xxv. 52), γυναῖκες γοῦν ἐν εἰδωλείοις τῆς Φοινικῆς πάλαι

προεκαθέζοντο, ἀπαρχόμεναι τοῖς ἐκεῖ θέοις ἑαυτῶν τὴν τοῦ σώματος αὐτῶν μισθαρνίαν, νομίζουσαι τῇ πορνειᾳ τὴν θέον ἑαυτῶν ἰλάσκεσθαι καὶ εἰς εὐμενείαν ἄγειν αὐτὴν διὰ τούτων. The account of the Phoenician custom which is given by H. Ploss (_Das Weib_,2 i. 302) and repeated after him by Fr. Schwally (_Semitische Kriegsaltertümer_, Leipsic, 1901, pp. 76 _sq._) may rest only on a misapprehension of this passage of Athanasius. But if it is correct, we may conjecture that the slaves who deflowered the virgins were the sacred slaves of the temples, the _ḳedeshim_, and that they discharged this office as the living representatives of the god. As to these _ḳedeshim_, or “sacred men,” see above, pp. 17 _sq._, and below, pp. 72 _sqq._

_ 115 The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs_, translated and edited by R. H. Charles (London, 1908), chapter xii. p. 81.

116 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 6. The writer is careful to indicate that none but strangers were allowed to enjoy the women (ἡ δὲ ἀγορὴ μούνοισι ξείνοισι παρακέεται).

_ 117 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 30 _sq._

118 Herodotus, i. 93 _sq._; Athenaeus, xii. 11, pp. 515 _sq._

119 W. M. Ramsay, “Unedited Inscriptions of Asia Minor,” _Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique_, vii. (1883) p. 276; _id._, _Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_, i. (Oxford, 1895) pp. 94 _sq._, 115.

120 Strabo, xi. 14. 16, p. 532.

121 Strabo, xii. 3. 32, 34 and 36, pp. 557-559; compare xii. 2. 3, p. 535. Other sanctuaries in Pontus, Cappadocia, and Phrygia swarmed with sacred slaves, and we may conjecture, though we are not told, that many of these slaves were prostitutes. See Strabo, xi. 8. 4, xii. 2. 3 and 6, xii. 3. 31 and 37, xii. 8. 14.

M26 The Asiatic Mother Goddess a personification of all the reproductive energies of nature. Her worship perhaps reflects a period of sexual communism.

122 On this great Asiatic goddess and her lovers see especially Sir W. M. Ramsay, _Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_, i. 87 _sqq._

123 Compare W. Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_, pp. 284 _sq._; W. Robertson Smith, _The Prophets of Israel_, New Edition (London, 1902), pp. 171-174. Similarly in Camul, formerly a province of the Chinese Empire, the men used to place their wives at the disposal of any foreigners who came to lodge with them, and deemed it an honour if the guests made use of their opportunities. The emperor, hearing of the custom, forbade the people to observe it. For three years they obeyed, then, finding that their lands were no longer fruitful and that many mishaps befell them, they prayed the emperor to allow them to retain the custom, “for it was by reason of this usage that their gods bestowed upon them all the good things that they possessed, and without it they saw not how they could continue to exist.” See _The Book of Ser Marco Polo_, translated and edited by Colonel Henry Yule, Second Edition (London, 1875), i. 212 _sq._ Here apparently the fertility of the soil was deemed to depend on the intercourse of the women with strangers, not with their husbands. Similarly, among the Oulad Abdi, an Arab tribe of Morocco, “the women often seek a divorce and engage in prostitution in the intervals between their marriages; during that time they continue to dwell in their families, and their relations regard their conduct as very natural. The administrative authority having bestirred itself and attempted to regulate this prostitution, the whole population opposed the attempt, alleging that such a measure would impair the abundance of the crops.” See Edmond Doutté, _Magie et Religion dans l’Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers, 1908), pp. 560 _sq._

124 Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 14, p. 13, ed. Potter; Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, v. 19; compare Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum religionum_, 10.

125 In Hebrew a temple harlot was regularly called “a sacred woman” (_kĕdēsha_). See _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._ “Harlot”; S. R. Driver, on Genesis xxxviii. 21. As to such “sacred women” see below, pp. 70 _sqq._

M27 The daughters of Cinyras.

126 Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 13, p. 12, ed. Potter; Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, v. 19; Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum religionum_, 10.

127 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 14. 3.

M28 The Paphian dynasty of the Cinyrads.

128 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 14. 3. I follow the text of R. Wagner’s edition in reading Μεγασσάρου τοῦ Ὑριέων βασιλέως. As to Hyria in Isauria see Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ Ὑρία. The city of Celenderis, on the south coast of Cilicia, possessed a small harbour protected by a fortified peninsula. Many ancient tombs survived till recent times, but have now mostly disappeared. It was the port from which the Turkish couriers from Constantinople used to embark for Cyprus. As to the situation and remains see F. Beaufort, _Karmania_ (London, 1817), p. 201; W. M. Leake, _Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor_ (London, 1824), pp. 114-118; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” _Denkschriften der kais. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosoph.-historische Classe_, xliv. (1896) No. vi. p. 94. The statement that the sanctuary of Aphrodite at Paphos was founded by the Arcadian Agapenor, who planted a colony in Cyprus after the Trojan war (Pausanias, viii. 5. 2), may safely be disregarded.

129 Tacitus, _Hist._ ii. 3; _Annals_, iii. 62.

130 Tacitus, _Hist._ ii. 3; Hesychius, _s.v._ Ταμιράδαι.

131 Pindar, _Pyth._ ii. 13-17.

132 Tyrtaeus, xii. 6 (_Poetae Lyrici Graeci_, ed. Th. Bergk,3 Leipsic, 1866-1867, ii. 404); Pindar, _Pyth._ viii. 18; Plato, _Laws_, ii. 6, p. 660 E; Clement of Alexandria, _Paedag._ iii. 6, p. 274, ed. Potter; Dio Chrysostom, _Orat._ viii. (vol. i. p. 149, ed. L. Dindorf); Julian, _Epist._ lix. p. 574, ed. F. C. Hertlein; Diogenianus, viii. 53; Suidas, _s.v._ Καταγηράσαις.

133 Schol. on Pindar, _Pyth._ ii. 15 (27); Hesychius, _s.v._ Κινυράδαι; Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ iii. 45, p. 40, ed. Potter; Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, vi. 6. That the kings of Paphos were also priests of the goddess is proved, apart from the testimony of ancient writers, by inscriptions found on the spot. See H. Collitz, _Sammlung der griechischen Dialektinschriften_, i. (Göttingen, 1884) p. 22, Nos. 38, 39, 40. The title of the goddess in these inscriptions is Queen or Mistress (Ϝανασ(σ)ἀς). It is perhaps a translation of the Semitic Baalath.

134 Plutarch, _De Alexandri Magni fortuna aut virtute_, ii. 8. The name of the gardener-king was Alynomus. That the Cinyrads existed as a family down to Macedonian times is further proved by a Greek inscription found at Old Paphos, which records that a certain Democrates, son of Ptolemy, head of the Cinyrads, and his wife Eunice, dedicated a statue of their daughter to the Paphian Aphrodite. See L. Ross, “Inschriften von Cypern,” _Rheinisches Museum_, N.F. vii. (1850) pp. 520 _sq._ It seems to have been a common practice of parents to dedicate statues of their sons or daughters to the goddess at Paphos. The inscribed pedestals of many such statues were found by the English archaeologists. See _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, ix. (1888) pp. 228, 235, 236, 237, 241, 244, 246, 255.

135 Tacitus, _Hist._ ii. 4; Pausanias, viii. 24. 6.

136 Plutarch, _Cato the Younger_, 35.

M29 Incest of Cinyras with his daughter Myrrha, and birth of Adonis. Legends of royal incest—a suggested explanation.

137 Ovid, _Metam._ x. 298 _sqq._; Hyginus, _Fab._ 58, 64; Fulgentius, _Mytholog._ iii. 8; Lactantius Placidius, _Narrat. Fabul._ x. 9; Servius on Virgil, _Ecl._ x. 18, and _Aen._ v. 72; Plutarch, _Parallela_, 22; Schol. on Theocritus, i. 107. It is Ovid who describes (_Metam._ x. 431 _sqq._) the festival of Ceres, at which the incest was committed. His source was probably the _Metamorphoses_ of the Greek writer Theodorus, which Plutarch (_l.c._) refers to as his authority for the story. The festival in question was perhaps the Thesmophoria, at which women were bound to remain chaste (Schol. on Theocritus, iv. 25; Schol. on Nicander, _Ther._ 70 _sq._; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxiv. 59; Dioscorides, _De Materia Medica_, i. 134 (135); compare Aelian, _De natura animalium_, ix. 26). Compare E. Fehrle, _Die kultische Keuschheit im Altertum_ (Giessen, 1910), pp. 103 _sqq._, 121 _sq._, 151 _sqq._ The corn and bread of Cyprus were famous in antiquity. See Aeschylus, _Suppliants_, 549 (555); Hipponax, cited by Strabo, viii. 3. 8, p. 340; Eubulus, cited by Athenaeus, iii. 78, p. 112 F; E. Oberhummer, _Die Insel. Cypern_, i. (Munich, 1903) pp. 274 _sqq._ According to another account, Adonis was the fruit of the incestuous intercourse of Theias, a Syrian king, with his daughter Myrrha. See Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 14. 4 (who cites Panyasis as his authority); J. Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_, 829; Antoninus Liberalis, _Transform._ 34 (who lays the scene of the story on Mount Lebanon). With the corn-wreaths mentioned in the text we may compare the wreaths which the Roman Arval Brethren wore at their sacred functions, and with which they seem to have crowned the images of the goddesses. See G. Henzen, _Acta Fratrum Arvalium_ (Berlin, 1874), pp. 24-27, 33 _sq._ Compare Pausanias, vii. 20. 1. _sq._

138 A list of these cases is given by Hyginus, _Fab._ 253. It includes the incest of Clymenus, king of Arcadia, with his daughter Harpalyce (compare Hyginus, _Fab._ 206); that of Oenomaus, king of Pisa, with his daughter Hippodamia (compare J. Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_, 156; Lucian, _Charidemus_, 19); that of Erechtheus, king of Athens, with his daughter Procris; and that of Epopeus, king of Lesbos, with his daughter Nyctimene (compare Hyginus, _Fab._ 204).

139 The custom of brother and sister marriage seems to have been especially common in royal families. See my note on Pausanias, i. 7. 1 (vol. ii. pp. 84 _sq._); as to the case of Egypt see below, vol. ii. pp. 213 _sqq._ The true explanation of the custom was first, so far as I know, indicated by J. F. McLennan (_The Patriarchal Theory_, London, 1885, p. 95).

M30 The Flamen Dialis and his Flaminica at Rome.

140 Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 22; J. Marquardt, _Römische Staatsverwaltung_, iii.2 (Leipsic, 1885) p. 328.

141 Priestesses are said to have preceded priests in some Egyptian cities. See W. M. Flinders Petrie, _The Religion of Ancient Egypt_ (London, 1906), p. 74.

_ 142 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 179, 190 _sqq._

_ 143 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 268 _sqq._

_ 144 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 12 note 1.

M31 Priestesses among the Khasis of Assam.

145 Major P. R. T. Gurdon, _The Khasis_ (London, 1907), pp. 109-112, 120 _sq._

M32 Sacred marriage of a priest and priestess as representatives of the Sun-god and the Earth-goddess. Marriage of the Sun-god and Earth-goddess acted by a priest and his wife.

_ 146 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 191 _sqq._

_ 147 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 148.

148 The late Rev. P. Dehon, S.J., “Religion and Customs of the Uraons,” _Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, vol. i. No. 9 (Calcutta, 1906), pp. 144-146.

149 For more evidence see _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 97 _sqq._

M33 Cinyras beloved by Aphrodite. Pygmalion and Aphrodite. The Phoenician kings of Cyprus or their sons appear to have been hereditary lovers of the goddess. Sacred marriage of the kings of Paphos. Sons and daughters, fathers and mothers of a god.

150 Lucian, _Rhetorum praeceptor_, 11; Hyginus, _Fab._ 270.

151 Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 33, p. 29, ed. Potter.

152 W. H. Engel, _Kypros_, ii. 585, 612; A. Maury, _Histoire des Religions de la Grèce Antique_ (Paris, 1857-1859), iii. 197, note 3.

153 Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, vi. 22; Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ iv. 57, p. 51, ed. Potter; Ovid, _Metam._ x. 243-297. The authority for the story is the Greek history of Cyprus by Philostephanus, cited both by Arnobius and Clement. In Ovid’s poetical version of the legend Pygmalion is a sculptor, and the image with which he falls in love is that of a lovely woman, which at his prayer Venus endows with life. That King Pygmalion was a Phoenician is mentioned by Porphyry (_De abstinentia_, iv. 15) on the authority of Asclepiades, a Cyprian.

154 See above, p. 42.

155 Probus, on Virgil, _Ecl._ x. 18. I owe this reference to my friend Mr. A. B. Cook.

156 In his treatise on the political institutions of Cyprus, Aristotle reported that the sons and brothers of the kings were called “lords” (ἄνακτες), and their sisters and wives “ladies” (ἄνασσαι). See Harpocration and Suidas, _s.v._ Ἄνακτες. Compare Isocrates, ix. 72; Clearchus of Soli, quoted by Athenaeus, vi. 68, p. 256 A. Now in the bilingual inscription of Idalium, which furnished the clue to the Cypriote syllabary, the Greek version gives the title Ϝάναξ as the equivalent of the Phoenician _Adon_ (אדן). See _Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum_, i. No. 89; G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, p. 74, note 1.

157 Josephus, _Contra Apionem_, i. 18, ed. B. Niese; Appian, _Punica_, i; Virgil, _Aen._ i. 346 _sq._; Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 574; Justin, xviii. 4; Eustathius on Dionysius Periegetes, 195 (_Geographi Graeci Minores_, ed. C. Müller Paris, 1882, ii. 250 _sq._).

158 Pumi-yathon, son of Milk-yathon, is known from Phoenician inscriptions found at Idalium. See G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, Nos. 12 and 13, pp. 55 _sq._, 57 _sq._ Coins inscribed with the name of King Pumi-yathon are also in existence. See G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Cyprus_ (London, 1904), pp. xl. _sq._, 21 _sq._, pl. iv. 20-24. He was deposed by Ptolemy (Diodorus Siculus, xix. 79. 4). Most probably he is the Pymaton of Citium who purchased the kingdom from a dissolute monarch named Pasicyprus some time before the conquests of Alexander (Athenaeus, iv. 63, p. 167). In this passage of Athenaeus the name Pymaton, which is found in the MSS. and agrees closely with the Phoenician Pumi-yathon, ought not to be changed into Pygmalion, as the latest editor (G. Kaibel) has done.

159 G. A. Cooke, _op. cit._ p. 55, note 1. Mr. Cooke remarks that the form of the name (פגמלין instead of פמייתן) must be due to Greek influence.

160 See above, p. 41.

161 Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 13, p. 12; Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, v. 9; Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum religionum_, 10.

162 That the king was not necessarily succeeded by his eldest son is proved by the case of Solomon, who on his accession executed his elder brother Adoni-jah (1 Kings ii. 22-24). Similarly, when Abimelech became king of Shechem, he put his seventy brothers in ruthless oriental fashion to death. See Judges viii. 29-31, ix. 5 _sq._, 18. So on his accession Jehoram, King of Judah, put all his brothers to the sword (2 Chronicles xxi. 4). King Rehoboam had eighty-eight children (2 Chronicles xi. 21) and King Abi-jah had thirty-eight (2 Chronicles xiii. 21). These examples illustrate the possible size of the family of a polygamous king.

_ 163 The Dying God_, pp. 160 _sqq._

164 The names which imply that a man was the father of a god have proved particularly puzzling to some eminent Semitic scholars. See W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,2 p. 45, note 2; Th. Nöldeke, _s.v._ “Names,” _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii. 3287 _sqq._; W. W. Graf Baudissin, _Adonis und Esmun_, pp. 39 _sq._, 43 _sqq._ Such names are Abi-baal (“father of Baal”), Abi-el (“father of El”), Abi-jah (“father of Jehovah”), and Abi-melech (“father of a king” or “father of Moloch”). On the hypothesis put forward in the text the father of a god and the son of a god stood precisely on the same footing, and the same person would often be both one and the other. Where the common practice prevailed of naming a father after his son (_Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, pp. 331 _sqq._), a divine king in later life might often be called “father of such-and-such a god.”

_ 165 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 418 _sq._

166 A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_ (Tübingen, N.D.), p. 113.

167 L. Borchardt, “Der ägyptische Titel ‘Vater des Gottes’ als Bezeichnung für ‘Vater oder Schwiegervater des Königs,’ ” _Berichte über die Verhandlungen der Königlich Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Philolog.-histor. Klasse_, lvii. (1905) pp. 254-270.

M34 Cinyras, like King David, a harper. The use of music as a means of prophetic inspiration among the Hebrews.

168 F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, i. 243; Stoll, _s.v._ “Kinyras,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, ii. 1191; 1 Samuel xvi. 23.

169 1 Chronicles xxv. 1-3; compare 2 Samuel vi. 5.

170 W. Robertson Smith, _The Prophets of Israel_2 (London, 1902), pp. 391 _sq._; E. Renan, _Histoire du peuple d’Israel_ (Paris, 1893), ii. 280.

171 1 Samuel x. 5.

172 2 Kings iii. 4-24. And for the explanation of the supposed miracle, see W. Robertson Smith, _The Old Testament in the Jewish Church_2 (London and Edinburgh, 1892), pp. 146 _sq._ I have to thank Professor Kennett for the suggestion that the Moabites took the ruddy light on the water for an omen of blood rather than for actual gore.

M35 The influence of music on religion.

173 1 Samuel xvi. 14-23.

174 J. H. Newman, _Sermons preached before the University of Oxford_, No. xv. pp. 346 _sq._ (third edition).

175 It would be interesting to pursue a similar line of inquiry in regard to the other arts. What was the influence of Phidias on Greek religion? How much does Catholicism owe to Fra Angelico?

M36 The function of string music in Greek and Semitic ritual.

176 Pindar, _Pyth._ ii. 15 _sq._

177 On the lyre and the flute in Greek religion and Greek thought, see L. R. Farnell, _The Cults of the Greek States_ (Oxford, 1896-1909), iv. 243 _sqq._

178 Pindar, _Pyth._ i. 13 _sqq._

179 This seems to be the view also of Dr. Farnell, who rightly connects the musical with the prophetic side of Apollo’s character (_op. cit._ iv. 245).

M37 Traditions as to the death of Cinyras.

180 Hyginus, _Fab._ 242. So in the version of the story which made Adonis the son of Theias, the father is said to have killed himself when he learned what he had done (Antoninus Liberalis, _Transform._ 34).

181 Scholiast and Eustathius on Homer, _Iliad_, xi. 20. Compare F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, i. 243 _sq._; W. H. Engel, _Kypros_, ii. 109-116; Stoll, _s.v._ “Kinyras,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, ii. 1191.

182 Anacreon, cited by Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ vii. 154. Nonnus also refers to the long life of Cinyras (_Dionys._ xxxii. 212 _sq._).

_ 183 Encyclopaedia Britannica_,9 xiv. 858.

M38 Sacred prostitution of Western Asia. M39 Theory of its secular origin.

184 L. R. Farnell, “Sociological hypotheses concerning the position of women in ancient religion,” _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, vii. (1904) p. 88; M. P. Nilsson, _Griechische Feste_ (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 366 _sq._; Fr. Cumont, _Les religions orientales dans le paganisme Romain_2 (Paris, 1909), pp. 361 _sq._ A different and, in my judgment, a truer view of these customs was formerly taken by Prof. Nilsson. See his _Studia de Dionysiis Atticis_ (Lund, 1900), pp. 119-121. For a large collection of facts bearing on this subject and a judicious discussion of them, see W. Hertz, “Die Sage vom Giftmädchen,” _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_ (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1905), pp. 195-219. My attention was drawn to this last work by Prof. G. L. Hamilton of the University of Michigan after my manuscript had been sent to the printer. With Hertz’s treatment of the subject I am in general agreement, and I have derived from his learned treatise several references to authorities which I had overlooked.

M40 The theory does not account for the religious character of the custom,

185 Above, p. 37.

186 Above, p. 38. Prof. Nilsson is mistaken in affirming (_op. cit._ p. 367) that the Lydian practice was purely secular: the inscription which I have cited proves the contrary. Both he and Dr. Farnell fully recognize the religious aspect of most of these customs in antiquity, and Prof. Nilsson attempts, as it seems to me, unsuccessfully, to indicate how a practice supposed to be purely secular in origin should have come to contract a religious character.

M41 Nor for the prostitution of married women.

187 Above, p. 37.

188 Above, pp. 36 _sq._, 38.

189 Hosea iv. 13 _sq._

M42 Nor for the repeated prostitution of the same women.

190 Above, pp. 37 _sqq._

M43 Nor for the “sacred men” beside the “sacred women”.

191 See above, pp. 17 _sq._

M44 And is irreconcilable with the payment of the women.

192 L. di Varthema, _Travels_ (Hakluyt Society, 1863), pp. 141, 202-204 (Malabar); J. A. de Mandlesloe, in J. Harris’s _Voyages and Travels_, i. (London, 1744), p. 767 (Malabar); Richard, “History of Tonquin,” in J. Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_, ix. 760 _sq._ (Aracan); A. de Morga, _The Philippine Islands, Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia, Japan, and China_ (Hakluyt Society, 1868), pp. 304 _sq._ (the Philippines); J. Mallat, _Les Philippines_ (Paris, 1846), i. 61 (the Philippines); L. Moncelon, in _Bulletins de la Société d’Anthropologie de Paris_, 3me Série, ix. (1886) p. 368 (New Caledonia); H. Crawford Angas, in _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte_, 1898, p. 481 (Azimba, Central Africa); Sir H. H. Johnston, _British Central Africa_ (London, 1897), p. 410 (the Wa-Yao of Central Africa). See further, W. Hertz, “Die Sage vom Giftmädchen,” _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, pp. 198-204.

193 Herodotus, i. 93; Justin, xviii. 5. 4. Part of the wages thus earned was probably paid into the local temple. See above, pp. 37, 38. However, according to Strabo (xi. 14. 16, p. 532) the Armenian girls of rich families often gave their lovers more than they received from them.

194 This fatal objection to the theory under discussion has been clearly stated by W. Hertz, _op. cit._ p. 217. I am glad to find myself in agreement with so judicious and learned an inquirer.

M45 The practice of destroying virginity has sometimes had a religious character.

195 L. di Varthema, _Travels_ (Hakluyt Society, 1863), p. 141; J. A. de Mandlesloe, in J. Harris’s _Voyages and Travels_, i. (London, 1744) p. 767; A. Hamilton, “New Account of the East Indies,” in J. Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_, viii. 374; Ch. Lassen, _Indische Alterthumskunde_, iv. (Leipsic, 1861), p. 408; A. de Herrera, _The General History of the Vast Continent and Islands of America_, translated by Captain J. Stevens (London, 1725-1726), iii. 310, 340; Fr. Coreal, _Voyages aux Indes Occidentales_ (Amsterdam, 1722), i. 10 _sq._, 139 _sq._; C. F. Ph. v. Martius, _Beiträge zur Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerika’s_, i. (Leipsic, 1867) pp. 113 _sq._ The first three of these authorities refer to Malabar; the fourth refers to Cambodia; the last three refer to the Indians of Central and South America. See further W. Hertz, “Die Sage vom Giftmädchen,” _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, pp. 204-207. For a criticism of the Malabar evidence see K. Schmidt, _Jus primae noctis_ (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1881), pp. 312-320.

196 Lactantius, _Divin. Institut._ i. 20; Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, iv. 7; Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, vi. 9, vii. 24; D. Barbosa, _Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar_ (Hakluyt Society, 1866), p. 96; Sonnerat, _Voyage aux Indes Orientales et à la Chine_ (Paris, 1782), i. 68; F. Liebrecht, _Zur Volkskunde_ (Heilbronn, 1879), pp. 396 _sq._, 511; W. Hertz, “Die Sage vom Giftmädchen,” _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, pp. 270-272. According to Arnobius, it was matrons, not maidens, who resorted to the image. This suggests that the custom was a charm to procure offspring.

197 R. Schomburgk, in _Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte_, 1879, pp. 235 _sq._; Miklucho-Maclay, _ibid._ 1880, p. 89; W. E. Roth, _Studies among the North-West-Central Queensland Aborigines_ (Brisbane and London, 1897), pp. 174 _sq._, 180; B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_ (London, 1899), pp. 92-95; _id._, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_ (London, 1904), pp. 133-136. In Australia the observance of the custom is regularly followed by the exercise of what seem to be old communal rights of the men over the women.

M46 Sacred women in the Tamil temples of Southern India. Such women are sometimes married to the god and possessed by him.

198 J. A. Dubois, _Mœurs, Institutions et Cérémonies des Peuples de l’Inde_ (Paris, 1825), ii. 353 _sqq._; J. Shortt, “The Bayadère or dancing-girls of Southern India,” _Memoirs of the Anthropological Society of London_, iii. (1867-69) pp. 182-194; Edward Balfour, _Cyclopaedia of India_3 (London, 1885), i. 922 _sqq._; W. Francis, in _Census of India, 1901_, vol. xv., _Madras_, Part I. (Madras, 1902) pp. 151 _sq._; E. Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_ (Madras, 1906), pp. 36 _sq._, 40 _sq._ The office of these sacred women has in recent years been abolished, on the ground of immorality, by the native Government of Mysore. See _Homeward Mail_, 6th June 1909 (extract kindly sent me by General Begbie).

199 Edgar Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_ (Madras, 1909), iii. 37-39. Compare _id._, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_ (Madras, 1906), pp. 29 _sq._ In Southern India the maternal uncle often takes a prominent part in the marriage ceremony to the exclusion of the girl’s father. See, for example, E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_, ii. 497, iv. 147. The custom is derived from the old system of mother-kin, under which a man’s heirs are not his own children but his sister’s children. As to this system see below, Chapter XII., “Mother-kin and Mother Goddesses.”

200 E. Balfour, _op. cit._ ii. 1012.

201 Francis Buchanan, “A Journey from Madras through the countries of Mysore, Canara, and Malabar,” in J. Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_, viii. (London, 1811), p. 749.

M47 In Travancore the dancing-girls are regularly married to the god.

202 N. Subramhanya Aiyar, in _Census of India, 1901_, vol. xxvi., _Travancore_, Part i. (Trivandrum, 1903), pp. 276 _sq._ I have to thank my friend Mr. W. Crooke for referring me to this and other passages on the sacred dancing-girls of India.

M48 Among the Ewe peoples of West Africa the sacred prostitutes are regarded as the wives of the god.

203 A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa_ (London, 1890), pp. 140 _sq._

204 A. B. Ellis, _op. cit._ p. 142.

M49 The human wives of the python-god.

205 A. B. Ellis, _op. cit._ pp. 148 _sq._ Compare Des Marchais, _Voyage en Guinée et à Cayenne_ (Amsterdam, 1731), ii. 144-151; P. Bouche, _La Côte des Esclaves_ (Paris, 1885), p. 128. The Abbé Bouche calls these women _danwés_.

206 A. B. Ellis, _op. cit._ p. 60; Des Marchais, _op. cit._ ii. 149 _sq._

M50 Supposed connexion between the fertility of the soil and the marriage of women to the serpent.

207 Des Marchais, _Voyage en Guinée et à Cayenne_ (Amsterdam, 1731), ii. 146 _sq._

208 W. Bosman, “Description of the Coast of Guinea,” in J. Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_, xvi. (London, 1814), p. 494.

209 W. Bosman, _l.c._ The name of Whydah is spelt by Bosman as Fida, and by Des Marchais as Juda.

M51 Human wives of a snake-god among the Akikuyu.

210 MS. notes, kindly sent to me by the author, Mr. A. C. Hollis, 21st May, 1908.

M52 Sacred men as well as women in West Africa: they are thought to be possessed by the deity.

211 A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast_, pp. 142-144; Le R. P. Baudin, “Féticheurs ou ministres religieux des Nègres de la Guinée,” _Les Missions Catholiques_, No. 787 (4 juillet 1884), p. 322.

212 A. B. Ellis, _op. cit._ pp. 150 _sq._

_ 213 La Côte des Esclaves_, pp. 127 _sq._

214 A. B. Ellis, _op. cit._ p. 147.

M53 Similarly among the Tshi peoples of the Gold Coast there are sacred men and women, who are supposed to be inspired by the deity.

215 A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast of West Africa_ (London, 1887), pp. 120-138.

216 A. B. Ellis, _op. cit._ p. 121.

217 A. B. Ellis, _op. cit._ pp. 120 _sq._, 129-138. The slaves, male and female, dedicated to a god from childhood are often mentioned by the German missionary Mr. J. Spieth in his elaborate work on the Ewe people (_Die Eẇe-Stämme: Material zur Kunde des Eẇe-Volkes in Deutsch-Togo_, Berlin, 1906, pp. 228, 229, 309, 450, 474, 792, 797, etc.). But his information does not illustrate the principal points to which I have called attention in the text.

M54 In like manner the sacred prostitutes of Western Asia may have been viewed as possessed by the deity and married to the god.

_ 218 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 129-135.

219 Herodotus, i. 181 _sq._ It is not clear whether the same or a different woman slept every night in the temple.

220 H. Winckler, _Die Gesetze Hammurabi_2 (Leipsic, 1903), p. 31, § 182; C. H. W. Johns, _Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, Contracts, and Letters_ (Edinburgh, 1904), pp. 54, 55, 59, 60, 61 (§§ 137, 144, 145, 146, 178, 182, 187, 192, 193, of the Code of Hammurabi). As to these female votaries see especially C. H. W. Johns, “Notes on the Code of Hammurabi,” _American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures_, xix. (January 1903) pp. 98-107. Compare S. A. Cook, _The Laws of Moses and the Code of Hammurabi_ (London, 1903), pp. 147-150.

221 C. H. W. Johns, “Notes on the Code of Hammurabi,” _l.c._, where we read (p. 104) of a female votary of Shamash who had a daughter.

_ 222 Code of Hammurabi_, § 181; C. H. W. Johns, “Notes on the Code of Hammurabi,” _op. cit._ pp. 100 sq.; S. A. Cook, _op. cit._ p. 148. Dr. Johns translates the name by “temple maid” (_Babylonian and Assyrian Laws_, _Contracts, and Letters_, p. 61). He is scrupulously polite to these ladies, but I gather from him that a far less charitable view of their religious vocation is taken by Father Scheil, the first editor and translator of the code.

223 Any man proved to have pointed the finger of scorn at a votary was liable to be branded on the forehead (_Code of Hammurabi_, § 127).

224 See above, pp. 66, 69.

225 Herodotus, i. 182.

226 A. Wiedemann, _Herodots Zweites Buch_ (Leipsic, 1890), pp. 268 _sq._ See further _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 130 _sqq._

227 Strabo, xvii. 1. 46, p. 816. The title “concubines of Zeus (Ammon)” is mentioned by Diodorus Siculus (i. 47).

228 Diodorus Siculus, i. 47.

M55 Similarly the sacred men (_ḳedeshim_) of Western Asia may have been regarded as possessed by the deity and as acting and speaking in his name.

229 The ἱερόδουλοι, as the Greeks called them.

230 I have to thank the Rev. Professor R. H. Kennett for this important suggestion as to the true nature of the _ḳedeshim_. The passages of the Bible in which mention is made of these men are Deuteronomy xxiii. 17 (in Hebrew 18); 1 Kings xiv. 24, xv. 12, xxii. 46 (in Hebrew 47); 2 Kings xxiii. 7; Job xxxvi. 14 (where _ḳedeshim_ is translated “the unclean” in the English version). The usual rendering of _ḳedeshim_ in the English Bible is not justified by any of these passages; but it may perhaps derive support from a reference which Eusebius makes to the profligate rites observed at Aphaca (_Vita Constantini_, iii. 55; Migne’s _Patrologia Graeca_,