vi. 26): it seems to have been a tree stripped of its branches and

planted in the ground beside an altar, whether of Jehovah or of other gods (Deuteronomy xvi. 21; Jeremiah xvii. 2). That the _asherah_ was regarded as a goddess, the female partner of Baal, appears from 1 Kings xviii. 19; 2 Kings xxi. 3, xxiii. 4; and that this goddess was identified with Ashtoreth (Astarte) may be inferred from a comparison of Judges ii. 13 with Judges iii. 7. Yet on the other hand the pole or tree seems by others to have been viewed as a male power (Jeremiah ii. 27; see below, pp. 107 _sqq._), and the identification of the _asherah_ with Astarte has been doubted or disputed by some eminent modern scholars. See on this subject W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 187 _sqq._; S. R. Driver, on Deuteronomy xvi. 21; J. Skinner, on 1 Kings xiv. 23; M. J. Lagrange, _Études sur les religions Sémitiques_,2 pp. 173 _sqq._; G. F. Moore, in _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, vol. i. 330 _sqq._, _s.v._ “Asherah.”

47 Deuteronomy xxiii. 17 _sq._ (in Hebrew 18 _sq._). The code of Deuteronomy was published in 621 B.C. in the reign of King Josiah, whose reforms, including the ejection of the _ḳedeshim_ from the temple, were based upon it. See W. Robertson Smith, _The Old Testament in the Jewish Church_2 (London and Edinburgh, 1892), pp. 256 _sqq._, 353 _sqq._; S. R. Driver, _Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Deuteronomy_3 (Edinburgh, 1902), pp. xliv. _sqq._; K. Budde, _Geschichte der althebräischen Litteratur_ (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 105 _sqq._

M12 David as heir of the old sacred kings of Jerusalem.

48 He reigned seven years in Hebron and thirty-three in Jerusalem (2 Samuel v. 5; 1 Kings ii. 11; 1 Chronicles xxix. 27).

49 Professor A. H. Sayce has argued that David’s original name was Elhanan (2 Samuel xxi. 19 compared with xxiii. 24), and that the name David, which he took at a later time, should be written Dod or Dodo, “the Beloved One,” which according to Prof. Sayce was a name for Tammuz (Adonis) in Southern Canaan, and was in particular bestowed by the Jebusites of Jerusalem on their supreme deity. See A. H. Sayce, _Lectures on the Religion of the Ancient Babylonians_ (London and Edinburgh, 1887), pp. 52-57. If he is right, his conclusions would accord perfectly with those which I had reached independently, and it would become probable that David only assumed the name of David (Dod, Dodo) after the conquest of Jerusalem, and for the purpose of identifying himself with the god of the city, who had borne the same title from time immemorial. But on the whole it seems more likely, as Professor Kennett points out to me, that in the original story Elhanah, a totally different person from David, was the slayer of Goliath, and that the part of the giant-killer was thrust on David at a later time when the brightness of his fame had eclipsed that of many lesser heroes.

50 2 Samuel xii. 26-31; 1 Chronicles xx. 1-3. Critics seem generally to agree that in these passages the word מלכם must be pointed _Milcom_, not _malcham_ “their king,” as the Massoretic text, followed by the English version, has it. The reading _Milcom_, which involves no change of the original Hebrew text, is supported by the reading of the Septuagint Μολχὸμ τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτῶν, where the three last words are probably a gloss on Μολχὸμ. See S. R. Driver, _Notes on the Hebrew Text and the Topography of the Books of Samuel_, Second Edition (Oxford, 1913), p. 294; Dean Kirkpatrick, in his note on 2 Samuel xii. 30 (_Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges_); _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii. 3085; R. Kittel, _Biblia Hebraica_, i. 433; Brown, Driver, and Briggs, _Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament_ (Oxford, 1906), pp. 575 _sq._ David’s son and successor adopted the worship of Milcom and made a high place for him outside Jerusalem. See 1 Kings xi. 5; 2 Kings xxiii. 13.

51 2 Samuel v. 6-10; 1 Chronicles xi. 4-9.

M13 Traces of the divinity of Hebrew kings.

52 See for example 1 Samuel xxiv. 8; 2 Samuel xiv. 9, 12, 15, 17, 18, 19, 22, xv. 15, 21, xvi. 4, 9, xviii. 28, 31, 32; 1 Kings i. 2, 13, 18, 20, 21, 24, 27; 1 Chronicles xxi. 3, 23.

53 Jeremiah xxii. 18, xxxiv. 5. In the former passage, according to the Massoretic text, the full formula of mourning was, “Alas my brother! alas sister! alas lord! alas his glory!” Who was the lamented sister? Professor T. K. Cheyne supposes that she was Astarte, and by a very slight change (דדה for הדה) he would read “Dodah” for “his glory,” thus restoring the balance between the clauses; for “Dodah” would then answer to “Adon” (lord) as “sister” answers to “brother.” I have to thank Professor Cheyne for kindly communicating this conjecture to me by letter. He writes that Dodah “is a title of Ishtar, just as Dôd is a title of Tamûz,” and for evidence he refers me to the Dodah of the Moabite Stone, where, however, the reading Dodah is not free from doubt. See G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, No. 1, pp. 1, 3, 11; _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, ii. 3045; S. R. Driver, _Notes on the Hebrew Text and the Topography of the Books of Samuel_, Second Edition (Oxford, 1913), pp. lxxxv., lxxxvi., xc.; F. Baethgen, _Beiträge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte_ (Berlin, 1888), p. 234; H. Winckler, _Geschichte Israels_ (Leipsic, 1895-1900), ii. 258. As to Hebrew names formed from the root _dôd_ in the sense of “beloved,” see Brown, Driver, and Briggs, _Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament_, pp. 187 _sq._; G. B. Gray, _Studies in Hebrew Proper Names_ (London, 1896), pp. 60 _sqq._

54 This was perceived by Renan (_Histoire du peuple d’Israel_, iii. 273), and Prof. T. K. Cheyne writes to me: “The formulae of public mourning were derived from the ceremonies of the Adonia; this Lenormant saw long ago.”

55 1 Chronicles xxix. 23; 2 Chronicles ix. 8.

56 1 Samuel xvi. 13, 14, compare _id._, x. 1 and 20. The oil was poured on the king’s head (1 Samuel x. 1; 2 Kings ix. 3, 6). For the conveyance of the divine spirit by means of oil, see also Isaiah lx. 1. The kings of Egypt appear to have consecrated their vassal Syrian kings by pouring oil on their heads. See the Tell-el-Amarna letters, No. 37 (H. Winckler, _Die Thontafeln von Tell-el-Amarna_, p. 99). Some West African priests are consecrated by a similar ceremony. See below, p. 68. The natives of Buru, an East Indian island, imagine that they can keep off demons by smearing their bodies with coco-nut oil, but the oil must be prepared by young unmarried girls. See G. A. Wilken, “Bijdrage tot de kennis der Alfoeren van het eiland Boeroe,” _Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen_, xxxviii. (Batavia, 1875) p. 30; _id._, _Verspreide Geschriften_ (The Hague, 1912), i. 61. In some tribes of North-West America hunters habitually anointed their hair with decoctions of certain plants and deer’s brains before they set out to hunt. The practice was probably a charm to secure success in the hunt. See C. Hill-Tout, _The Home of the Salish and Déné_ (London, 1907), p. 72.

57 1 Samuel xxiv. 6. Messiah in Hebrew is _Mashiah_ (משיה). The English form Messiah is derived from the Aramaic through the Greek. See T. K. Cheyne, in _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._ “Messiah,” vol. iii. 3057 _sqq._ Why hair oil should be considered a vehicle of inspiration is by no means clear. It would have been intelligible if the olive had been with the Hebrews, as it was with the Athenians, a sacred tree under the immediate protection of a deity; for then a portion of the divine essence might be thought to reside in the oil. W. Robertson Smith supposed that the unction was originally performed with the fat of a sacrificial victim, for which vegetable oil was a later substitute (_Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 383 _sq._). On the whole subject see J. Wellhausen, “Zwei Rechtsriten bei den Hebräern,” _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, vii. (1904) pp. 33-39; H. Weinel, “משה und seine Derivate,” _Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft_, xviii. (1898) pp. 1-82.

M14 The Hebrew kings seem to have been held responsible for drought and famine.

58 2 Samuel xxi. 1-14, with Dean Kirkpatrick’s notes on 1 and 10.

_ 59 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 284 _sq._

60 1 Samuel xii. 17 _sq._ Similarly, Moses stretched forth his rod toward heaven and the Lord sent thunder and rain (Exodus ix. 23). The word for thunder in both these passages is “voices” (קלות). The Hebrews heard in the clap of thunder the voice of Jehovah, just as the Greeks heard in it the voice of Zeus and the Romans the voice of Jupiter.

M15 Excessive rain set down to the wrath of the deity.

61 Ezekiel xiii. 11, 13, xxxviii. 22; Jeremiah iii. 2 _sq._ The Hebrews looked to Jehovah for rain (Leviticus xxvi. 3-5; Jeremiah v. 24) just as the Greeks looked to Zeus and the Romans to Jupiter.

62 Ezra x. 9-14. The special sin which they laid to heart on this occasion was their marriage with Gentile women. It is implied, though not expressly said, that they traced the inclemency of the weather to these unfortunate alliances. Similarly, “during the rainy season, when the sun is hidden behind great masses of dark clouds, the Indians set up a wailing for their sins, believing that the sun is angry and may never shine on them again.” See Francis C. Nicholas, “The Aborigines of Santa Maria, Colombia,” _American Anthropologist_, N.S., iii. (New York, 1901) p. 641. The Indians in question are the Aurohuacas of Colombia, in South America.

63 Psalm cxxxvii. The willows beside the rivers of Babylon are mentioned in the laments for Tammuz. See above, pp. 9, 10.

64 The line of the Dead Sea, lying in its deep trough, is visible from the Mount of Olives; indeed, so clear is the atmosphere that the blue water seems quite near the eye, though in fact it is more than fifteen miles off and nearly four thousand feet below the spectator. See K. Baedeker, _Palestine and Syria_4 (Leipsic, 1906), p. 77. When the sun shines on it, the lake is of a brilliant blue (G. A. Smith, _Historical Geography of the Holy Land_, London, 1894, pp. 501 _sq._); but its brilliancy is naturally dimmed under clouded skies.

M16 Hebrew kings apparently supposed to heal disease and stop epidemics.

65 2 Kings v. 5-7.

66 2 Samuel xxiv.; 1 Chronicles xxi. In this passage, contrary to his usual practice, the Chronicler has enlivened the dull tenor of his history with some picturesque touches which we miss in the corresponding passage of Kings. It is to him that we owe the vision of the Angel of the Plague first stretching out his sword over Jerusalem and then returning it to the scabbard. From him Defoe seems to have taken a hint in his account of the prodigies, real or imaginary, which heralded the outbreak of the Great Plague in London. “One time before the plague was begun, otherwise than as I have said in St. Giles’s, I think it was in March, seeing a crowd of people in the street, I joined with them to satisfy my curiosity, and found them all staring up into the air to see what a woman told them appeared plain to her, which was an angel clothed in white with a fiery sword in his hand, waving it or brandishing it over his head.... One saw one thing and one another. I looked as earnestly as the rest, but, perhaps, not with so much willingness to be imposed upon; and I said, indeed, that I could see nothing but a white cloud, bright on one side, by the shining of the sun upon the other part.” See Daniel Defoe, _History of the Plague in London_ (Edinburgh, 1810, pp. 33 _sq._). It is the more likely that Defoe had here the Chronicler in mind, because a few pages earlier he introduces the prophet Jonah and a man out of Josephus with very good effect.

M17 The rarity of references to the divinity of Hebrew kings in the historical books may be explained by the circumstances in which these works were composed or edited.

67 2 Kings xvii. 5 _sq._, xviii. 9 _sq._

68 2 Kings xix. 32-36.

69 We owe to Ezekiel (xxiii. 5 _sq._, 12) the picture of the handsome Assyrian cavalrymen in their blue uniforms and gorgeous trappings. The prophet writes as if in his exile by the waters of Babylon he had seen the blue regiments filing past, in all the pomp of war, on their way to the front.

M18 The historical books were composed or edited under the influence of the prophetic reformation.

70 Samaria fell in 722 B.C., during or just before the reign of Hezekiah: the Book of Deuteronomy, the cornerstone of king Josiah’s reformation, was produced in 621 B.C.; and Jerusalem fell in 586 B.C. The date of Hezekiah’s accession is a much-disputed point in the chronology of Judah. See the Introduction to Kings and Isaiah i.-xxxix. by J. Skinner and O. C. Whitehouse respectively, in _The Century Bible_.

71 Or the Deuteronomic redactor, as the critics call him. See W. Robertson Smith, _The Old Testament in the Jewish Church_2 (London and Edinburgh, 1892), pp. 395 _sq._, 425; _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, ii. 2078 _sqq._, 2633 _sqq._, iv. 4273 _sqq._; K. Budde, _Geschichte der althebräischen Litteratur_ (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 99, 121 _sqq._, 127 _sqq._, 132; Principal J. Skinner, in his introduction to Kings (in _The Century Bible_), pp. 10 _sqq._

M19 The Baal and his female Baalath the sources of all fertility.

72 Menander of Ephesus, quoted by Josephus, _Contra Apionem_, i. 18 (_Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C. Müller, iv. 446); G. A. Cooke, _Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, No. 4, p. 26. According to Justin, however, the priest of Hercules, that is, of Melcarth, at Tyre, was distinct from the king and second to him in dignity. See Justin, xviii. 4, 5.

73 Hosea ii. 5 _sqq._; W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_2 (London, 1894), pp. 95-107.

74 W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,2 pp. 107 _sq._

M20 Personation of the Baal by the king.

_ 75 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 120 _sqq._, 376 _sqq._

M21 Cinyras, king of Byblus. Aphaca and the vale of the Adonis. Monuments of Adonis.

76 Strabo, xvi. 1. 18, p. 755.

77 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 9.

78 Eusebius, _Vita Constantini_, iii. 55; Sozomenus, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, ii. 5; Socrates, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, i. 18; Zosimus, i. 58.

79 On the valley of the Nahr Ibrahim, its scenery and monuments, see Edward Robinson, _Biblical Researches in Palestine_3 (London, 1867), iii. 603-609; W. M. Thomson, _The Land and the Book, Lebanon, Damascus, and beyond Jordan_ (London, 1886), pp. 239-246; E. Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, pp. 282 _sqq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, ii. (Paris, 1897) pp. 175-179; Sir Charles Wilson, _Picturesque Palestine_ (London, N.D.), iii. 16, 17, 27. Among the trees which line the valley are oak, sycamore, bay, plane, orange, and mulberry (W. M. Thomson, _op. cit._ p. 245). Travellers are unanimous in testifying to the extraordinary beauty of the vale of the Adonis. Thus Robinson writes: “There is no spot in all my wanderings on which memory lingers with greater delight than on the sequestered retreat and exceeding loveliness of Afka.” Renan says that the landscape is one of the most beautiful in the world. My friend the late Sir Francis Galton wrote to me (20th September 1906): “I have no good map of Palestine, but strongly suspect that my wanderings there, quite sixty years ago, took me to the place you mention, above the gorge of the river Adonis. Be that as it may, I have constantly asserted that the view I then had of a deep ravine and blue sea seen through the cliffs that bounded it, was the most beautiful I had ever set eyes on.”

_ 80 Etymologicum Magnum_, _s.v._ Ἄφακα, p. 175.

81 Melito, “Oration to Antoninus Caesar,” in W. Cureton’s _Spicilegium Syriacum_ (London, 1855), p. 44.

82 E. Renan, _Mission de Phénicie_, pp. 292-294. The writer seems to have no doubt that the beast attacking Adonis is a bear, not a boar. Views of the monument are given by A. Jeremias, _Das Alte Testament im Lichte des Alten Orients_2 (Leipsic, 1906), p. 90, and by Baudissin, _Adonis und Esmun_, plates i. and ii., with his discussion, pp. 78 _sqq._

83 Macrobius, _Saturn_, i. 21. 5.

84 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 8.

M22 Phoenician colonies in Cyprus.

85 F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, ii. 2, p. 224; G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, ii. 199; G. A. Smith, _Historical Geography of the Holy Land_ (London, 1894), p. 135.

86 On the natural wealth of Cyprus see Strabo, xiv. 6. 5; W. H. Engel, _Kypros_, i. 40-71; F. C. Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, ii. 2, pp. 224 _sq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, ii. 200 _sq._; E. Oberhummer, _Die Insel Cypern_, i. (Munich, 1903) pp. 175 _sqq._, 243 _sqq._ As to the firs and cedars of Cyprus see Theophrastus, _Historia Plantarum_, v. 7. 1, v. 9. 1. The Cyprians boasted that they could build and rig a ship complete, from her keel to her topsails, with the native products of their island (Ammianus Marcellinus, xiv. 8. 14).

87 G. A. Cooke, _Text-Book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, Nos. 12-25, pp. 55-76, 347-349; P. Gardner, _New Chapters in Greek History_ (London, 1892), pp. 179, 185. It has been held that the name of Citium is etymologically identical with Hittite. If that was so, it would seem that the town was built and inhabited by a non-Semitic people before the arrival of the Phoenicians. See _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, _s.v._ “Kittim.” Other traces of this older race, akin to the primitive stock of Asia Minor, have been detected in Cyprus; amongst them the most obvious is the Cyprian syllabary, the characters of which are neither Phoenician nor Greek in origin. See P. Gardner, _op. cit._ pp. 154, 173-175, 178 _sq._

88 G. A. Cooke, _Text-Book of North-Semitic Inscriptions_, No. 11, p. 52.

89 Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ Ἀμαθοῦς; Pausanias, ix. 41. 2 _sq._ According to Pausanias, there was a remarkable necklace of green stones and gold in the sanctuary of Adonis and Aphrodite at Amathus. The Greeks commonly identified it with the necklace of Harmonia or Eriphyle. A terra-cotta statuette of Astarte, found at Amathus (?), represents her wearing a necklace which she touches with one hand. See L. P. di Cesnola, _Cyprus_ (London, 1877), p. 275. The scanty ruins of Amathus occupy an isolated hill beside the sea. Among them is an enormous stone jar, half buried in the earth, of which the four handles are adorned with figures of bulls. It is probably of Phoenician manufacture. See L. Ross, _Reisen nach Kos, Halikarnassos, Rhodes und der Insel Cypern_ (Halle, 1852), pp. 168 _sqq._

90 Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ Ἀμαθοῦς. For the relation of Adonis to Osiris at Byblus see below, vol. ii. pp. 9 _sq._, 22 _sq._, 127.

91 Hesychius, _s.v._ Μάλικα.

92 L. P. di Cesnola, _Cyprus_, pp. 254-283; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iii. (Paris, 1885) pp. 216-222.

M23 Kingdom of Paphos. Sanctuary of Aphrodite at Paphos.

93 D. G. Hogarth, _Devia Cypria_ (London, 1889), pp. 1-3; _Encyclopaedia Britannica_,9 vi. 747; Élisée Reclus, _Nouvelle Géographie Universelle_ (Paris, 1879-1894), ix. 668.

94 T. L. Donaldson, _Architectura Numismatica_ (London, 1859), pp. 107-109, with fig. 31; _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, ix. (1888) pp. 210-213; G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Cyprus_ (London, 1904), pp. cxxvii-cxxxiv, with plates xiv. 2, 3, 6-8, xv. 1-4, 7, xvi. 2, 4, 6-9, xvii. 4-6, 8, 9, xxvi. 3, 6-16; George Macdonald, _Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection_ (Glasgow, 1899-1905), ii. 566, with pl. lxi. 19. As to the existing remains of the temple, which were excavated by an English expedition in 1887-1888, see “Excavations in Cyprus, 1887-1888,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, ix. (1888) pp. 193 _sqq._ Previous accounts of the temple are inaccurate and untrustworthy.

95 C. Schuchhardt, _Schliemann’s Ausgrabungen_2 (Leipsic, 1891), pp. 231-233; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, vi. (Paris, 1894) pp. 336 _sq._, 652-654; _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, ix. (1888) pp. 213 _sq._; P. Gardner, _New Chapters in Greek History_, p. 181.

96 J. Selden, _De dis Syris_ (Leipsic, 1668), pp. 274 _sqq._; S. Bochart, _Hierozoicon_, Editio Tertia (Leyden, 1692), ii. 4 _sqq._ Compare the statue of a priest with a dove in his hand, which was found in Cyprus (Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iii. Paris, 1885, p. 510), with fig. 349.

97 A. J. Evans, “Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xxi. (1901) pp. 99 _sqq._

M24 The Aphrodite of Paphos a Phoenician or aboriginal deity. Her conical image.

98 Tacitus, _Annals_, iii. 62.

99 Herodotus, i. 105; compare Pausanias, i. 14. 7. Herodotus only speaks of the sanctuary of Aphrodite in Cyprus, but he must refer to the great one at Paphos. At Ascalon a goddess was worshipped in mermaid-shape under the name of Derceto, and fish and doves were sacred to her (Diodorus Siculus, ii. 4; compare Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 14). The name Derceto, like the much more correct Atargatis, is a Greek corruption of _’Attâr_, the Aramaic form of _Astarte_, but the two goddesses Atargatis and Astarte, in spite of the affinity of their names, appear to have been historically distinct. See Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2 (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1909), pp. 605, 650 _sq._; F. Baethgen, _Beiträge zur Semitischen Religionsgeschichte_ (Berlin, 1888), pp. 68 _sqq._; F. Cumont, _s.vv._ “Atargatis” and “Dea Syria,” in Pauly-Wissowa’s _Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_; René Dussaud, _Notes de Mythologie Syrienne_ (Paris, 1903), pp. 82 _sqq._; R. A. Stewart Macalister, _The Philistines, their History and Civilization_ (London, 1913), pp. 94 _sqq._

100 It is described by ancient writers and figured on coins. See Tacitus, _Hist._ ii. 3; Maximus Tyrius, _Dissert._ viii. 8; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ i. 720; T. L. Donaldson, _Architectura Numismatica_, p. 107, with fig. 31; _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, ix. (1888) pp. 210-212. According to Maximus Tyrius, the material of the pyramid was unknown. Probably it was a stone. The English archaeologists found several fragments of white cones on the site of the temple at Paphos: one which still remains in its original position in the central chamber was of limestone and of somewhat larger size (_Journal of Hellenic Studies_, ix. (1888) p. 180).

101 See above, p. 14.

102 On coins of Perga the sacred cone is represented as richly decorated and standing in a temple between sphinxes. See B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 585; P. Gardner, _Types of Greek Coins_ (Cambridge, 1883), pl. xv. No. 3; G. F. Hill, _Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycia, Pamphylia, and Pisidia_ (London, 1897), pl. xxiv. 12, 15, 16. However, Mr. G. F. Hill writes to me: “Is the stone at Perga really a cone? I have always thought it was a cube or something of that kind. On the coins the upper, sloping portion is apparently an elaborate veil or head-dress. The head attached to the stone is seen in the middle of this, surmounted by a tall _kalathos_.” The sanctuary stood on a height, and a festival was held there annually (Strabo, xiv. 4. 2, p. 667). The native title of the goddess was _Anassa_, that is, “Queen.” See B. V. Head, _l.c._; Wernicke, _s.v._ “Artemis,” in Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_, ii. 1, col. 1397. Aphrodite at Paphos bore the same title. See below, p. 42, note 6. The worship of Pergaean Artemis at Halicarnassus was cared for by a priestess, who held office for life and had to make intercession for the city at every new moon. See G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_2 (Leipsic, 1898-1901), vol. ii. p. 373, No. 601.

103 Herodian, v. 3. 5. This cone was of black stone, with some small knobs on it, like the stone of Cybele at Pessinus. It is figured on coins of Emesa. See B. V. Head, _Historia Numorum_ (Oxford, 1887), p. 659; P. Gardner, _Types of Greek Coins_, pl. xv. No. 1. The sacred stone of Cybele, which the Romans brought from Pessinus to Rome during the Second Punic War, was small, black, and rugged, but we are not told that it was of conical shape. See Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, vii. 49; Livy, xxix. 11. 7. According to one reading, Servius (on Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 188) speaks of the stone of Cybele as a needle (_acus_), which would point to a conical shape. But the reading appears to be without manuscript authority, and other emendations have been suggested.

104 G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iii. 273, 298 _sq._, 304 _sq._ The sanctuary of Aphrodite, or rather Astarte, at Golgi is said to have been even more ancient than her sanctuary at Paphos (Pausanias, viii. 5. 2).

105 W. M. Flinders Petrie, _Researches in Sinai_ (London, 1906), pp. 135 _sq._, 189. Votive cones made of clay have been found in large numbers in Babylonia, particularly at Lagash and Nippur. See M. Jastrow, _The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_ (Boston, U.S.A., 1898), pp. 672-674.

106 Tacitus, _Hist._ ii. 3.

107 We learn this from an inscription found at Paphos. See _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, ix. (1888) pp. 188, 231.

108 Pausanias, x. 24. 6, with my note.

109 D. G. Hogarth, _A Wandering Scholar in the Levant_ (London, 1896), pp. 179 _sq._ Women used to creep through a holed stone to obtain children at a place on the Dee in Aberdeenshire. See _Balder the Beautiful_, ii. 187.

110 G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, iii. 628.

M25 Sacred prostitution in the worship of the Paphian Aphrodite and of other Asiatic goddesses.

111 Herodotus, i. 199; Athenaeus, xii. 11, p. 516 A; Justin, xviii. 5. 4; Lactantius, _Divin. Inst._ i. 17; W. H. Engel, _Kypros_, ii. 142 _sqq._ Asiatic customs of this sort have been rightly explained by W. Mannhardt (_Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_, pp. 283 _sqq._).

112 Herodotus, i. 199; Strabo, xvi. 1. 20, p. 745. As to the identity of Mylitta with Astarte see H. Zimmern in E. Schrader’s _Die Keilinschriften und das alte Testament_,3 pp. 423, note 7, 428, note 4. According to him, the name Mylitta comes from _Mu’allidtu_, “she who helps women in travail.” In this character Ishtar would answer to the Greek Artemis and the Latin Diana. As to sacred prostitution in the worship of Ishtar see M. Jastrow, _The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_, pp. 475 _sq._, 484 _sq._; P. Dhorme, _La Religion Assyro-Babylonienne_ (Paris, 1910), pp. 86, 300 _sq._

113 Eusebius, _Vita Constantini_, iii. 58; Socrates, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, i. 18. 7-9; Sozomenus, Historia Ecclesiastica, v. 10. 7. Socrates says that at Heliopolis local custom obliged the women to be held in common, so that paternity was unknown, “for there was no distinction of parents and children, and the people prostituted their daughters to the strangers who visited them” (τοῖς παριοῦσι ξένοις). The prostitution of matrons as well as of maids is mentioned by Eusebius. As he was born and spent his life in Syria, and was a contemporary of the practices he describes, the bishop of Caesarea had the best opportunity of informing himself as to them, and we ought not, as Prof. M. P. Nilsson does (_Griechische Feste_, Leipsic, 1906, p. 366 n.2), to allow his positive testimony on this point to be outweighed by the silence of the later historian Sozomenus, who wrote long after the custom had been abolished. Eusebius had good reason to know the heathenish customs which were kept up in his diocese; for he was sharply taken to task by Constantine for allowing sacrifices to be offered on altars under the sacred oak or terebinth at Mamre; and in obedience to the imperial commands he caused the altars to be destroyed and an oratory to be built instead under the tree. So in Ireland the ancient heathen sanctuaries under the sacred oaks were converted by Christian missionaries into churches and monasteries. See Socrates, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, i. 18; _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 242 _sq._

114 Athanasius, _Oratio contra Gentes_, 26 (Migne’s _Patrologia Graeca_,