Part 18

You have been busy with the studies of antiquity. Do not lay too much stress upon the incidents of their political life; for these relations have so changed that they cannot be applied to the present. You may well rejoice in many of the great figures and characters of antiquity, but Greek culture has one special trait which no other nation has shown. The harmony which our own time so sadly lacks, the Greek people showed in art, in life, in their motions, in their dress, yes, even in their systems of philosophy, and in the handling of their problems. I especially advise you to read what Chamberlain so trenchantly says on this point in the Introduction to his "Foundations of the Nineteenth Century."

And then, above all, strive to know the history of your Fatherland. Learn to know the misery of our people in the later years of the Middle Ages, in the struggles between church and state and between the princes, in the strife of creeds during the Thirty Years' War, when our people were trodden down and brought into the service of foreign peoples and dynasties with whom its interests had nothing in common, until the final great downfall in the time of Napoleon. The year 1870 first brought us a united German state again. And if you enter upon a political career, keep your eye upon the field as a whole, and do not be disturbed by parties. For these shove their interests before those of the Fatherland and often draw a curtain between you and it. And if your political efforts threaten to bewilder you, I advise you to withdraw from them for a time--travel or go on a walking tour--and let Nature have her way. Then when you return you will have a clearer vision of the real relations. If at any time the waves overwhelm you, if the many phenomena of modern art and literature bewilder and depress you, you can always turn to these ideals of antiquity as a means of recovering your balance.

You are now ready to enter the university. Therefore I would like to give you one more counsel, which you must not take lightly, for it is to me a very serious matter. Alcohol is a great danger to our people, which, believe me, gives me great anxiety. I have led the government now during twenty-three years, and through the reports which pass through my hands I know how many crimes have been committed through alcohol. Direct your gaze for a moment to a neighboring land. The Americans are far ahead of us in this. At their universities there they do great things, as you may convince yourselves, since so many students come to us from there. There, at the reunions and at the great academic gatherings--for instance, at the inauguration of a president--no wine is seen on the whole table; and they get along very well without it. If you enter the university, steel your body through sport and through fencing--a thing I would blame in no one--or through rowing; but do not seek to make a record for yourself by seeing who can gulp down the greatest number of intoxicating drinks. Those are customs which come to us from another time. If you will take this attitude in the corps and societies, I shall be grateful to you. We have other tasks now than they had in former years and must strengthen our knowledge of national economy and finances. For it is worth Germany's while to protect her position in the world, especially in the world market. Therefore we must all hold fast together.

I herewith turn the flag over to you. The _primus omnium_, so I understand, will carry it and will consider it an honor that he is the first one to do so.

INTERNATIONAL COMPETITION

HAMBURG, AUGUST 27, 1911

After a religious service for the army, the Emperor and Empress visited the race-course at Grossborstel. The relations between Germany and England were becoming strained. At the time of the uprising in Morocco on the twenty-first of May, 1911, the French general Moinier took measures, so he said, to protect Europeans in Morocco and later besieged certain native cities. Germany, pursuing her world-policy, immediately sent the gunboat _Panther_ and later the cruiser _Berlin_ to the harbor of Agadir, and assumed a threatening attitude, as she had done at Tangier and as Admiral Diedrichs had done at Manila. When the English made it plain that they would support France, in accordance with the _entente_ reached in 1904, with regard to Morocco and Egypt, feeling between the two nations became tense and has remained so. The Emperor here, while insisting upon the place in the sun, is at the same time insisting on friendly competition. (See the discussion of the speech of March 31, 1905.)

YOUR MAGNIFICENCE:

As often as her Majesty and I have the happy opportunity of coming to Hamburg, it becomes our duty to express our gratitude for the joyful reception and warm, heartfelt greeting which is accorded us by all classes of the Hamburg citizens. We have felt this again to-day and are constrained to express anew our thanks for the welcome on the part of the city. It is an index of how close the relations have become between the citizens of Hamburg and our house. As the highest commander of my army, I would at the same time like to express the joy I take in the fact that the Hanseatic cities are now about to express again their lively interest and their love and fondness for the regiments which bear their names. To me it is a proof that the relationship between the garrisons and their cities is a deep and a close one, and that they are proud to give some outward recognition for the service which their sons have rendered in the past and for the zeal which they showed in their work of peace.

When, yesterday, the city of Hamburg enthusiastically greeted a portion of that army which has so long maintained peace, she did a very proper thing, for she understands that under the protection of peace she can devote herself to her labors. She is a world city and is situated on one of the greatest rivers of our Fatherland, and the breath of the sea and the wave beat of the tides come to her wharves. Just as for the human body, it is necessary for a nation to breathe in order to live. The breath of the body politic gives it life and strength. This breath is commerce. Long ago the far-sighted Great Elector coined the phrase: "Trade and navigation are the two main pillars of my state."

In the twenty-three years since I mounted the throne it has been a pleasure to me to follow the progress which the Hanseatic cities and especially Hamburg have achieved in their restless advance. If I do everything that I can on my side to help the Hanseatic cities, it is a duty that I gladly discharge.

But we need not wonder that the great increase of trade in our newly united Fatherland has disquieted many people in the world. I, nevertheless, believe that in the domain of commerce competition is healthful; it is necessary in order to spur on states and nations to new achievement. Indeed, it is the same thing with sports, as we have seen to-day at the magnificent race-course, where before the eyes of thousands of Hamburg's men and so many of her beautiful women the officers of my army rode in competition. There we see one rider who in thought has already won first prize, and on the right and on the left the next two work up to him and it becomes an earnest contest between the three. Then he who up to this point was at the head reaches for his whip, not in order to strike his two rival riders but his own horse, and he gives him the spur. In the same way competition between nations can be fought out in peace.

The powerfully developing German fleet of war, which is distinguished by its cult of manliness and discipline, has in the last decades been created by the German people as a protection to trade and navigation. It represents the will of the German people to count for something upon the seas. This growing young fleet is particularly proud of the interest of Hamburg's citizens. If, then, I have correctly interpreted this expression of your enthusiasm, I believe that I dare assume that it is your purpose to further strengthen our fleet in order that we may be certain that no one will dare challenge the "place in the sun" which should be rightfully ours. I, therefore, raise my glass to the health of the Hanseatic cities, and especially to Hamburg, the greatest of them all! The gentlemen know what I think about Hamburg and how I feel myself bound to her. And at the risk of repeating myself I say it again: the citizens of Hamburg and I understand each other! The city of Hamburg--Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah!

IMPERIAL GLORIES

AIX, OCTOBER 18, 1911

The special fondness of the Emperor for Aix is indicated in the address of June 19, 1902. With his assistance the cathedral had been restored in this year, and a marble tablet had been set up in his honor. If the Emperor's father was concerned about restoring the splendor of the crown, it is also true that he was by nature one of the most liberal of the Hohenzollerns. The book which Frederick I gave his son to read was in all probability the magnificent volume, "Die Reichskleinodien" by Doctor Fr. Bock, published in Vienna in 1864.

MY DEAR BURGOMASTER:

You have strengthened with your friendly words of greeting the deep impression which I received to-day as I found myself within your walls. I thank you, the city magistrates and the citizens, most heartily for this memorable day. I do not see how the eightieth birthday of my father, who was all too soon taken from us, could have been celebrated more beautifully than through the solemn unveiling of the magnificent equestrian statue dedicated to his memory, which we owe to the unselfish reverence of the citizens of Aix for the favorite of the German people. I congratulate the city on this new monument, which will serve as a bond and a joy for generations yet unborn. It will indicate that, in spite of all the frictions and political, social, and religious differences of our time, a firm bond of love and trust, nevertheless, surrounds and binds together the prince and the people.

If ever a prince deserved a monument here in Aix it was my late father. From my childhood I had occasion to observe with what interest he devoted himself to the study of the German Emperors and of their traditions and how deeply he was impressed by the power of their position and the splendor of the old German imperial crown. When as a lad I played in his room and had earned some reward through my good behavior, he allowed me to turn the leaves of a magnificent volume in which were represented the jewels, insignia, robes, and weapons of the Emperors, and finally, in brilliant colors, the crown itself. How his eyes glistened when he told stories of the coronations at Aix with their ceremonies and banquets, of Charlemagne, of Barbarossa, and their greatness! He always closed by saying: "That must all come again, the power of the empire must rise, and the glitter of the Emperor's crown must shine forth once more. Barbarossa must be freed from the tower again!" And it was granted him by Providence to play a large part in the accomplishment of this great work. On the bloody field of battle he helped his honored father to win the Emperor's crown and the unity of the German people.

Educated by my father for the high position which was one day to be mine, I grew up in wonder and in reverence for the Emperor's crown, which, with its burden and its responsibility, I have taken over from him. It is a sacred jewel from which, under God's protection, many blessings have gone forth upon the Fatherland and which has proved itself a shield for the national honor. All Germans can look up to it with trust, and it will show itself the stronger the more it is surrounded and supported by loyal affection and earnest co-operation.

As my forefathers bestowed their special favor upon Aix, so with me it has always been a pleasure to be able to show her my interest and good wishes, within whose walls here, in the extreme western part of the empire, German culture and German manners have found a place fortified by a famous past and traditions many hundred years old. May the city in the future also, with her salutary springs and beautiful wooded hills, with her manifold industries and her far-reaching commerce, grow, flourish, and prosper! May the citizens, through loyalty to God, King, and Fatherland, pursue their work and enjoy the fruits of their industry in peace! The old imperial city and her loyal citizens--Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah!

VIII

LAST MONTHS OF PEACE

FEBRUARY 7, 1912--JUNE 23, 1914

OPENING OF THE REICHSTAG

BERLIN, FEBRUARY 7, 1912

As a result of the Morocco crisis and the increasing imminence of international difficulties, the war footing of the German army had been increased to 3,860,000 men. The navy had been steadily extended, and projects for further increases in both army and navy were to be introduced at this session of the Reichstag and to be granted. The question of taxation was becoming more and more serious. In view of the project for increased armament and higher taxation, Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg had earnestly urged all parties to unite against the Social Democrats. His efforts were not nearly so successful as had been those of Bülow in 1907. One hundred and ten Social Democrats were returned. It is perhaps significant that at this session the Reichstag voted a bill creating a German oil company, which was to conduct its operations under the supervision of the government and thus render Germany more independent of foreign countries in this regard.

HONORED SIRS:

In the name of the affiliated governments, I bid the newly elected Reichstag welcome!

To maintain the solid framework of the empire and the order of the state undisturbed, to increase the welfare of the people in all classes and conditions, to protect and raise the strength and credit of the nation is the aim of all my efforts. In this I find myself in accord with my honored colleagues, and I cherish the conviction that you, as the chosen representatives of the nation, will exert your best powers in this common work.

For a generation past questions of social regulation have occupied a prominent place in the legislation of the realm. Even at the last session of the previous Reichstag the benefits of insurance were extended to a large portion of the population. The same social spirit with which the work has previously gone forward must prevail even further. For development does not stand still.

The finances of the realm have attained a firm position. On the basis of definitely calculated contributions from the states, we have succeeded in establishing a balance in the imperial economy, and by the help of the surplus which resulted we have relieved the excess of the budget. By holding fast to the rigorous policies in vogue up to the present, the empire will within a short time arrive at a complete restoration of its finances.

It fills me with satisfaction when I think to what a point the free spirit of enterprise has attained in industry and crafts, in trade, and in commerce, and how, through the increasing perfection of its technic, agriculture has gradually blossomed forth again. In view of this gratifying progress, the affiliated governments will henceforth not neglect to strengthen the foundation of our customs policy by means of alterations and the addition of new trading regulations.

A project which will be shortly put before you is to serve for the strengthening of the German interests in foreign countries. It regulates dependence upon the empire and the state in such a way that it will be easier for natives of Germany in foreign parts to remain citizens of the empire, or, in case they have lost their imperial rights, to recover them again.[47]

[47] This project resulted in a law promulgated by the Emperor July 22, 1913. It has been made the subject of considerable hostile comment in foreign countries, as it would seem under certain conditions, not definitely fixed, to permit a German subject to divide his allegiance.

Article 17 of this law asserts that (German) citizenship is lost through the acquiring of citizenship in a foreign country. It, however, refers to Article 25, which makes the following conditions:

Art. 25, Sec. 2. Citizenship [German] shall not be lost by him who, before acquiring citizenship in a foreign country, shall, on his request, have received the written permission to retain [German] citizenship from the proper authority in his home state. The German consul is to be consulted before granting this permission.

Art. 25, Sec. 3. The Imperial Chancellor, on a vote of the Bundesrat, can decree that the permission specified in Section 2, shall not be granted to persons who wish to acquire citizenship in a specified foreign state.

On the face of it, this decree would seem to be open to the interpretation that it lies within the power of the German Bundesrat to allow a man who has ostensibly acquired citizenship in a foreign country to be counted as a German citizen.

The success of our work of peace at home and overseas depends upon the empire's remaining powerful enough to stand for and protect its national honor, its possessions, and its rightful interests in the world at all times. On this account it is my continual duty and care to maintain and strengthen by land and by sea the armies of the German people, which does not lack young men capable of bearing arms. Bills to this end are in preparation and will be laid before you together with proposals which will provide for the increased expenditure. If, Honored Sirs, you help to carry out this great project you will be doing the Fatherland a great service.

We have given a new proof of our willingness to settle international points of dispute amicably wherever this can be done in accordance with the dignity and the interests of Germany, through the conclusion of our agreements with France. In addition to strengthening our alliances with the Austro-Hungarian monarchy and the kingdom of Italy, my policy is directed toward the maintenance of friendly relationships with all powers on the basis of mutual respect and good-will.

I trust the healthy power of the German people, and, counting upon the support of a gracious God, I look out hopefully over the struggles of the day toward the future of the empire. Therefore, at the beginning of a new legislative session, I offer you, Honored Sirs, my greeting in the hope that your activities will be exerted for the benefit of the people and the country.

BRANDENBURG ONCE AGAIN

MAY 30, 1912

The indications of particular good-will which the Emperor had always exhibited for the Brandenburgers and the marks of special favor which he had seemed to accord to them have occasionally aroused a certain suspicion, not to say ill will, in the minds of some of his South German subjects. In his hereditary provinces, Brandenburg and Prussia, it will be noticed that the Emperor had always expressed himself most freely with regard to his personal pretensions that he ruled by divine right alone. The two speeches which have been most criticised in this respect are the ones delivered at Breslau (February 3, 1899) and Königsberg (August 25, 1910). They served, unfortunately, to accentuate the differences which existed between the subjects in various parts of the empire and to remind them that they had a Prussian Emperor. If certain portions of his audiences here acquiesced in these pretensions of their hereditary ruler and were somewhat proud of the particular confidence he vouchsafed to them, critics, and even conservative critics, referred to these ideas of "_Gottesgnadentum_," grace-of-Godism, with touches of what was at least irony. After the unfortunate crisis following the _Daily Telegraph_ interview Chancellor von Bülow had felt constrained to request the Emperor "henceforward to observe, even in private interviews, that reserve which is indispensable both to the interests of a consistent policy and to the authority of the crown." As we have seen, in spite of the Emperor's seeming acceptance of this necessity, it had not modified to any particular extent the tenor of his speech at Königsberg in 1910. It may be that by this time (1912) he had taken the admonition to heart, for it will be noticed that, though we have the customary reference to Frederick of Hohenzollern and the glorification of his ancestors, and also the marks of special favor and trust in the Brandenburgers, we miss any mention of the theory of divine right.

La Fontaine has said that it is difficult to please every one and his father. The Emperor must have felt this when he learned that certain of his subjects, nevertheless, resented that closing part of his speech which would seem to imply that the Franco-Prussian War was a sort of family affair through which the grateful Brandenburgers decided to present the imperial crown to their beloved overlord. Through such an interpretation the position and interests of Bavaria, for instance, became for Bavarians somewhat too incidental. If, then, foreign critics have drawn a distinction between Prussia and Germany, the distinction has, therefore, a certain warrant, since it seems to be made by the Emperor himself. The heir to the Bavarian crown took occasion to object in one of his speeches to the conception that the affiliated sovereigns are "vassals of the Emperor." That he should have gone so far would indicate that, in his mind at least, there was a disposition to make them so. He was even more emphatic in a speech delivered in May, 1900, before the Association for the Furtherance of Inland Navigation in Bavaria. "I do not see," he said, "why we, if we belong to the German Empire should not enjoy precisely the same rights and privileges as North Germany, for the German Empire was welded together just as much through Bavarian blood as through the blood of any other German stock; and for that reason we do not wish to be regarded as minor brothers, but as brothers with full rights and privileges." So, too, it is said that the King of Würtemberg left the Emperor's side in anger and withdrew from the army manoeuvres in 1894. It will be plain to any one who reads the Emperor's speeches that very few of them are made in South Germany. Münich, Leipzig, and Stuttgart have been visited by him less frequently than certain foreign capitals. This is due in part, no doubt, to the fact that the reigning sovereigns of these capitals do not wish to see a greater at their side. But it is likewise true that in most of these districts the Emperor's reception at the hands of the populace would be far less warm than that accorded to him at Breslau and Berlin; for, if the Emperor is warranted in expecting a particular loyalty from his Prussians and Brandenburgers, so, too, are the hereditary rulers of Bavaria, Saxony, and Würtemberg warranted in expecting a particular recognition at home, which must necessarily be deducted from the possible tribute which can be paid the Emperor, who is likewise a rival King and King of a province which has not always enjoyed the favorable consideration of South Germans.