Euphrates, and may have inherited many features of Hittite religion. See A. H. Sayce, _The Hittites_,3 pp. 94 _sqq._, 105 _sqq._; and as to the Hittite monuments at Carchemish, see J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 122 _sqq._

418 Diodorus Siculus, ii. 9. 5.

M102 The youth on the lioness, bearing the double axe, at Boghaz-Keui may be the divine son and lover of the goddess.

419 In thus interpreting the youth with the double axe I agree with Sir W. M. Ramsay (“On the Early Historical Relations between Phrygia and Cappadocia,” _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, N.S. xv. (1883) pp. 118, 120), C. P. Tiele (_Geschichte der Religion im Alterturm_, i. 246, 255), and Prof. J. Garstang (_The Land of the Hittites_, p. 235; _The Syrian Goddess_, p. 8). That the youthful figure on the lioness or panther represents the lover of the great goddess is the view also of Professors Jensen and Hommel. See P. Jensen, _Hittiter und Armenier_, pp. 173-175, 180; F. Hommel, _Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients_, p. 51. Prof. Perrot holds that the youth in question is a double of the bearded god who stands at the head of the male procession, their costume being the same, though their attributes differ (G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 651). But, as I have already remarked, it is unlikely that the same god should be represented twice over with different attributes in the same scene. The resemblance between the two figures is better explained on the supposition that they are Father and Son. The same two deities, Father and Son, appear to be carved on a rock at Giaour-Kalesi, a place on the road which in antiquity may have led from Ancyra by Gordium to Pessinus. Here on the face of the rock are cut in relief two gigantic figures in the usual Hittite costume of pointed cap, short tunic, and shoes turned up at the toes. Each wears a crescent-hilted sword at his side, each is marching to the spectator’s left with raised right hand; and the resemblance between them is nearly complete except that the figure in front is beardless and the figure behind is bearded. See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 714 _sqq._, with fig. 352; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 162-164. A similar, but solitary, figure is carved in a niche of the rock at Kara-Bel, but there the deity, or the man, carries a triangular bow over his right shoulder. See below, p. 185.

With regard to the lionesses or panthers, a bas-relief found at Carchemish, the capital of a Hittite kingdom on the Euphrates, shows two male figures in Hittite costume, with pointed caps and turned-up shoes, standing on a crouching lion. The foremost of the two figures is winged and carries a short curved truncheon in his right hand. According to Prof. Perrot, the two figures represent a god followed by a priest or a king. See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 549 _sq._; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 123 _sqq._ Again, on a sculptured slab found at Amrit in Phoenicia we see a god standing on a lion and holding a lion’s whelp in his left hand, while in his right hand he brandishes a club or sword. See Perrot et Chipiez, _op. cit._ iii. 412-414. The type of a god or goddess standing or sitting on a lion occurs also in Assyrian art, from which the Phoenicians and Hittites may have borrowed it. See Perrot et Chipiez, _op. cit._ ii. 642-644. Much evidence as to the representation of Asiatic deities with lions has been collected by Raoul-Rochette, in his learned dissertation “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” _Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 106 _sqq._ Compare De Vogüé, _Mélanges d’Archéologie Orientale_, pp. 44 _sqq._

M103 The mystery of the lion-god.

420 Similarly in Yam, one of the Torres Straits Islands, two brothers named Sigai and Maiau were worshipped in a shrine under the form of a hammer-headed shark and a crocodile respectively, and were represented by effigies made of turtle-shell in the likeness of these animals. But “the shrines were so sacred that no uninitiated persons might visit them, nor did they know what they contained; they were aware of Sigai and Maiau, but they did not know that the former was a hammer-headed shark and the latter a crocodile; this mystery was too sacred to be imparted to uninitiates. When the heroes were addressed it was always by their human names, and not by their animal or totem names.” See A. C. Haddon, “The Religion of the Torres Straits Islanders,” _Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor_ (Oxford, 1907), p. 185.

M104 The processions at Boghaz-Keui appear to represent the Sacred Marriage of the god and goddess. Traces of mother-kin among the Hittites.

421 “There can be no doubt that there is here represented a Sacred Marriage, the meeting of two deities worshipped in different places, like the Horus of Edfu and the Hathor of Denderah” (C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_, i. 255). This view seems to differ from, though it approaches, the one suggested in the text. That the scene represents a Sacred Marriage between a great god and goddess is the opinion also of Prof. Ed. Meyer (_Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 633 _sq._), and Prof. J. Garstang (_The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 238 _sq._; _The Syrian Goddess_, p. 7).

422 See above, p. 133.

423 See below, p. 285. Compare the remarks of Sir W. M. Ramsay (“Pre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” _Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes_, xiii. (1890) p. 78): “Similar priest-dynasts are a widespread feature of the primitive social system of Asia Minor; their existence is known with certainty or inferred with probability at the two towns Komana; at Venasa not far north of Tyana, at Olba, at Pessinous, at Aizanoi, and many other places. Now there are two characteristics which can be regarded as probable in regard to most of these priests, and as proved in regard to some of them: (1) they wore the dress and represented the person of the god, whose priests they were; (2) they were ἱερώνυμοι, losing their individual name at their succession to the office, and assuming a sacred name, often that of the god himself or some figure connected with the cultus of the god. The priest of Cybele at Pessinous was called Attis, the priests of Sabazios were Saboi, the worshippers of Bacchos Bacchoi.” As to the priestly rulers of Olba, see below, pp. 144 _sqq._

424 See above, p. 132. However, Prof. Ed. Meyer may be right in thinking that the priest-like figure in the procession is not really that of the priest but that of the god or goddess whom he personated. See above, p. 133 note.

425 See above, pp. 36 _sqq._

426 H. Winckler, “Vorläufige Nachrichten über die Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-köi im Sommer 1907,” _Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft_, No. 35, December, 1907, pp. 27 _sq._, 29; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 352 _sq._; “Hittite Archives from Boghaz-Keui,” translated from the German transcripts of Dr. Winckler by Meta E. Williams, _Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology_, iv. (Liverpool and London, 1912) p. 98. We have seen (above, p. 136) that in the seals of the Hittite treaty with Egypt the Queen appears along with the King. If Dr. H. Winckler is right in thinking (_op. cit._ p. 29) that one of the Hittite queens was at the same time sister to her husband the King, we should have in this relationship a further proof that mother-kin regulated the descent of the kingship among the Hittites as well as among the ancient Egyptians. See above, p. 44, and below, vol. ii. pp. 213 _sqq._

427 Compare Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 629-633.

M105 Sandan at Tarsus appears to be a son of Baal, as Hercules was a son of Zeus.

428 The figure exhibits a few minor variations on the coins of Tarsus. See the works cited above, p. 127.

429 Above, p. 119.

_ 430 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 358 _sqq._

_ 431 The Dying God_, pp. 166 _sqq._

M106 Priests of Sandan-Hercules at Tarsus. Kings of Cilicia related to Sandan.

432 Athenaeus, v. 54, p. 215 B, C. The high-priest of the Syrian goddess at Hierapolis held office for a year, and wore a purple robe and a golden tiara (Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 42). We may conjecture that the priesthood of Hercules at Tarsus was in later times at least an annual office.

433 E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) § 389, p. 475; H. Winckler, in E. Schrader’s _Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_,3 p. 88. Kuinda was the name of a Cilician fortress a little way inland from Anchiale (Strabo, xiv. 5. 10, p. 672).

434 E. Meyer, _op. cit._ i. § 393, p. 480; C. P. Tiele, _Babylonisch-assyrische Geschichte_, p. 360. Sandon and Sandas occur repeatedly as names of Cilician men. They are probably identical with, or modified forms of, the divine name. See Strabo, xiv. 5. 14, p. 674; Plutarch, _Poplicola_, 17; _Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum_, ed. August Boeckh, etc. (Berlin, 1828-1877) vol. iii. p. 200, No. 4401; Ch. Michel, _Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques_ (Brussels, 1900), p. 718, No. 878; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der Kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosoph.-histor. Classe_, xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 46, 131 _sq._, 140 (Inscriptions 115, 218, 232).

M107 Priestly kings of Olba who bore the names of Teucer and Ajax. The Teucrids of Salamis in Cyprus. Burnt sacrifices of human victims at Salamis and traces of a similar custom elsewhere. Burnt sacrifice of doves to Adonis.

435 Strabo, xiv. 5. 10, p. 672. The name of the high-priest Ajax, son of Teucer, occurs on coins of Olba, dating from about the beginning of our era (B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_, Oxford, 1887, p. 609); and the name of Teucer is also known from inscriptions. See below, pp. 145, 151, 159.

436 E. L. Hicks, “Inscriptions from Western Cilicia,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii. (1891) pp. 226, 263; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der Kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften_, xliv. (1896) No. vi. pp. 53, 88.

437 Ch. Michel, _Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques_, pp. 718 _sqq._, No. 878. Tarkondimotos was the name of two kings of Eastern Cilicia in the first century B.C. One of them corresponded with Cicero and fell at the battle of Actium. See Cicero, _Epist. ad Familiares_, xv. 1. 2; Strabo, xiv. 5. 18, p. 676; Dio Cassius, xli. 63. 1, xlvii. 26. 2, l. 14. 2, li. 2. 2, li. 7. 4, liv. 9. 2; Plutarch, _Antoninus_, 61; B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 618; W. Dittenberger, _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_ (Leipsic, 1903-1905), ii. pp. 494 _sq._, Nos. 752, 753. Moreover, Tarkudimme or Tarkuwassimi occurs as the name of a king of Erme (?) or Urmi (?) in a bilingual Hittite and cuneiform inscription engraved on a silver seal. See W. Wright, _The Empire of the Hittites_2 (London, 1886), pp. 163 _sqq._; L. Messerschmidt, _Corpus Inscriptionum Hettiticarum_, pp. 42 _sq._, pl. xlii. 9; _id._, _The Hittites_, pp. 29 _sq._; P. Jensen, _Hittiter und Armenier_ (Strasburg, 1898), pp. 22, 50 _sq._ In this inscription Prof. Jensen suggests Tarbibi- as an alternative reading for Tarku-. Compare P. Kretschmer, _Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache_ (Göttingen, 1896), pp. 362-364.

438 Isocrates, _Or._ ix. 14 and 18 _sq._; Pausanias, ii. 29. 2 and 4; W. E. Engel, _Kypros_, i. 212 _sqq._ As to the names Teucer and Teucrian see P. Kretschmer, _op. cit._ pp. 189-191. Prof. Kretschmer believes that the native population of Cyprus belonged to the non-Aryan stock of Asia Minor.

439 W. E. Engel, _Kypros_, i. 216.

440 Porphyry, _De abstinentia_, ii. 54 _sq._; Lactantius, _Divin. Inst._ i. 21. As to the date when the custom was abolished, Lactantius says that it was done “recently in the reign of Hadrian.” Porphyry says that the practice was put down by Diphilus, king of Cyprus, “in the time of Seleucus the Theologian.” As nothing seems to be known as to the date of King Diphilus and Seleucus the Theologian, I have ventured to assume, on the strength of Lactantius’s statement, that they were contemporaries of Hadrian. But it is curious to find kings of Cyprus reigning so late. Beside the power of the Roman governors, their authority can have been little more than nominal, like that of native rajahs in British India. Seleucus the Theologian may be, as J. A. Fabricius supposed (_Bibliotheca Graeca_,4 Hamburg, 1780-1809, vol. i. p. 86, compare p. 522), the Alexandrian grammarian who composed a voluminous work on the gods (Suidas, _s.v._ Σέλευκος). Suetonius tells an anecdote (_Tiberius_, 56) about a grammarian named Seleucus who flourished, and faded prematurely, at the court of Tiberius.

441 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 49.

442 Diogenianus, _Praefatio_, in _Paroemiographi Graeci_, ed. E. L. Leutsch et F. G. Schneidewin (Göttingen, 1839-1851), i. 180. Raoul-Rochette regarded the custom as part of the ritual of the divine death and resurrection. He compared it with the burning of Melcarth at Tyre. See his memoir, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” _Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième Partie (1848), p. 32.

443 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 54.

M108 The priestly Teucers of Olba perhaps personated a native god Tark.

444 A. H. Sayce, in W. Wright’s _Empire of the Hittites_,2 p. 186; W. M. Ramsay, “Pre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” _Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes_, xiv. (1903) pp. 81 _sq._; C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_, i. 251; W. Max Müller, _Asien und Europa_, p. 333; P. Jensen, _Hittiter und Armenier_, pp. 70, 150 _sqq._, 155 _sqq._; F. Hommel, _Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients_, pp. 44, 51 _sq._; L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_, p. 40. Sir W. M. Ramsay thinks (_l.c._) that Tark was the native name of the god who had his sanctuary at Dastarkon in Cappadocia and who was called by the Greeks the Cataonian Apollo: his sanctuary was revered all over Cappadocia (Strabo, xiv. 2. 5, p. 537). Prof. Hommel holds that Tarku or Tarchu was the chief Hittite deity, worshipped all over the south of Asia Minor. Prof. W. Max Müller is of opinion that Targh or Tarkh did not designate any particular deity, but was the general Hittite name for “god.” There are grounds for holding that the proper name of the Hittite thunder-god was Teshub or Teshup. See above, p. 135 note.

445 J. T. Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) p. 458; _id._, “A Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii. (1891) p. 222; W. M. Ramsay, _Historical Geography of Asia Minor_ (London, 1890), pp. 22, 364. Sir W. M. Ramsay had shown grounds for thinking that Olba was a Grecized form of a native name Ourba (pronounced Ourwa) before Mr. J. T. Bent discovered the site and the name.

M109 Western or Rugged Cilicia. M110 The Cilician pirates. M111 The deep gorges of Rugged Cilicia.

446 J. Theodore Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 445, 450-453; _id._, “A Journal in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii. (1891) pp. 208, 210-212, 217-219; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosoph.-historische Classe_, xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 49, 70; D. G. Hogarth and J. A. R. Munro, “Modern and Ancient Roads in Eastern Asia Minor,” _Royal Geographical Society, Supplementary Papers_, vol. iii. part 5 (London, 1893), pp. 653 _sq._ As to the Cilician pirates see Strabo, xiv. 5. 2, pp. 668 _sq._; Plutarch, _Pompeius_, 24; Appian, _Bellum Mithridat._ 92 _sq._; Dio Cassius, xxxvi. 20-24 [3-6], ed. L. Dindorf; Cicero, _De imperio Cn. Pompeii_, 11 _sq._; Th. Mommsen, _Roman History_ (London, 1868), iii. 68-70, iv. 40-45, 118-120. As to the crests carved on their towns see J. T. Bent, “Cilician Symbols,” _Classical Review_, iv. (1890) pp. 321 _sq._ Among these crests are a club (the badge of Olba), a bunch of grapes, the caps of the Dioscuri, the three-legged symbol, and so on. As to the cedars and ship-building timber of Cilicia in antiquity see Theophrastus, _Historia Plantarum_, iii. 2. 6, iv. 5. 5. The cedars and firs have now retreated to the higher slopes of the Taurus. Great destruction is wrought in the forests by the roving Yuruks with their flocks; for they light their fires under the trees, tap the firs for turpentine, bark the cedars for their huts and bee-hives, and lay bare whole tracts of country that the grass may grow for their sheep and goats. See J. T. Bent, in _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 453-458.

M112 The site and ruins of Olba. The temple of Olbian Zeus.

447 D. G. Hogarth, _A Wandering Scholar in the Levant_ (London, 1896), pp. 57 _sq._

448 J. Theodore Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 445 _sq._, 458-460; _id._, “A Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii. (1890) pp. 220-222; E. L. Hicks, “Inscriptions from Western Cilicia,” _ib._ pp. 262-270; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philos.-histor. Classe_, xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 83-91; W. M. Ramsay and D. G. Hogarth, in _American Journal of Archaeology_, vi. (1890) p. 345; Ch. Michel, _Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques_, p. 858, No. 1231. In one place (_Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii. 222) Bent gives the height of Olba as 3800 feet; but this is a misprint, for elsewhere (_Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. 446, 458) he gives the height as exactly 5850 or roughly 6000 feet. The misprint has unfortunately been repeated by Messrs. Heberdey and Wilhelm (_op. cit._ p. 84 note 1). The tall tower of Olba is figured on the coins of the city. See G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia_ (London, 1900), pl. xxii. 8.

M113 Limestone caverns of Western Cilicia.

449 Sir Charles Lyell, _Principles of Geology_12 (London, 1875), ii. 518 _sqq._; _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, Ninth Edition, _s.v._ “Caves,” v. 265 _sqq._ Compare my notes on Pausanias, i. 35. 7, viii. 29. 1.

450 J. T. Bent, in _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) p. 447.

M114 The city of Corycus. The Corycian cave.

451 Fr. Beaufort, _Karmania_ (London, 1817), pp. 240 _sq._

452 Strabo, xiv. 5. 5, pp. 670 _sq._; Mela, i. 72-75, ed. G. Parthey; J. T. Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 446-448; _id._, “A Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii. (1891) pp. 212-214; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philos.-histor. Classe_, xliv. (1896) No. vi. pp. 70-79. Mr. D. G. Hogarth was so good as to furnish me with some notes embodying his recollections of the Corycian cave. All these modern writers confirm the general accuracy of the descriptions of the cave given by Strabo and Mela. Mr. Hogarth indeed speaks of exaggeration in Mela’s account, but this is not admitted by Mr. A. Wilhelm. As to the ruins of the city of Corycus on the coast, distant about three miles from the cave, see Fr. Beaufort, _Karmania_ (London, 1817), pp. 232-238; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, _op. cit._ pp. 67-70.

M115 Priests of Corycian Zeus.

453 The suggestion is Mr. A. B. Cook’s. See his article, “The European Sky-god,” _Classical Review_, xvii. (1903) p. 418, note 2.

454 J. T. Bent, in _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) p. 448; _id_., in _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii. (1891) pp. 214-216. For the inscription containing the names of the priests see R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, _op. cit._ pp. 71-79; Ch. Michel, _Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques_, pp. 718 _sqq_., No. 878; above, p. 145.

M116 The cave of the giant Typhon.

455 Mela, i. 76, ed. G. Parthey (Berlin, 1867). The cave of Typhon is described by J. T. Bent, _ll.cc._

456 Aeschylus, _Prometheus Vinctus_, 351-372.

457 Pindar, _Pyth._ i. 30 _sqq._, who speaks of the giant as “bred in the many-named Cilician cave.”

M117 Battle of Zeus and Typhon.

458 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, i. 6. 3.

M118 Fossil bones of extinct animals give rise to stories of giants.

459 Pausanias, viii. 29. 1, with my notes. Pausanias mentions (viii. 32. 5) bones of superhuman size which were preserved at Megalopolis, and which popular superstition identified as the bones of the giant Hopladamus.

460 Pausanias, viii. 29. 1.

461 A. Holm, _Geschichte Siciliens im Alterthum_ (Leipsic, 1870-1874), i. 57, 356.

462 (Sir) Edward B. Tylor, _Researches into the Early History of Mankind_3 (London, 1878), p. 322, who adduces much more evidence of the same sort.

M119 Chasm of Olbian Zeus at Kanytelideis.

463 J. T. Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 448 _sq._; _id._, “A Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xii. (1891) pp. 208-210; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Classe_, xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 51-61.

M120 The deity of these great chasms was called Zeus by the Greeks, but he was probably a god of fertility embodied in vegetation and water.

464 See above, pp. 26 _sq._

M121 Analogy of the Corycian and Olbian caverns to Ibreez and the vale of the Adonis. M122 Two gods at Olba, perhaps a father and a son, corresponding to the Baal and Sandan of Tarsus. M123 Goddesses less prominent than gods in Cilician religion. M124 The goddess ’Atheh, partner of Baal at Tarsus, seems to have been a form of Atargatis. The lion-goddess and the bull-god. In later times the old goddess became the Fortune of the City.

465 B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 616. [However, Mr. G. F. Hill writes to me: “The attribution to Tarsus of the ’Atheh coins is unfounded. Head himself only gives it as doubtful. I should think they belong further East.” In the uncertainty which prevails on this point I have left the text unchanged. _Note to Second Edition._]

466 The name ’Athar-’atheh occurs in a Palmyrene inscription. See G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, No. 112, pp. 267-270. In analysing Atargatis into ’Athar-’atheh (’Atar-’ata) I follow E. Meyer (_Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 605, 650 _sq._), F. Baethgen (_Beiträge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte_, pp. 68-75), Fr. Cumont (_s.v._ “Atargatis,” Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_, ii. 1896), G. A. Cooke (_l.c._), C. P. Tiele (_Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_, i. 245), F. Hommel (_Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients_, pp. 43 _sq._), Father Lagrange (_Études sur les Religions Sémitiques_,2 p. 130), and L. B. Paton (_s.v._ “Atargatis,” J. Hastings’s _Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics_, ii. 164 _sq._). In the great temple at Hierapolis-Bambyce a mysterious golden image stood between the images of Atargatis and her male partner. It resembled neither of them, yet combined the attributes of other gods. Some interpreted it as Dionysus, others as Deucalion, and others as Semiramis; for a golden dove, traditionally associated with Semiramis, was perched on the head of the figure. The Syrians called the image by a name which Lucian translates “sign” (σημήιον). See Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 33. It has been plausibly conjectured by F. Baethgen that the name which Lucian translates “sign” was really ’Atheh (עתה), which could easily be confused with the Syriac word for “sign” (אהא). See F. Baethgen, _op. cit._ p. 73. A coin of Hierapolis, dating from the third century A.D., exhibits the images of the god and goddess seated on bulls and lions respectively, with the mysterious object between them enclosed in a shrine, which is surmounted by a bird, probably a dove. See J. Garstang, _The Syrian Goddess_ (London, 1913), pp. 22 _sqq._, 70 _sq._, with fig. 7.

The modern writers cited at the beginning of this note have interpreted the Syrian ’Atheh as a male god, the lover of Atargatis, and identical in name and character with the Phrygian Attis. They may be right; but none of them seems to have noticed that the same name ’Atheh (עתה) is applied to a goddess at Tarsus.

467 As to the image, see above, p. 137.

468 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 31.

469 Macrobius, _Saturn_, i. 23. 12 and 17-19. The Greek name of Baalbec was Heliopolis, “the City of the Sun.”

470 G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, pp. 163, 164. The statue bears a long inscription, which in the style of its writing belongs to the archaic type represented by the Moabite Stone. The contents of the inscription show that it is earlier than the time of Tiglath-Pileser III. (745-727 B.C.). On Hadad, the Syrian thunder-god, see F. Baethgen, _Beiträge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte_, pp. 66-68; C. P. Tiele, _Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_, i. 248 _sq._; M. J. Lagrange, _Études sur les Religions Sémitiques_,2 pp. 92 _sq._ That Hadad was the consort of Atargatis at Hierapolis-Bambyce is the opinion of P. Jensen (_Hittiter und Armenier_, p. 171), who also indicates his character as a god both of thunder and of fertility (_ib._, p. 167). The view of Prof. J. Garstang is similar (_The Syrian Goddess_, pp. 25 _sqq._). That the name of the chief male god of Hierapolis-Bambyce was Hadad is rendered almost certain by coins of the city which were struck in the time of Alexander the Great by a priestly king Abd-Hadad, whose name means “Servant of Hadad.” See B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 654; J. Garstang, _The Syrian Goddess_, p. 27, with fig. 5.

471 H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader’s _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_,3 pp. 442-449; M. Jastrow, _Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens_ (Giessen, 1905-1912), i. 146-150, with _Bildermappe_, plate 32, fig. 97. The Assyrian relief is also figured in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, _s.v._ “Marduk,” ii. 2350. The Babylonian _ramâmu_ “to scream, roar” has its equivalent in the Hebrew _ra’am_ (רעם) “to thunder.” The two names Adad (Hadad) and Ramman occur together in the form Hadadrimmon in Zechariah, xii. 11 (with S. R. Driver’s note, _Century Bible_).

472 See above, pp. 121, 123.

473 See above, p. 130. However, the animal seems to be rather a goat. See above, p. 133 note.

474 See above, p. 132.

475 G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia_, pp. 181, 182, 185, 188, 190, 228.

476 E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) pp. 246 _sq._; F. Baethgen, _Beiträge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte_, pp. 76 _sqq._ The idolatrous Hebrews spread tables for Gad, that is, for Fortune (Isaiah lxv. 11, Revised Version).

477 Macrobius, _Saturn_. iii. 8. 2; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ ii. 632.

478 Ephippus, cited by Athenaeus, xii. 53, p. 537.

479 F. Baethgen, _op. cit._ p. 77; G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, p. 269.

480 See above, p. 151.

M125 The Phoenician god El and his wife at Mallus in Cilicia. Assimilation of native Oriental deities to Greek divinities.

481 Strabo, xiv. 5. 16, p. 675.

482 B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), pp. 605 _sq._; G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia_, pp. cxvii. _sqq._, 95-98, plates xv. xvi. xl. 9; G. Macdonald, _Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection_, ii. 536 _sq._, pl. lix. 11-14. The male and female figures appear on separate coins. The attribution to Mallus of the coins with the female figure and conical stone has been questioned by Messrs. J. P. Six and G. F. Hill. I follow the view of Messrs. F. Imhoof-Blumer and B. V. Head. [However, Mr. G. F. Hill writes to me that the attribution of these coins to Mallus is no longer maintained by any one. Imhoof-Blumer himself now conjecturally assigns them to Aphrodisias in Cilicia, and Mr. Hill regards this conjecture as very plausible. See F. Imhoof-Blumer, _Kleinasiatische Münzen_ (Vienna, 1901-1902), ii. 435 _sq._ In the uncertainty which still prevails on the subject I have left the text unchanged. For my purpose it matters little whether this Cilician goddess was worshipped at Mallus or at Aphrodisias. _Note to Second Edition._]

483 See above, pp. 34 _sq._

484 Philo of Byblus, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. Müller, iii. 569. El is figured with three pairs of wings on coins of Byblus. See G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, ii. 174; M. J. Lagrange, _Études sur les Religions Sémitiques_,2 p. 72.

485 Imhoof-Blumer, _s.v._ “Kronos,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, ii. 1572; G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia_, pp. cxxii. 99, pl. xvii. 2.

486 G. F. Hill, _op. cit._ pp. cxxi. _sq._, 98, pl. xvii. 1.

487 Another native Cilician deity who masqueraded in Greek dress was probably the Olybrian Zeus of Anazarba or Anazarbus, but of his true nature and worship we know nothing. See W. Dittenberger, _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_ (Leipsic, 1903-1905), ii. p. 267, No. 577; Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ Ἄδανα (where the MS. reading Ολυμβρος was wrongly changed by Salmasius into Ὄλυμπος).

M126 Sarpedonian Artemis. The goddess Perasia at Hieropolis-Castabala. The fire-walk in the worship of Perasia. Insensibility to pain regarded as a mark of inspiration.

488 Strabo, xiv. 5. 19, p. 676. The expression of Strabo leaves it doubtful whether the ministers of the goddess were men or women. There was a headland called Sarpedon near the mouth of the Calycadnus River in Western Cilicia (Strabo, xiii. 4. 6, p. 627, xiv. 5. 4, p. 670), where Sarpedon or Sarpedonian Apollo had a temple and an oracle. The temple was hewn in the rock, and contained an image of the god. See R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosoph.-histor. Classe_, xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 100, 107. Probably this Sarpedonian Apollo was a native deity akin to Sarpedonian Artemis.

489 E. J. Davis, _Life in Asiatic Turkey_, pp. 128-134; J. T. Bent, “Recent Discoveries in Eastern Cilicia,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xi. (1890) pp. 234 _sq._; E. L. Hicks, “Inscriptions from Eastern Cilicia,” _ibid._ pp. 243 _sqq._; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, _op. cit._ pp. 25 _sqq._ The site of Hieropolis-Castabala was first identified by J. T. Bent by means of inscriptions. As to the coins of the city, see Fr. Imhoof-Blumer, “Zur Münzkunde Kilikiens,” _Zeitschrift für Numismatik_, x. (1883) pp. 267-290; G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia_, pp. c.-cii. 82-84, pl. xiv. 1-6; G. Macdonald, _Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection_, ii. 534 _sq._

490 On the difference between Hieropolis and Hierapolis see (Sir) W. M. Ramsay, _Historical Geography of Asia Minor_, pp. 84 _sq._ According to him, the cities designated by such names grew up gradually round a sanctuary; where Greek influence prevailed the city in time eclipsed the sanctuary and became known as Hierapolis, or the Sacred City, but where the native element retained its predominance the city continued to be known as Hieropolis, or the City of the Sanctuary.

491 E. L. Hicks, “Inscriptions from Eastern Cilicia,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xi. (1890) pp. 251-253; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, _op. cit._ p. 26. These writers differ somewhat in their reading and restoration of the verses, which are engraved on a limestone basis among the ruins. I follow the version of Messrs. Heberdey and Wilhelm.

492 J. T. Bent and E. L. Hicks, _op. cit._ pp. 235, 246 _sq._; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, _op. cit._ p. 27.

493 Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537. See above, p. 115. The Cilician Castabala, the situation of which is identified by inscriptions, is not mentioned by Strabo. It is very unlikely that, with his intimate knowledge of Asia Minor, he should have erred so far as to place the city in Cappadocia, to the north of the Taurus mountains, instead of in Cilicia, to the south of them. It is more probable that there were two cities of the same name, and that Strabo has omitted to mention one of them. Similarly, there were two cities called Comana, one in Cappadocia and one in Pontus; at both places the same goddess was worshipped with similar rites. See Strabo, xii. 2. 3, p. 535, xii. 3. 32, p. 557. The situation of the various Castabalas mentioned by ancient writers is discussed by F. Imhoof-Blumer, “Zur Münzkunde Kilikiens,” _Zeitschrift für Numismatik_, x. (1883) pp. 285-288.

494 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 37 _sq._

495 Jamblichus, _De mysteriis_, iii. 4.

496 Another Cilician goddess was Athena of Magarsus, to whom Alexander the Great sacrificed before the battle of Issus. See Arrian, _Anabasis_, ii. 5. 9; Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ Μάγαρσος; J. Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_, 444. The name of the city seems to be Oriental, perhaps derived from the Semitic word for “cave” (מגרה). As to the importance of caves in Semitic religion, see W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 197 _sqq._ The site of Magarsus appears to be at Karatash, a hill rising from the sea at the southern extremity of the Cilician plain, about forty-five miles due south of Adana. The walls of the city, built of great limestone blocks, are standing to a height of several courses, and an inscription which mentions the priests of Magarsian Athena has been found on the spot. See R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosoph.-histor. Classe_, xliv. (1896) No. vi. pp. 6-10.

497 E. T. Atkinson, _The Himalayan Districts of the North-Western Provinces of India_, ii. (Allahabad, 1884) pp. 826 _sq._

498 The Rev. G. E. White (Missionary at Marsovan, in the ancient Pontus), in a letter to me dated 19 Southmoor Road, Oxford, February 11, 1907.

M127 The divine triad, Baal, ’Atheh, and Sandan, at Tarsus may have been personated by priests and priestesses. M128 Tarsus said to have been founded by the Assyrian king Sardanapalus, who burned himself on a pyre. Deaths of Babylonian and Assyrian kings on the pyre.

499 Strabo, xiv. 5. 9, pp. 671 _sq._; Arrian, _Anabasis_, ii. 5; Athenaeus, xii. 39, p. 530 A, B. Compare Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ Ἀγχιάλη; Georgius Syncellus, _Chronographia_, vol. i. p. 312, ed. G. Dindorf (Bonn, 1829). The site of Anchiale has not yet been discovered. At Tarsus itself the ruins of a vast quadrangular structure have sometimes been identified with the monument of Sardanapalus. See E. J. Davis, _Life in Asiatic Turkey_, pp. 37-39; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 536 _sqq._ But Mr. D. G. Hogarth tells me that the ruins in question seem to be the concrete foundations of a Roman temple. The mistake had already been pointed out by Mr. R. Koldewey. See his article, “Das sogenannte Grab des Sardanapal zu Tarsus,” _Aus der Anomia_ (Berlin, 1890), pp. 178-185.

500 See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 542 _sq._ They think that the figure probably represented the king in a common attitude of adoration, his right arm raised and his thumb resting on his forefinger.

501 L. Messerschmidt, _Corpus Inscriptionum Hettiticarum_, pp. 17-19, plates xxi.-xxv.; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 492, 494 _sq._, 528-530, 547; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 107-122.

502 Prof. W. Max Müller is of opinion that the Hittite civilization and the Hittite system of writing were developed in Cilicia rather than in Cappadocia (_Asien und Europa_, p. 350).

503 According to Berosus and Abydenus it was not Sardanapalus (Ashurbanipal) but Sennacherib who built or rebuilt Tarsus after the fashion of Babylon, causing the river Cydnus to flow through the midst of the city. See _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. Müller, ii. 504, iv. 282; C. P. Tiele, _Babylonisch-assyrische Geschichte_, pp. 297 _sq._

504 Diodorus Siculus, ii. 27; Athenaeus, xii. 38, p. 529; Justin, i. 3.

505 G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, iii. 422 _sq._ For the inscriptions referring to him and a full discussion of them, see C. F. Lehmann (-Haupt), _Šamaš-šumukîn, König von Babylonien, 668-648 v. Chr._ (Leipsic, 1892).

506 Abydenus, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. Müller, iv. 282; Georgius Syncellus, _Chronographia_, i. p. 396, ed. G. Dindorf; E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) pp. 576 _sq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, iii. 482-485. C. P. Tiele thought that the story of the death of Saracus might be a popular but mistaken duplicate of the death of Shamash-shumukin (_Babylonisch-assyrische Geschichte_, pp. 410 _sq._). Zimri, king of Israel, also burned himself in his palace to escape falling into the hands of his enemies (1 Kings xvi. 18).

M129 Story that Cyrus intended to burn Croesus alive. It is unlikely that the Persians would thus have polluted the sacred element of fire.

507 Herodotus, i. 86 _sq._

508 Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” _Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), p. 274.

509 J. Darmesteter, _The Zend-Avesta_, vol. i. (Oxford, 1880) pp. lxxxvi., lxxxviii-xc. (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. iv.).

_ 510 Zend-Avesta_, _Vendîdâd_, Fargard, v. 7. 39-44 (_Sacred Books of the East_, iv. 60 _sq._).

_ 511 Zend-Avesta_, translated by J. Darmesteter, i. pp. xc. 9, 110 _sq._ (_Sacred Books of the East_, iv.).

512 Strabo, xv. 3. 14, p. 732. Even gold, on account of its resemblance to fire, might not be brought near a corpse (_id._ xv. 3. 18, p. 734).

M130 The older and truer tradition was that in the extremity of his fortunes Croesus attempted to burn himself.

513 Sardes fell in the autumn of 546 B.C. (E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i. (Stuttgart, 1884), p. 604). Bacchylides was probably born between 512 and 505 B.C. See R. C. Jebb, _Bacchylides, the Poems and Fragments_ (Cambridge, 1905), pp. 1 _sq._

514 Bacchylides, iii. 24-62.

515 F. G. Welcker, _Alte Denkmäler_ (Göttingen, 1849-1864), iii. pl. xxxiii.; A. Baumeister, _Denkmäler des klassischen Altertums_ (Munich and Leipsic, 1885-1888), ii. 796, fig. 860; A. H. Smith, “Illustrations to Bacchylides,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xviii. (1898) pp. 267-269; G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, iii. 618 _sq._ It is true that Cambyses caused the dead body of the Egyptian king Amasis to be dragged from the tomb, mangled, and burned; but the deed is expressly branded by the ancient historian as an outrage on Persian religion (Herodotus, iii. 16).

516 Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” _Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 277 _sq._; M. Duncker, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, iv.5 330-332; E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) p. 604; G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, iii. 618.

517 Herodotus, i. 7.

518 See above, pp. 115 _sq._, 173 _sq._

M131 Legend that Semiramis burnt herself on a pyre.

519 Hyginus, _Fab._ 243; Pliny, viii. 155.

520 See W. Robertson Smith, “Ctesias and the Semiramis Legend,” _English Historical Review_, ii. (1887) pp. 303-317. But the legend of Semiramis appears to have gathered round the person of a real Assyrian queen, by name Shammuramat, who lived towards the end of the ninth century B.C. and is known to us from historical inscriptions. See C. F. Lehmann-Haupt, _Die historische Semiramis und ihre Zeit_ (Tübingen, 1910), pp. 1 _sqq._; _id._, _s.v._ “Semiramis,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, iv. 678 _sqq._; _The Scapegoat_, pp. 369 _sqq._

521 See above, p. 114.

522 In ancient Greece we seem to have a reminiscence of widow-burning in the legend that when the corpse of Capaneus was being consumed on the pyre, his wife Evadne threw herself into the flames and perished. See Euripides, _Supplices_, 980 _sqq._; Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 7. 1; Zenobius, _Cent._ i. 30; Ovid, _Tristia_, v. 14. 38.

M132 The “great burnings” for Jewish kings.

523 Isaiah xxx. 33. The Revised Version has “a Topheth” instead of “Tophet.” But Hebrew does not possess an indefinite article (the few passages of the Bible in which the Aramaic חת is so used are no exception to the rule), and there is no evidence that Tophet (Topheth) was ever employed in a general sense. The passage of Isaiah has been rightly interpreted by W. Robertson Smith in the sense indicated in the text, though he denies that it contains any reference to the sacrifice of the children. See his _Lectures on the Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 372 _sq._ He observes (p. 372, note 3): “Saul’s body was burned (1 Sam. xxxi. 12), possibly to save it from the risk of exhumation by the Philistines, but perhaps rather with a religious intention, and almost as an act of worship, since his bones were buried under the sacred tamarisk at Jabesh.” In 1 Chronicles x. 12 the tree under which the bones of Saul were buried is not a tamarisk but a terebinth or an oak.

524 2 Chronicles xvi. 14, xxi. 19; Jeremiah xxxiv. 5. There is no ground for assuming, as the Authorized version does in Jeremiah xxxiv. 5, that only spices were burned on these occasions; indeed the burning of spices is not mentioned at all in any of the three passages. The “sweet odours and divers kinds of spices prepared by the apothecaries’ art,” which were laid in the dead king’s bed (2 Chronicles xvi. 14), were probably used to embalm him, not to be burned at his funeral. For though “great burnings” were regularly made for the dead kings of Judah, there is no evidence (apart from the doubtful case of Saul) that their bodies were cremated. They are regularly said to have been buried, not burnt. The passage of Isaiah seems to show that what was burned at a royal funeral was a great, but empty, pyre. That the burnings for the kings formed part of a heathen custom was rightly perceived by Renan (_Histoire du peuple d’Israel_, iii. 121, note).

525 Josephus, _Bell. Jud._ v. 4. 1. See _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._ “Jerusalem,” vol. ii. 2423 _sq._

526 As to the Moloch worship, see Note I. at the end of the volume. I have to thank the Rev. Professor R. H. Kennett for indicating to me the inference which may be drawn from the identification of the Valley of Hinnom with the Tyropoeon.

M133 The great burnings for Jewish Rabbis at Meiron in Galilee.

527 W. M. Thomson, _The Land and the Book, Central Palestine and Phoenicia_ (London, 1883), pp. 575-579; Ed. Robinson, _Biblical Researches in Palestine_3 (London, 1867), ii. 430. _sq._; K. Baedeker, _Palestine and Syria_4 (Leipsic, 1906), p. 255.

528 Herodotus, v. 92. 7.

529 C. Bock, _Temples and Elephants_ (London, 1884), pp. 73-76.

M134 Death by fire regarded by the ancients as a kind of apotheosis. Fire was supposed to purge away the mortal parts of men, leaving the immortal.

530 This view was maintained long ago by Raoul-Rochette in regard to the deaths both of Sardanapalus and of Croesus. He supposed that “the Assyrian monarch, reduced to the last extremity, wished, by the mode of death which he chose, to give to his sacrifice the form of an apotheosis and to identify himself with the national god of his country by allowing himself to be consumed, like him, on a pyre.... Thus mythology and history would be combined in a legend in which the god and the monarch would finally be confused. There is nothing in this which is not conformable to the ideas and habits of Asiatic civilization.” See his memoir, “Sur l’Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” _Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 247 _sq._, 271 _sqq._ The notion of regeneration by fire was fully recognized by Raoul-Rochette (_op. cit._ pp. 30 _sq._). It deserves to be noted that Croesus burned on a huge pyre the great and costly offerings which he dedicated to Apollo at Delphi. He thought, says Herodotus (i. 50), that in this way the god would get possession of the offerings.

531 As to Isis see Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 16. As to Demeter see Homer, _Hymn to Demeter_, 231-262; Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, i. 5. 1; Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 547-560. As to Thetis see Apollonius Rhodius, _Argon_, iv. 865-879; Apollodorus, _Bibl._ iii. 13. 6. Most of these writers express clearly the thought that the fire consumed the mortal element, leaving the immortal. Thus Plutarch says, περικαίειν τὰ θνητὰ τοῦ σώματος. Apollodorus says (i. 5. 1), εἰς πῦρ κατετίθει τὸ βρέφος καὶ περιῄρει τὰς θνητὰς σάρκας αὐτοῦ, and again (iii. 13. 6), εἰς τὸ πῦρ ἐγκρυβοῦσα τῆς νυκτὸς ἔφθειρεν ὂ ἦν αὐτῷ θνητὸν πατρῷον. Apollonius Rhodius says,

ἡ μὲν γὰρ βροτέας αἰεὶ περὶ σάρκας ἔδαιεν νύκτα διὰ μέσσην φλογμῷ πυρός.

And Ovid has,

“_Inque foco pueri corpus vivente favilla Obruit, humanum purget ut ignis onus._”

On the custom of passing children over a fire as a purification, see my note, “The Youth of Achilles,” _Classical Review_, vii. (1893) pp. 293 sq. On the purificatory virtue which the Greeks ascribed to fire see also Erwin Rohde, _Psyche_3 (Tübingen and Leipsic, 1903), ii. 101, note 2. The Warramunga of Central Australia have a tradition of a great man who “used to burn children in the fire so as to make them grow strong” (B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _The Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, London, 1904, p. 429).

532 She is said to have thus restored the youth of her husband Jason, her father-in-law Aeson, the nurses of Dionysus, and all their husbands (Euripides, _Medea_, Argum.; Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Knights_, 1321; compare Plautus, _Pseudolus_, 879 _sqq._); and she applied the same process with success to an old ram (Apollodorus, _Bibl._ i. 9. 27; Pausanias, viii. 11. 2; Hyginus, _Fab._ 24).

533 Pindar, _Olymp._ i. 40 _sqq._, with the Scholiast; J. Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_, 152.

534 Jamblichus, _De mysteriis_, v. 12.

535 Lucian, _De morte Peregrini_, 27 _sq._

536 Diogenes Laertius, viii. 2. 69 _sq._

537 Lucian, _De morte Peregrini_, 25; Strabo, xv. 1. 64 and 68, pp. 715, 717; Arrian, _Anabasis_, vii. 3.

_ 538 The Dying God_, pp. 42 _sqq._

M135 The Lydian kings seem to have claimed divinity on the ground of their descent from Hercules, the god of the double-axe and of the lion; and this Lydian Hercules or Sandon appears to have been the same with the Cilician Sandan. Lydian kings held responsible for the weather and the crops.

539 Herodotus, i. 7.

540 Joannes Lydus, _De magistratibus_, iii. 64.

541 See above, p. 144, note 2.

542 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Graecae_, 45. Zeus Labrandeus was worshipped at the village of Labraunda, situated in a pass over the mountains, near Mylasa in Caria. The temple was ancient. A road called the Sacred Way led downhill for ten miles to Mylasa, a city of white marble temples and colonnades which stood in a fertile plain at the foot of a precipitous mountain, where the marble was quarried. Processions bearing the holy emblems went to and fro along the Sacred Way from Mylasa to Labraunda. See Strabo, xiv. 2. 23, pp. 658 _sq._ The double-headed axe figures on the ruins and coins of Mylasa (Ch. Fellows, _An Account of Discoveries in Lycia_, London, 1841, p. 75; B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_, Oxford, 1887, pp. 528 _sq._). A horseman carrying a double-headed axe is a type which occurs on the coins of many towns in Lydia and Phrygia. At Thyatira this axe-bearing hero was called Tyrimnus, and games were held in his honour. He was identified with Apollo and the sun. See B. V. Head, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia_ (London, 1901), p. cxxviii. On a coin of Mostene in Lydia the double-headed axe is represented between a bunch of grapes and ears of corn, as if it were an emblem of fertility (B. V. Head, _op. cit._ p. 162, pl. xvii. 11).

543 L. Preller, _Griechische Mythologie_, i.4 (Berlin, 1894) pp. 141 _sq._ As to the Hittite thunder-god and his axe see above, pp. 134 _sqq._

544 Nicolaus Damascenus, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. Müller, iii. 382 _sq._

_ 545 Ibid._ iii. 381.

M136 The lion-god of Lydia.

546 Herodotus, i. 84.

547 Eusebius, _Chronic._ i. 69, ed. A. Schoene (Berlin, 1866-1875).

548 Herodotus, i. 50. At Thebes there was a stone lion which was said to have been dedicated by Hercules (Pausanias, ix. 17. 2).

549 B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 553; _id._, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia_ (London, 1901), pp. xcviii, 239, 240, 241, 244, 247, 253, 254, 264, with plates xxiv. 9-11, 13, XXV. 2, 12, xxvii. 8.

M137 Identity of the Lydian and Cilician Hercules.

550 See above, p. 143.

M138 The Cilician and Lydian Hercules (Sandan or Sandon) seems to have been a Hittite deity.

551 Herodotus, ii. 106; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iv. 742-752; L. Messerschmidt, _Corpus Inscriptionum Hettiticarum_, pp. 33-37, with plates xxxvii., xxxviii.; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 170-173, with plate liv.

552 Pausanias, iii. 24. 2, v. 13. 7 with my note; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _op. cit._ iv. 752-759; L. Messerschmidt, _op. cit._ pp. 37 _sq._, pl. xxxix. 1; J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 167-170, with plate liii. Unlike most Hittite sculptures the figure of Mother Plastene is carved almost in the round. The inscriptions which accompany both these Lydian monuments are much defaced.

553 The suggestion that the Heraclid kings of Lydia were Hittites, or under Hittite influence, is not novel. See W. Wright, _Empire of the Hittites_, p. 59; E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Alterthums_, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) p. 307, § 257; Fr. Hommel, _Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients_, p. 54, note 2; L. Messerschmidt, _The Hittites_, p. 22.

M139 Death and resurrection of the Lydian hero Tylon. Feast of the Golden Flower at Sardes.

554 See above, pp. 110 _sqq._

555 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Roman._ i. 27. 1.

556 Nonnus, _Dionys._ xxv. 451-551; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxv. 14. The story, as we learn from Pliny, was told by Xanthus, an early historian of Lydia.

557 Thus Glaucus, son of Minos, was restored to life by the seer Polyidus, who learned the trick from a serpent. See Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 3. 1. For references to other tales of the same sort see my note on Pausanias, ii. 10. 3 (vol. iii. pp. 65 _sq._). The serpent’s acquaintance with the tree of life in the garden of Eden perhaps belongs to the same cycle of stories.

558 B. V. Head, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia_, pp. cxi-cxiii, with pl. xxvii. 12. On the coins the champion’s name appears as Masnes or Masanes, but the reading is doubtful. The name Masnes occurred in Xanthus’s history of Lydia (_Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. Müller, iv. 629). It is probably the same with Manes, the name of a son of Zeus and Earth, who is said to have been the first king of Lydia (Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Ant. Rom._ i. 27. 1). Manes was the father of King Atys (Herodotus, i. 94). Thus Tylon was connected with the royal family of Lydia through his champion as well as in the ways mentioned in the text.

559 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _l.c._

560 See above, p. 183.

561 B. V. Head, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia_, p. cxiii.

562 B. V. Head, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia_, pp. cx, cxiii. The festival seems to be mentioned only on coins.

563 See above, p. 154.

564 V. Hehn, _Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere_7 (Berlin, 1902), p. 261. He would derive the name from the Semitic, or at all events the Cilician language. The Hebrew word for saffron is _karkôm_. As to the spring flowers of North-Western Asia Minor, W. M. Leake remarks (April 1, 1800) that “primroses, violets, and crocuses, are the only flowers to be seen” (_Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor_, London, 1824, p. 143). Near Mylasa in Caria, Fellows saw (March 20, 1840) the broom covered with yellow blossoms and a great variety of anemones, like “a rich Turkey carpet, in which the green grass did not form a prominent colour amidst the crimson, lilac, blue, scarlet, white, and yellow flowers” (Ch. Fellows, _An Account of Discoveries in Lycia_, London, 1841, pp. 65, 66). In February the yellow stars of _Gagea arvensis_ cover the rocky and grassy grounds of Lycia, and the field-marigold often meets the eye. At the same season in Lycia the shrub _Colutea arborescens_ opens its yellow flowers. See T. A. B. Spratt and E. Forbes, _Travels in Lycia_ (London, 1847), ii. 133. I must leave it to others to identify the Golden Flower of Sardes.

M140 The custom of burning a god may have been intended to recruit his divine energies. M141 The custom of burning a god may have stood in some relation to volcanic phenomena. M142 The great extinct volcano Mount Argaeus in Cappadocia.

565 Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 538. Mount Argaeus still retains its ancient name in slightly altered forms (_Ardjeh_, _Erdjich_, _Erjäus_). Its height is about 13,000 feet. In the nineteenth century it was ascended by at least two English travellers, W. J. Hamilton and H. F. Tozer. See W. J. Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_, ii. 269-281; H. F. Tozer, _Turkish Armenia and Eastern Asia Minor_, pp. 94, 113-131; Élisée Reclus, _Nouvelle Géographie Universelle_ (Paris, 1879-1894), ix. 476-478. A Hittite inscription is carved at a place called Tope Nefezi, near Asarjik, on the slope of Mount Argaeus. See J. Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pp. 152 _sq._

566 H. F. Tozer, _op. cit._ pp. 125-127.

M143 Persian fire-worship in Cappadocia. Worship of natural fires which burn perpetually. The perpetual fires of Baku.

567 Strabo, xv. 3. 14 _sq._, pp. 732 _sq._ A bundle of twigs, called the Barsom (_Beresma_ in the Avesta), is still used by the Parsee priests in chanting their liturgy. See M. Haug, _Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings and Religion of the Parsis_3 (London, 1884), pp. 4, note 1, 283. When a potter in Southern India is making a pot which is to be worshipped as a household deity, he “should close his mouth with a bandage, so that his breath may not defile the pot.” See E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_ (Madras, 1909), iv. 151.

568 Baron Charles Hügel, _Travels in Kashmir and the Panjab_ (London, 1845), pp. 42-46; W. Crooke, _Things Indian_ (London, 1906), p. 219.

569 Jonas Hanway, _An Historical Account of the British Trade over the Caspian Sea: with the Author’s Journal of Travels_, Second Edition (London, 1754), i. 263. For later descriptions of the fires and fire-worshippers of Baku, see J. Reinegg, _Beschreibung des Kaukasus_ (Gotha, Hildesheim, and St. Petersburg, 1796-1797), i. 151-159; A. von Haxthausen, _Transkaukasia_ (Leipsic, 1856), ii. 80-85. Compare W. Crooke, _Things Indian_, p. 219.

M144 The Burnt Land of Lydia.

570 Strabo, xii. 8. 18 _sq._, p. 579; xiii. 4. 11, p. 628. The wine of the district is mentioned by Vitruvius (viii. 3. 12) and Pliny (_Nat. Hist._ xiv. 75).

571 W. J. Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_, i. 136-140, ii. 131-138. One of the three recent cones described by Strabo is now called the _Kara Devlit_, or Black Inkstand. Its top is about 2500 feet above the sea, but only 500 feet above the surrounding plain. The adjoining town of Koula, built of the black lava on which it stands, has a sombre and dismal look. Another of the cones, almost equally high, has a crater of about half a mile in circumference and three or four hundred feet deep.

572 Strabo, xiii. 4. 11, p. 628. Compare his account of the Catanian vineyards (vi. 2. 3, p. 269).

M145 Earthquakes in Asia Minor. Worship of Poseidon, the earthquake god.

573 Strabo, xii. 8. 16-18, pp. 578 _sq._; xiii. 4. 10 _sq._, p. 628.

574 Strabo, xii. 8. 18, p. 579. Compare Tacitus, _Annals_, xii. 58.

575 Strabo, i. 3. 16, p. 57. Compare Plutarch, _De Pythiae oraculis_, 11; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 202; Justin, xxx. 4. The event seems to have happened in 197 B.C. Several other islands are known to have appeared in the same bay both in ancient and modern times. So far as antiquity is concerned, the dates of their appearance are given by Pliny, but some confusion on the subject has crept into his mind, or rather, perhaps, into his text. See the discussion of the subject in W. Smith’s _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography_ (London, 1873), ii. 1158-1160. As to the eruptions in the bay of Santorin, the last of which occurred in 1866 and produced a new island, see Sir Charles Lyell, _Principles of Geology_12 (London, 1875), i. 51, ii. 65 _sqq._; C. Neumann und J. Partsch, _Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland_ (Breslau, 1885), pp. 272 _sqq._ There is a monograph on Santorin and its eruptions (F. Fouqué, _Santorin et ses éruptions_, Paris, 1879). Strabo has given a brief but striking account of Rhodes, its architecture, its art-treasures, and its constitution (xiv. 2. 5, pp. 652 _sq._). As to the Rhodian schools of art see H. Brunn, _Geschichte der griechischen Künstler_ (Stuttgart, 1857-1859), i. 459 _sqq._, ii. 233 _sqq._, 286 _sq._

576 Aristophanes, _Acharn._ 682; Pausanias, iii. 11. 9, vii. 21. 7; Plutarch, _Theseus_, 36; Aristides, _Isthmic._ vol. i. p. 29, ed. G. Dindorf (Leipsic, 1829); Appian, _Bell. Civ._ v. 98; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 17. 22; G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_2 (Leipsic, 1898-1901), ii. p. 230, No. 543.

577 Cornutus, _Theologiae Graecae Compendium_, 22.

M146 Spartan propitiation of Poseidon during an earthquake.

578 Xenophon, _Hellenica_, iv. 7. 4. As to the Spartan headquarters staff (οἱ περὶ δαμοσίαν), see _id._ iv. 5. 8, vi. 4. 14; Xenophon, _Respublica Lacedaem_. xiii. 1, xv. 4. Usually the Spartans desisted from any enterprise they had in hand when an earthquake happened (Thucydides, iii. 59. 1, v. 50. 5, vi. 95. 1).

579 Thucydides, v. 70. 1. The use of the music, Thucydides tells us, was not to inspire the men, but to enable them to keep step, and so to march in close order. Without music a long line of battle was apt to straggle in advancing to the charge. As missiles were little used in Greek warfare, there was no need to hurry the advance over the intervening ground; so it was made deliberately and with the bands playing. The air to which the Spartans charged was called Castor’s tune. It was the king in person who gave the word for the flutes to strike up. See Plutarch, _Lycurgus_, 22.

580 Xenophon, _Respublica Lacedaem_. xi. 3; Aristophanes, _Lysistrata_, 1140; Aristotle, cited by a scholiast on Aristophanes, _Acharn._ 320; Plutarch, _Instituta Laconica_, 24. When a great earthquake had destroyed the city of Sparta and the Messenians were in revolt, the Spartans sent a messenger to Athens asking for help. Aristophanes (_Lysistrata_, 1138 _sqq._) describes the man as if he had seen him, sitting as a suppliant on the altar with his pale face and his red coat.

581 I have assumed that the sun shone on the Spartans at Thermopylae. For the battle was fought in the height of summer, when the Greek sky is generally cloudless, and on that particular morning the weather was very still. The evening before, the Persians had sent round a body of troops by a difficult pass to take the Spartans in the rear; day was breaking when they neared the summit, and the first intimation of their approach which reached the ears of the Phocian guards posted on the mountain was the loud crackling of leaves under their feet in the oak forest. Moreover, the famous Spartan saying about fighting in the shade of the Persian arrows, which obscured the sun, points to bright, hot weather. It was at high noon, and therefore probably in the full blaze of the mid-day sun, that the last march-out took place. See Herodotus, vii. 215-226; and as to the date of the battle (about the time of the Olympic games) see Herodotus, vii. 206, viii. 12 and 26; G. Busolt, _Griechische Geschichte_, ii.2 (Gotha, 1895) p. 673, note 9.

M147 Modes of stopping an earthquake by informing the god or giant that there are still men on the earth.

582 S. Müller, _Reizen en Onderzoekingen in den Indischen Archipel_ (Amsterdam, 1857), ii. 264 _sq._ Compare A. Bastian, _Indonesien_ (Berlin, 1884-1889), ii. 3. The beliefs and customs of the East Indian peoples in regard to earthquakes have been described by G. A. Wilken, _Het animisme bij de volken van den Indischen Archipel_, Tweede Stuk (Leyden, 1885), pp. 247-254; _id._, _Verspreide Geschriften_ (The Hague, 1912), iii. 274-281. Compare _id._, _Handleiding voor de vergelijkende Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_ (Leyden, 1893), pp. 604 _sq._; and on primitive conceptions of earthquakes in general, E. B. Tylor, _Primitive Culture_2 (London, 1873), i. 364-366; R. Lasch, “Die Ursache und Bedeutung der Erdbeben im Volksglauben und Volksbrauch,” _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, v. (1902) pp. 236-257, 369-383.

583 Epiphanius, _Adversus Haereses_, ii. 2. 23 (Migne’s _Patrologia Graeca_, xlii. 68).

584 H. N. van der Tuuk, “Notes on the Kawi Language and Literature,” _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, N.S. xiii. (1881) p. 50.

585 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), p. 398; compare _id._ pp. 330, 428.

586 G. Bamler, “Tami,” in R. Neuhauss’s _Deutsch Neu-Guinea_, iii. (Berlin, 1911) p. 492.

587 Mrs. Leslie Milne, _Shans at Home_ (London, 1910), p. 54.

588 De St. Cricq, “Voyage du Pérou au Brésil par les fleuves Ucayali et Amazone, Indiens Conibos,” _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_ (Paris), ive Série, vi. (1853) p. 292.

589 Miss Alice Werner, _The Natives of British Central Africa_ (London, 1906), p. 56.

590 Mgr. Lechaptois, _Aux Rives du Tanganika_ (Algiers, 1913), p. 217.

591 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 313 _sq._

M148 Conduct of the Bataks during an earthquake.

592 W. Ködding, “Die batakschen Götter und ihr Verhältniss zum Brahmanismus,” _Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift_, xii. (1885) p. 405.

593 G. A. Wilken, “Het Animisme bij de volken van den Indischen Archipel,” _Verspreide Geschriften_, ii. 279; H. N. van der Tuuk, _op. cit._ pp. 49 _sq._

M149 Various modes of prevailing upon the earthquake god to stop.

594 J. G. F. Riedel, “De Topantunuasu of oorspronkelijke Volkstammen van Central Selebes,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, xxxv. (1886) p. 95.

595 John Williams, _Narrative of Missionary Enterprises in the South Sea Islands_ (London, 1838), p. 379.

596 G. Turner, _Samoa_ (London, 1884), p. 211; Ch. Wilkes, _Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition_, New Edition (New York, 1851), ii. 131.

597 A. Schadenburg, “Die Bewohner von Süd-Mindanao und der Insel Samal,” _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xvii. (1885) p. 32.

598 W. Mariner, _Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands_, Second Edition (London, 1818), ii. 112 _sq._

599 Sangermano, _Description of the Burmese Empire_ (Rangoon, 1885), p. 130.

600 P. A. Kleintitschen, _Die Küstenbewohner der Gazellehalbinsel_ (Hiltrup bei Münster, N.D.), p. 336.

601 A. Pinart, “Les Indiens de l’État de Panama,” _Revue d’Ethnographie_, vi. (1887) p. 119.

602 E. J. Payne, _History of the New World called America_, i. (Oxford, 1892) p. 469.

603 A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_ (London, 1887), pp. 35 _sq._

M150 Religious and moral effects of earthquakes.

604 J. Jackson, in J. E. Erskine’s _Journal of a Cruise among the Islands of the Western Pacific_ (London, 1853), p. 473. My friend, the late Mr. Lorimer Fison, wrote to me (December 15, 1906) that the name of the Fijian earthquake god is Maui, not A Dage, as Jackson says. Mr. Fison adds, “I have seen Fijians stamping and smiting the ground and yelling at the top of their voices in order to rouse him.”

605 J. T. Nieuwenhuisen en H. C. B. von Rosenberg, “Verslag omtrent het eiland Nias,” _Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen_, xxx. (Batavia, 1863) p. 118; Th. C. Rappard, “Het eiland Nias en zijne bewoners,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, lxii. (1909) p. 582. In Soerakarta, a district of Java, when an earthquake takes place the people lie flat on their stomachs on the ground, and lick it with their tongues so long as the earthquake lasts. This they do in order that they may not lose their teeth prematurely. See J. W. Winter, “Beknopte Beschrijving van het hof Soerokarta in 1824,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, liv. (1902) p. 85. The connexion of ideas in this custom is not clear.

M151 The god of the sea and of the earthquake naturally conceived as one.

606 On this question see C. Neumann und J. Partsch, _Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland_ (Breslau, 1885), pp. 332-336. As to the frequency of earthquakes in Achaia and Asia Minor see Seneca, _Epist._ xiv. 3. 9; and as to Achaia in particular see C. Neumann und J. Partsch, _op. cit._ pp. 324-326. On the coast of Achaia there was a chain of sanctuaries of Poseidon (L. Preller, _Griechische Mythologie_, i.4 575).

607 See Sir Ch. Lyell, _Principles of Geology_,12 ii. 147 _sqq._; J. Milne, _Earthquakes_ (London, 1886), pp. 165 _sqq._

608 See, for example, Thucydides, iii. 89.

609 Strabo, viii. 7. 1 _sq._, pp. 384 _sq._; Diodorus Siculus, xv. 49; Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ xi. 19; Pausanias, vii. 24. 5 _sq._ and 12, vii. 25. 1 and 4.

610 Diodorus Siculus, xv. 49. 4 _sq._ Among the most famous seats of the worship of Poseidon in Peloponnese were Taenarum in Laconia, Helice in Achaia, Mantinea in Arcadia, and the island of Calauria, off the coast of Troezen. See Pausanias, ii. 33. 2, iii. 25. 4-8, vii. 24. 5 _sq._, viii. 10. 2-4. Laconia as well as Achaia has suffered much from earthquakes, and it contained many sanctuaries of Poseidon. We may suppose that the deity was worshipped here chiefly as the earthquake god, since the rugged coasts of Laconia are ill adapted to maritime enterprise, and the Lacedaemonians were never a seafaring folk. See C. Neumann und J. Partsch, _Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland_, pp. 330 _sq._, 335 _sq._ For Laconian sanctuaries of Poseidon see Pausanias, iii. 11. 9, iii. 12. 5, iii. 14. 2 and 7, iii. 15. 10, iii. 20. 2, iii. 21. 5, iii. 25. 4.

M152 Poisonous mephitic vapours.

611 Sir Ch. Lyell, _Principles of Geology_,12 i. 391 _sqq._, 590.

612 “Extract from a Letter of Mr. Alexander Loudon,” _Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_, ii. (1832) pp. 60-62; Sir Ch. Lyell, _Principles of Geology_,12 i. 590.

613 Sir Ch. Lyell, _l.c._

M153 Places of Pluto or Charon. The valley of Amsanctus.

614 Lucretius, vi. 738 _sqq._

615 Strabo, v. 4. 5, p. 244, xii. 8. 17, p. 579, xiii. 4. 14, p. 629, xiv. 1. 11 and 44, pp. 636, 649; Cicero, _De divinatione_, i. 36. 79; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 208. Compare [Aristotle,] _De mundo_, 4, p. 395 B, ed. Bekker.

616 Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 84, who says that some people looked on Mefitis as a god, the male partner of Leucothoë, to whom he stood as Adonis to Venus or as Virbius to Diana. As to Mefitis see L. Preller, _Römische Mythologie_3 (Berlin, 1881-1883), ii. 144 _sq._; R. Peter, _s.v._ “Mefitis” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, ii. 2519 _sqq._

617 Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 563-571, with the commentary of Servius; Cicero, _De divinatione_, i. 36. 79; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 208.

618 Letter of Mr. Hamilton (British Envoy at the Court of Naples), in _Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_, ii. (1832) pp. 62-65; W. Smith’s _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography_, i. 127; H. Nissen, _Italische Landeskunde_ (Berlin, 1883-1902), i. 242, 271, ii. 819 _sq._ Another place in Italy infested by poisonous exhalations is the grotto called _dei cani_ at Naples. It is described by Addison in his “Remarks on Several Parts of Italy” (_Works_, London, 1811, vol. ii. pp. 89-91).

M154 Sanctuaries of Charon or Pluto in Caria.

619 Strabo, xiv. 1. 11, p. 636.

620 Strabo, xiv. 1. 44, pp. 649 _sq._ A coin of Nysa shows the bull carried to the sacrifice by six naked youths and preceded by a naked flute-player. See B. V. Head, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia_, pp. lxxxiii. 181, pl. xx. 10. Strabo was familiar with this neighbourhood, for he tells us (xiv. 1. 48, p. 650) that in his youth he studied at Nysa under the philosopher Aristodemus.

M155 Sanctuary of Pluto at the Lydian or Phrygian Hierapolis.

621 Some of the ancients assigned Hierapolis to Lydia, and others to Phrygia (W. M. Ramsay, _Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_, i. (Oxford, 1895) pp. 84 _sq._

622 Strabo, xiii. 4. 14, pp. 629 _sq._; Dio Cassius, lxviii. 27. 3; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 208; Ammianus Marcellinus, xxiii. 6. 18.

M156 The hot springs and petrified cascades of Hierapolis.

623 Ammianus Marcellinus (_l.c._) speaks as if the cave no longer existed in his time.

M157 The hot pool of Hierapolis with its deadly exhalations. M158 Deposits left by the waters of Hierapolis.

624 Strabo, xiii. 4. 14, pp. 629, 630; Vitruvius, viii. 3. 10. For modern descriptions of Hierapolis see R. Chandler, _Travels in Asia Minor_2 (London, 1776), pp. 228-235; Ch. Fellows, _Journal written during an Excursion in Asia Minor_ (London, 1839), pp. 283-285; W. J. Hamilton, _Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia_, i. 517-521; E. Renan, _Saint Paul_, pp. 357 _sq._; E. J. Davis, _Anatolica_ (London, 1874), pp. 97-112; É. Reclus, _Nouvelle Géographie Universelle_, ix. 510-512; W. Cochran, _Pen and Pencil Sketches in Asia Minor_ (London, 1887), pp. 387-390; W. M. Ramsay, _Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_, i. 84 _sqq._ The temperature of the hot pool varies from 85 to 90 degrees Fahrenheit. The volcanic district of Tuscany which skirts the Apennines abounds in hot calcareous springs which have produced phenomena like those of Hierapolis. Indeed the whole ground is in some places coated over with tufa and travertine, which have been deposited by the water, and, like the ground at Hierapolis, it sounds hollow under the foot. See Sir Ch. Lyell, _Principles of Geology_,12 i. 397 _sqq._ As to the terraces of Rotomahana in New Zealand, which were destroyed by an eruption of Mount Taravera in 1886, see R. Taylor, _Te Ika A Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_2 (London, 1870), pp. 464-469.

M159 Hercules the patron of hot springs.

625 Athenaeus, xii. 6. p. 512.

626 Aristophanes, _Clouds_, 1044-1054.

627 Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Clouds_, 1050; Scholiast on Pindar, _Olymp._ xii. 25; Suidas and Hesychius, _s.v._ Ἡράκλεια λουτρά; Apostolius, viii. 66; Zenobius, vi. 49; Diogenianus, v. 7; Plutarch, _Proverbia Alexandrinorum_, 21; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 23. 1, v. 3. 4. Another story was that Hercules, like Moses, produced the water by smiting the rock with his club (Antoninus Liberalis, _Transform._ 4).

628 Apostolius, viii. 68; Zenobius, vi. 49; Diogenianus, v. 7; Plutarch, _Proverbia Alexandrinorum_, 21.

629 Lucian, _Dialogi Deorum_, 13.

M160 Hot springs of Hercules at Thermopylae.

630 Strabo, ix. 4. 13, p. 428.

631 Herodotus, vii. 176; Pausanias, iv. 35. 9; Philostratus, _Vit. Sophist._ ii. 1. 9.

632 Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Clouds_, 1050.

633 I have described Thermopylae as I saw it in November 1895. Compare W. M. Leake, _Travels in Northern Greece_ (London, 1835), ii. 33 _sqq._; E. Dodwell, _Classical and Topographical Tour through Greece_ (London, 1819), ii. 66 _sqq._; K. G. Fiedler, _Reise durch alle Theile des Königreichs Griechenland_ (Leipsic, 1840-1841), i. 207 _sqq._; L. Ross, _Wanderungen in Griechenland_ (Halle, 1851), i. 90 _sqq._; C. Bursian, _Geographie von Griechenland_ (Leipsic, 1862-1872), i. 92 _sqq._

M161 Hot springs of Hercules at Aedepsus.

634 Thucydides, iii. 87 and 89; Strabo, i. 3. 20, pp. 60 _sq._; C. Neumann und J. Partsch, _Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland_, pp. 321-323.

635 Aristotle, _Meteora_, ii. 8, p. 366 A, ed. Bekker; Strabo, ix. 4. 2, p. 425. Aristotle expressly recognized the connexion of the springs with earthquakes, which he tells us were very common in this district. As to the earthquakes of Euboea see also Thucydides, iii. 87, 89; Strabo, i. 3. 16 and 20, pp. 58, 60 _sq._

636 Plutarch, _Sulla_, 26.

637 Plutarch, _Quaest. Conviviales_, iv. 4. 1; _id._, _De fraterno Amore_, 17.

638 As to the hot springs of Aedepsus (the modern _Lipso_) see K. G. Fiedler, _Reise durch alle Theile des Königreichs Griechenland_, i. 487-492; H. N. Ulrichs, _Reisen und Forschungen in Griechenland_ (Bremen, 1840—Berlin, 1863), ii. 233-235; C. Bursian, _Geographie von Griechenland_, ii. 409; C. Neumann und J. Partsch, _Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland_, pp. 342-344.

639 Strabo, i. 3. 20, p. 60.

640 Athenaeus, iii. 4, p. 73 E, D.

M162 Reasons for the association of Hercules with hot springs.

641 The hot springs of Himera (the modern _Termini_) were said to have been produced for the refreshment of the weary Hercules. See Diodorus Siculus, iv. 23. 1, v. 3. 4; Scholiast on Pindar, _Olymp._ xii. 25. The hero is said to have taught the Syracusans to sacrifice a bull annually to Persephone at the Blue Spring (_Cyane_) near Syracuse; the beasts were drowned in the water of the pool. See Diodorus Siculus, iv. 23. 4, v. 4. 1 _sq._ As to the spring, which is now thickly surrounded by tall papyrus-plants introduced by the Arabs, see K. Baedeker, _Southern Italy_7 (Leipsic, 1880), pp. 356, 357.

642 The splendid baths of Allifae in Samnium, of which there are considerable remains, were sacred to Hercules. See G. Wilmanns, _Exempla Inscriptionum Latinarum_ (Berlin, 1873), vol. i. p. 227, No. 735 C; H. Nissen, _Italische Landeskunde_, ii. 798. It is characteristic of the volcanic nature of the springs that the same inscription which mentions these baths of Hercules records their destruction by an earthquake.

643 H. Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, vol. ii. Pars i. (Berlin, 1902) p. 113, No. 3891.

644 Speaking of thermal springs Lyell observes that the description of them “might almost with equal propriety have been given under the head of ‘igneous causes,’ as they are agents of a mixed nature, being at once igneous and aqueous” (_Principles of Geology_,12 i. 392).

645 See above, p. 194.

M163 The hot springs of Callirrhoe in Moab.

646 S. I. Curtiss, _Primitive Semitic Religion To-day_ (Chicago, New York, and Toronto, 1902), pp. 116 _sq._; Mrs. H. H. Spoer, “The Powers of Evil in Jerusalem,” _Folk-lore_, xviii. (1907) p. 55. See above, p. 78.

647 Josephus, _Antiquit. Jud._ xvii. 6. 5. The medical properties of the spring are mentioned by Pliny (_Nat. Hist._ v. 72).

648 C. L. Irby and J. Mangles, _Travels in Egypt and Nubia, Syria and the Holy Land_ (London, 1844), pp. 144 _sq._; W. Smith, _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography_ (London, 1873), i. 482, _s.v._ “Callirrhoë”; K. Baedeker, _Syria and Palestine_4 (Leipsic, 1906), p. 148; H. B. Tristram, _The Land of Moab_ (London, 1873), pp. 233-250, 285 _sqq._; Jacob E. Spafford, “Around the Dead Sea by Motor Boat,” _The Geographical Journal_, xxxix. (1912) pp. 39 _sq._ The river formed by the springs is now called the Zerka.

M164 Prayers and sacrifices offered to the hot springs of Callirrhoe.

649 Antonin Jaussen, _Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab_ (Paris, 1908), pp. 359 _sq._ The Arabs think that the evil spirits let the hot water out of hell, lest its healing properties should assuage the pains of the damned. See H. B. Tristram, _The Land of Moab_ (London, 1873), p. 247.

M165 Worship of volcanic phenomena in other lands. M166 The great volcano of Kirauea in Hawaii.

650 W. Ellis, _Polynesian Researches_, Second Edition (London, 1832-1836), iv. 235 _sqq._ Mr. Ellis was the first European to visit and describe the tremendous volcano. His visit was paid in the year 1823. Compare _The Encyclopaedia Britannica_,9 xi. 531.

651 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 246 _sq._

M167 The divinities of the volcano. Offerings to the volcano. Priestess impersonating the goddess of the volcano.

652 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 248-250.

653 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 207, 234-236. The berries resemble currants in shape and size and grow on low bushes. “The branches small and clear, leaves alternate, obtuse with a point, and serrated; the flower was monopetalous, and, on being examined, determined the plant to belong to the class _decandria_ and order _monogynia_. The native name of the plant is _ohelo_” (W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 234).

654 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 263.

655 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 350.

656 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 309-311.

657 W. Ellis, _op. cit._ iv. 361.

M168 Sacrifices to volcanoes. Human victims thrown into volcanoes. Annual sacrifices to the volcano Bromo in Java.

658 Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, _Historia General y Natural de las Indias_ (Madrid, 1851-1855), iv. 74.

659 A. C. Kruijt, _Het Animisme in den Indischen Archipel_ (The Hague, 1906), pp. 497 _sq._

660 W. B. d’Almeida, _Life in Java_ (London, 1864), i. 166-173.

661 J. H. F. Kohlbrugge, “Die Tĕnggĕresen, ein alter Javanischer Volksstamm,” _Bijdragentot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, liii. (1901) pp. 84, 144-147.

662 J. H. F. Kohlbrugge, _op. cit._ pp. 100 _sq._

M169 Other sacrifices to volcanoes.

663 I. A. Stigand, “The Volcano of Smeroe, Java,” _The Geographical Journal_, xxviii. (1906) pp. 621, 624.

664 Pausanias, iii. 23. 9. Some have thought that Pausanias confused the crater of Etna with the _Lago di Naftia_, a pool near Palagonia in the interior of Sicily, of which the water, impregnated with naphtha and sulphur, is thrown into violent ebullition by jets of volcanic gas. See [Aristotle,] _Mirab. Auscult._ 57; Macrobius, _Saturn._ v. 19. 26 _sqq._; Diodorus Siculus, xi. 89; Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ Παλική; E. H. Bunbury, _s.v._ “Palicorum Iacus,” in W. Smith’s _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography_, ii. 533 _sq._ The author of the ancient Latin poem _Aetna_ says (vv. 340 _sq._) that people offered incense to the celestial deities on the top of Etna.

M170 No evidence that the Asiatic custom of burning kings or gods was connected with volcanic phenomena.

665 See above, pp. 190 _sq._

666 On Mount Chimaera in Lycia a flame burned perpetually which neither earth nor water could extinguish. See Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 236, v. 100; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ vi. 288; Seneca, _Epist._ x. 3. 3; Diodorus, quoted by Photius, _Bibliotheca_, p. 212 B, 10 _sqq._, ed. Im. Bekker (Berlin, 1824). This perpetual flame was rediscovered by Captain Beaufort near Porto Genovese on the coast of Lycia. It issues from the side of a hill of crumbly serpentine rock, giving out an intense heat, but no smoke. “Trees, brushwood, and weeds grow close round this little crater, a small stream trickles down the hill hard bye, and the ground does not appear to feel the effect of its heat at more than a few feet distance.” The fire is not accompanied by earthquakes or noises; it ejects no stones and emits no noxious vapours. There is nothing but a brilliant and perpetual flame, at which the shepherds often cook their food. See Fr. Beaufort, _Karmania_ (London, 1817), p. 46; compare T. A. B. Spratt and E. Forbes, _Travels in Lycia_ (London, 1847), ii. 181 _sq._

667 In the foregoing discussion I have confined myself, so far as concerns Asia, to the volcanic regions of Cappadocia, Lydia, and Caria. But Syria and Palestine, the home of Adonis and Melcarth, “abound in volcanic appearances, and very extensive areas have been shaken, at different periods, with great destruction of cities and loss of lives. Continual mention is made in history of the ravages committed by earthquakes in Sidon, Tyre, Berytus, Laodicea, and Antioch, and in the island of Cyprus. The country around the Dead Sea exhibits in some spots layers of sulphur and bitumen, forming a superficial deposit, supposed by Mr. Tristram to be of volcanic origin” (Sir Ch. Lyell, _Principles of Geology_,12 i. 592 _sq._). As to the earthquakes of Syria and Phoenicia see Strabo, i. 3. 16, p. 58; Lucretius, vi. 585; Josephus, _Antiquit. Jud._ xv. 5. 2; _id._, _Bell. Jud._ i. 19. 3; W. M. Thomson, _The Land and the Book, Central Palestine and Phoenicia_, pp. 568-574; Ed. Robinson, _Biblical Researches in Palestine_,3 ii. 422-424; S. R. Driver, on Amos iv. 11 (Cambridge _Bible for Schools and Colleges_). It is said that in the reign of the Emperor Justin the city of Antioch was totally destroyed by a dreadful earthquake, in which three hundred thousand people perished (Procopius, _De Bello Persico_, ii. 14). The destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah (Genesis xix. 24-28) has been plausibly explained as the effect of an earthquake liberating large quantities of petroleum and inflammable gases. See H. B. Tristram, _The Land of Israel_, Fourth Edition (London, 1882), pp. 350-354; S. R. Driver, _The Book of Genesis_4 (London, 1905), pp. 202 _sq._

M171 Results of the preceding inquiry. M172 Our knowledge of the rites of Adonis derived chiefly from Greek writers. M173 Festivals of the death and resurrection of Adonis. The festival at Alexandria. The festival at Byblus.

668 Plutarch, _Alcibiades_, 18; _id._, _Nicias_, 13; Zenobius, _Centur._ i. 49; Theocritus, xv. 132 _sqq._; Eustathius on Homer, _Od._ xi. 590.

669 Besides Lucian (cited below) see Origen, _Selecta in Ezechielem_ (Migne’s _Patrologia Graeca_, xiii. 800), δοκοῦσι γὰρ κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν τελετάς τινας ποιεῖν πρῶτον μὲν ὅτι θρηνοῦσιν αὐτὸν [scil. Ἄδωνιν] ὡς τεθνηκότα, δεύτερον δὲ ὅτι χαίρουσιν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ ὡς ἀπὸ νεκρῶν ἀναστάντι. Jerome, _Commentar. in Ezechielem_, viii. 13, 14 (Migne’s _Patrologia Latina_, xxv. 82, 83): “_Quem nos_ Adonidem _interpretati sumus, et Hebraeus et Syrus sermo_ THAMUZ (תמוז) _vocat: unde quia juxta gentilem fabulam, in mense Junis amasius Veneris et pulcherrimus juvenis occisus, et deinceps revixisse narratur, eundem Junium mensem eodem appellant nomine, et anniversariam ei celebrant solemnitatem, in qua plangitur a mulieribus quasi mortuus, et postea reviviscens canitur atque laudatur ... interfectionem et resurrectionem Adonidis planctu et gaudio prosequens._” Cyril of Alexandria, _In Isaiam_, lib. ii. tomus iii. (Migne’s _Patrologia Graeca_, lxx. 441), ἐπλάττοντο τοίνυν Ἔλληνες ἑορτὴν ἐπὶ τούτῳ τοιαύτην. Προσεποιοῦντο μὲν γὰρ λυπουμένῃ τῇ Ἀφροδίτῃ, διὰ τὸ τεθνάναι τὸν Ἄδωνιν, συνολοφύρεσθαι καὶ θρηνεῖν; ἀνελθούσης δὲ ἐξ ᾅδου, καὶ μὴν καὶ ηὐρῆσθαι λεγούσης τὸν ζητούμενον, συνήδεσθαι καὶ ἀνασκιρτᾶν; καὶ μεχρὶ τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς καιρῶν ἐν τοῖς κατ᾽ Ἀλεξάνδρειαν ἱεροῖς ἐτελεῖτο τὸ παίγνιον τοῦτο. From this testimony of Cyril we learn that the festival of the death and resurrection of Adonis was celebrated at Alexandria down to his time, that is, down to the fourth or even the fifth century, long after the official establishment of Christianity.

670 Theocritus, xv.

671 W. Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_ (Berlin, 1877), p. 277.

672 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 6. See above, p. 38. The flutes used by the Phoenicians in the lament for Adonis are mentioned by Athenaeus (iv. 76, p. 174 F), and by Pollux (iv. 76), who say that the same name _gingras_ was applied by the Phoenicians both to the flute and to Adonis himself. Compare F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, i. 243 _sq._ We have seen that flutes were also played in the Babylonian rites of Tammuz (above, p. 9). Lucian’s words, ἐς τὸν ἠέρα πέμπουσι, imply that the ascension of the god was supposed to take place in the presence, if not before the eyes, of the worshipping crowds. The devotion of Byblus to Adonis is noticed also by Strabo (xvi. 2. 18, p. 755).

M174 Date of the festival at Byblus. The anemone and the red rose the flowers of Adonis. Festivals of Adonis at Athens and Antioch.

673 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 8. The discoloration of the river and the sea was observed by H. Maundrell on 17/27 March 1696/1697. See his _Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, at Easter, __A.D.__ 1697_, Fourth Edition (Perth, 1800), pp. 59 _sq._; _id._, in Bohn’s _Early Travels in Palestine_, edited by Thomas Wright (London, 1848), pp. 411 _sq._ Renan remarked the discoloration at the beginning of February (_Mission de Phénicie_, p. 283). In his well-known lines on the subject Milton has laid the mourning in summer:—

“_Thammuz came next behind,_ _ Whose annual wound in Lebanon allur’d_ _ The Syrian damsels to lament his fate_ _ In amorous ditties all a summer’s day._”

674 Ovid, _Metam._ x. 735; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ v. 72; J. Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_, 831. Bion, on the other hand, represents the anemone as sprung from the tears of Aphrodite (_Idyl._ i. 66).

675 W. Robertson Smith, “Ctesias and the Semiramis Legend,” _English Historical Review_, ii. (1887) p. 307, following Lagarde. Compare W. W. Graf Baudissin, _Adonis und Esmun_, pp. 88 _sq._

676 J. Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_, 831; _Geoponica_, xi. 17; _Mythographi Graeci_, ed. A. Westermann, p. 359. Compare Bion, _Idyl._ i. 66; Pausanias, vi. 24. 7; Philostratus, _Epist._ i. and iii.

677 Plutarch, _Alcibiades_, 18; _id._, _Nicias_, 13. The date of the sailing of the fleet is given by Thucydides (vi. 30, θέρους μεσοῦντος ἤδη), who, with his habitual contempt for the superstition of his countrymen, disdains to notice the coincidence. Adonis was also bewailed by the Argive women (Pausanias, ii. 20. 6), but we do not know at what season of the year the lamentation took place. Inscriptions prove that processions in honour of Adonis were held in the Piraeus, and that a society of his worshippers existed at Loryma in Caria. See G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 Nos. 726, 741 (vol. ii. pp. 564, 604).

678 Ammianus Marcellinus, xxii. 9. 15.

M175 Resemblance of these rites to Indian and European ceremonies. The death and resurrection of Adonis a mythical expression for the annual decay and revival of plant life. Adonis sometimes taken for the sun.

_ 679 The Dying God_, pp. 261-266.

680 In the Alexandrian ceremony, however, it appears to have been the image of Adonis only which was thrown into the sea.

681 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 14. 4; Scholiast on Theocritus, i. 109; Antoninus Liberalis, _Transform._ 34; J. Tzetzes, _Scholia on Lycophron_, 829; Ovid, _Metamorph._ x. 489 _sqq._; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ v. 72, and on _Bucol._ x. 18; Hyginus, _Fab._ 58, 164; Fulgentius, iii. 8. The word Myrrha or Smyrna is borrowed from the Phoenician (Liddell and Scott, _Greek Lexicon_, _s.v._ σμύρνα). Hence the mother’s name, as well as the son’s, was taken directly from the Semites.

682 W. Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_, p. 383, note 2.

683 Above, p. 9.

684 Jeremiah xliv. 17-19.

685 Scholiast on Theocritus, iii. 48; Hyginus, _Astronom._ ii. 7; Lucian, _Dialog. deor._ xi. 1; Cornutus, _Theologiae Graecae Compendium_, 28, p. 54, ed. C. Lang (Leipsic, 1881); Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 14. 4.

686 The arguments which tell against the solar interpretation of Adonis are stated more fully by the learned and candid scholar Graf Baudissin (_Adonis und Esmun_, pp. 169 _sqq._), who himself formerly accepted the solar theory but afterwards rightly rejected it in favour of the view “_dass Adonis die Frühlingsvegetation darstellt, die im Sommer abstirbt_” (_op. cit._ p. 169).

687 Bailly, _Lettres sur l’Origine des Sciences_ (London and Paris, 1777), pp. 255 _sq._; _id._, _Lettres sur l’Atlantide de Platon_ (London and Paris, 1779), pp. 114-125. Carlyle has described how through the sleety drizzle of a dreary November day poor innocent Bailly was dragged to the scaffold amid the howls and curses of the Parisian mob (_French Revolution_, bk. v. ch. 2). My friend the late Professor C. Bendall showed me a book by a Hindoo gentleman in which it is seriously maintained that the primitive home of the Aryans was within the Arctic regions. See Bâl Gangâdhar Tilak, _The Arctic Home in the Vedas_ (Poona and Bombay, 1903).

688 Cornutus, _Theologiae Graecae Compendium_, 28, pp. 54 _sq._, ed. C. Lang (Leipsic, 1881), τοιοῦτον γάρ τι καὶ παρ᾽ Αἰγυπτίοις ὁ ζητούμενος καὶ ἀνευρισκόμενος ὑπὸ τῆς Ἴσιδος Ὄσιρις ἐμφαίνει καὶ παρὰ Φοίνιξιν ὁ ἀνὰ μέρος παρ᾽ ἔξ μῆνας ὑπὲρ γῆν τε καὶ ὑπὸ γῆν γινόμενος Ἄδωνις, ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀδεῖν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις οὔτως ὠνομασμένου τοῦ Δημητριακοῦ καρποῦ. τοῦτον δὲ πλήξας κάπρος ἀνελεῖν λέγεται διὰ τὸ τὰς ὗς δοκεῖν ληιβότειρας εἶναι ἢ τὸν τῆς ὕνεως ὀδόντα αἰνιττομένων αὐτῶν, ὑφ᾽ οὖ κατὰ γῆς κρύπτεται τὸ σπέρμα. Scholiast on Theocritus,