i. 482, displays his usual inaccuracy concerning facts of Ottoman

history, when he gives 1420 as the date for Anatoli Hissar.

[587] Phr., I. 14, p. 60; Chalc., II, p. 83; Ducas, 14, p. 53.

[588] Venice contemplated action against the Osmanlis with the aid of France, Hungary, and Genoa. Cf. _Secr. Cons. Rog._, E iii. 137-44.

[589] _Epp._, v. 26, 99, 293-5.

[590] Edition of Seville, 1582, fol. 16 v°-17 r°.

[591] My account of this expedition is taken from MS. Bibl. Nat., Paris, fonds fr., No. 11432, _Livre des faicts du bon messire Jean le Maingre, dit Bouciquaut_. For printed editions, see Bibliography.

[592] The chronicler makes the most astonishing assertions as to these raids, saying that the chevaliers reached Ak-Seraï! He evidently had no idea of local geography. I have been unable to identify several of the places mentioned.

[593] I have walked in one day from Riva to a point on the Bosphorus not many miles above Constantinople. When one reads the history of the Osmanlis in the country of their origin, the fact that from the very beginning of their history they were practically within sight of the imperial city is vividly impressed upon one.

[594] The Byzantine historians give little attention to Boucicaut, and are in contradiction with his chronicler on this point. Phr., 15, p. 61, says that John, who had been in the court of Bayezid, fled to his uncle because he had been slandered to Bayezid, and was afraid for his life; and Chalc., II, p. 84, that it was John who commanded the 10,000 Osmanlis against the city, and that Manuel shared the throne with him in order to save the city. Muralt, ii. 762, is a year in advance of the actual date.

[595] _Chron. de Saint-Denis_ and Juvenal d’Ursins. But these are really the same source, according to Lacabane, _Bibl. de l’École des Chartes_, ii. 62.

[596] Foglieta and Stella, in Muralt, ii. 778, No. 61.

[597] Sanudo, in Muratori, xxii. pp. 794-8.

[598] Chalc., II, pp. 83-4; Ducas, 14, pp. 54-6. For Rhodes and the Pope in the Morea, Phr., I. 16, p. 63; Bosio, ii. 154.

[599] September 10, 1400, in _Misti_, xlv. 33.

[600] _Livre des faicts_, fol. 53 r°-55 r°, and Wylie, pp. 159-65. Wylie has collated admirably the sources on Manuel’s visit.

[601] Text is published in Theiner, ii. 170-2.

[602] _Epp._, v. 300-2; vi. 92.

[603] ‘Cum Dom. summus Pontifex advertens quod perfidus ille Baysetus Princeps Turchorum, manu potenti et brachio extento in Christianum Populum maxima feritate extitit debachatus ad Exterminium Civitatis Constantinopolitanae et universitatis Populi Christiani _nisi eius nephanda propositio resistatur_, omnes et singulos qui, pro Liberatione et Subsidione Manuelis Imp. Cpni et dictae Civitatis suae, Manus adiutrices porrexerint ...’ etc.: Rymer, vol. iii, part 4, pp. 195-6.

[604] Clavijo, who visited Constantinople the following year, reports this, fol. 7 v°.

[605] Miklositch-Müller, _Acta_, DCXXVI.

[606] Strikingly shown in letter of April 20, 1402: _Canc. Secr._, i. 58.

[607] _Misti_, xlv. 19-23, 25-6, 29-30, 35, 87; xlvi. 37. Several of these are published in Ljubić, iv. 579, 590.

[608] Knoelle, in _Journal R. A. S._ (1822), xiv. 125; Nöldeke, in _ZDMG._ (1859), xiii. 185, _n._ 6.

[609] ‘Toutesfoiz il a la main senestre et pié senestre comme impotent et ne s’en puet aidier, car il a les nerfs coppez’: Dominican Friar, p. 463. ‘Infirmus, ut dicitur, a cingulo infra’: Stella, in Muratori, vol. xvii. col. 1194. Cf. Sherefeddin, i. 55, 381. The English corruption Tamerlane is from Timurlenk, the latter syllable signifying lameness.

[610] Sherefeddin, ii. 222.

[611] There is an excellent account of the dynasties of the Black and White Sheep, with list, following Mirkhand, in Teixera, ii. 24-39, 69-70. For the later activities of Kara-Yussuf, Teixera, ii. 355; de Guignes, iii. 302.

[612] Langlès translation, p. 260.

[613] Ibid., pp. 258-62; Sherefeddin, iii. 255-62; Clavijo de Gonzáles, fol. 25 r°-26 v°.

[614] Chalcocondylas and Raynaldus are wrong in calling him Ertogrul, and in stating that he was killed in the subsequent siege. Sherefeddin, iii. 267, calls him Mustafa, and Schiltberger, p. 18, Mohammed. That it was Soleiman is proved by the agreement of the Ottoman historians with Arabshah, p. 124, and with Clavijo, fol. 26 r°, whose ‘Musulman Tchelebi’ is Soleiman.

[615] Hadji Khalfa, _Djihannuma_, vol. ii, fol. 1776.

[616] Clavijo, fol. 26 r°; Arabshah, p. 125.

[617] Clavijo, fol. 26 v°-27 r°; Arabshah, p. 125; Sherefeddin, iii. 267-9; Dominican Friar, p. 264; Schiltberger, p. 18. Schiltberger says 21 days, and 5,000 horsemen buried, and 9,000 virgins carried off by the Tartars.

[618] It is impossible to understand why Muralt, with all the authorities he had at hand, places the taking of Sivas in 1395: _Chronographie Byzantine_, ii. 753, No. 26. The contemporary authorities cited above establish the date. Cf. also letter from Crete, in Jorga, _Notes à servir_, &c., i. 106, _n._ 3. There is a full discussion of the proper dating of the Ottoman aggression against Sivas, Caesarea, and Erzindjian, and the probability of two Ottoman campaigns, one before and one after Nicopolis, in Bruun’s note to the Hakluyt edition of Schiltberger, pp. 121-2.

[619] The letters exchanged between Charles VI and Timur are preserved in the French archives. The Turkish text of these letters, with Latin translation, is published by Charrière, introd., i. 118-19.

[620] Stella, in Muratori, xvii. 1194.

[621] ‘En la qual batalla se acaescieron Payo de Soto Mayor e Hernan Sanchez de Palaçuelos Embaxadores’: Clavijo, fol. 1 r°, col. 2.

[622] Letters of Timur and Bayezid in Arabic and Persian in Feridun collection, MS. Bibl. Nat., Paris, ancien fonds turc, pp. 65-91. Cf. Langlès, in _Notices et Extraits_, iv. 674, for list and dates of these. Sherefeddin, iii. 396-416.

[623] Sherefeddin, iv. 1-6. For description of route from Sivas to Angora, Hadji Khalfa, _Djihannuma_, ii. fols. 1803-4. Timur’s own account of his march and the battle of Angora is very brief: ‘Je pris moi-même le chemin d’Ancouriah. Bayezid, suivi de 400,000 hommes, tant cavaliers que fantassins, vint à ma rencontre; on livra la bataille, et je la gagnai. Ce Prince vaincu fut pris par mes troupes, et amené en ma présence. Enfin ... je retournai victorieux à Samarcande’: Langlès trans., p. 264.

[624] A great deal has been written about the date of Angora, but all authorities agree in putting it between July 20 and July 28, 1402. Cf. _Art de vérifier les Dates_, i. 193; Silvestre de Sacy, in _Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions_, vi. 488-95; Moranvillé, in _Bibl. de l’École des Chartes_, lv. 437-8. A few early western writers have given 1397 and 1403, while Petits de la Croix, in his French translation of Sherefeddin, is a decade too late in all his dates. The latter part of July 1402 is fixed by all contemporary authorities on this battle. Abu’l-Mahasin, in his history of the reign of the Egyptian sultan Barkok, states that the greater part of Bayezid’s army perished by thirst before his capture.

[625] On the nationality of the Tartars who betrayed Bayezid at Angora, see the latter part of the note of Bruun on the ‘White Tartars’ in the Hakluyt ed. of Schiltberger, pp. 114-17.

[626] From the account of the Dominican Friar, pp. 458-9, it seems clear that Bayezid was the aggressor until after Soleiman’s command had been cut to pieces.

[627] Sherefeddin, iv. 8-12; Dominican Friar, p. 458.

[628] Afterwards Mohammed I. Many western writers have confused him with his nickname of Kiritchelebi (Girigilibi in Rabbi Joseph, i. 257, and a variety of spellings in other early writers), and made him thus his own father, to account for the later Sultan Mohammed.

[629] In this battle I have used Sherefeddin, Arabshah, Dominican Friar, in _Bibl. de l’École des Chartes_, lv. 437-68, Schiltberger, Clavijo, and the invaluable letters in Marino Sanuto, Muratori, xxii. 794-7. The authorities for Angora and Timur are classified in the bibliography below.

[630] Sherefeddin, iv. 15, says the carnage in this battle was seven times greater than in any of Timur’s previous victories. The Dominican Friar, p. 459, puts the Ottoman losses at 40,000.

[631] Schiltberger, p. 21, says that he retreated to this hill with 1,000 horsemen. Hammer is in error in saying that Bayezid ‘resisted like a hero at the head of his _ten thousand_ janissaries with whom he had occupied the slope of a hill’: ii. 91. There were never as many as ten thousand janissaries enrolled in the Ottoman army until a century after Bayezid’s death. See above, p. 119. In oriental historians numbers are almost invariably exaggerated at least tenfold.

[632] Solak-zadé, p. 63. Sherefeddin and Arabshah bear witness to Bayezid’s personal courage.

[633] The Ottoman historians explain the capture of Bayezid by the fact that he was unhorsed. Some say that he was mounted on an inexperienced horse. A great deal was written about the battle of Angora at a much later date, but, as in describing the battles of Kossova and Nicopolis, I have limited myself to contemporary sources.

[634] Mustafa’s fate was never cleared up. Mohammed and Isa fled naked, according to the Dominican Friar, p. 450.

[635] I am unable to agree with Alberi, _Rel. Ven. Ambasc._, 3rd ser., vol. i, preface viii., ‘Secondo migliori testimonianze deve rigettarsi per falsa la tradizione’, and Bruun, Notes to Hakluyt ed. of Schiltberger, p. 21 _n._, ‘We are forced to conclude, after Hammer’s searching inquiries, that there is no truth whatever in the story of Bayezid having been confined by Timur in an iron cage’. Hammer’s arguments, ii. 96-101, do not seem to me at all convincing. From the philological point of view, they have been refuted by Weil, _Gesch. der Chalifen_, ii. 92. From the historical point of view, there is just as strong evidence for as against the litter with bars, which could hardly have been any different from a cage. If one argues that Timur did not subject his prisoner to this indignity, and advances that the cage was really nothing more than a closed litter, such as was used for ladies of the imperial harem, he is merely substituting one indignity for another. From the character of Bayezid, one would infer that the humiliation of being shut up like a lion in a cage would have been less than that of being put into a harem litter like a woman, for whom the conqueror had contempt rather than fear. There is no mention of the iron cage in Schiltberger, Clavijo, and the Dominican Friar. But their silence signifies nothing. They are excellent witnesses for the battle of Angora itself, but knew little or nothing of what happened in Asia Minor after Angora. One might just as well argue from Schiltberger’s silence that Timur did not capture Smyrna! Nor does Sherefeddin mention the humiliation of Bayezid, and the iron cage. But the story is given in Arabshah, p. 210, who must be reckoned with as a contemporary source. If, as de Salaberry, iv. 200-1, claims, the iron cage story was inserted in Arabshah by his Ottoman editor and translator, Nazmi-zadé, it only goes to show that the careful Ottoman students of his time believed the story. The Ottoman historians, who are _without exception_ too late to be regarded as sources, and who had reasons for making the degradation of the Ottoman sovereign as slight as possible, show their knowledge of the early and contemporary character of this record by trying to controvert it, and prove that Bayezid was carried on a litter rather than in a cage, e. g. Seaddedin, i. 230. That the common tradition among the Osmanlis, outside of the court chroniclers who were compelled to uphold at all costs the dignity of the house of Osman, was in favour of the cage story is proved conclusively by Ali Muhieddin, Migne ed., col. 597, who is earlier than Seadeddin, and by Evliya effendi, i. 29-30; ii. 21-22, who gives the story just as we find it in Arabshah and the western writers. Sagredo, who follows Spandugino, vigorously defends the cage story as opposed to the litter of the Ottoman court chroniclers, and says that Bayezid died from striking his head against the bars of his cage, pp. 25-6. In Lonicerus, fol. 12 vº, is a picture of the cage. It is mentioned by Guazzo, fol. 275 vº; Donato da Lezze, p. 10; Paolo Giovio; Geuffry, p. 283; Campana, fol. 8 vº; Egnatius, p. 30; Rabbi Joseph, i. 256; Sanuto, in Muratori, xxii. 791; Bonincontrius, col. 88; Formanti; and Timur’s early western biographer, Perondino, p. 31, who, fifty years before Seadeddin, wrote that Timur compelled Bayezid’s wife Despina to wait nude upon him and his guests at table. The story is also found in Ducas, chapter 26.

[636] Perondino, p. 31; Sagredo, p. 26; Campana, fol. 8 vº; Raynaldus and Spandugino; _Lettres d’un Solitaire turc_, i. 106-7. Exposure of women was a common symbol of conquest among the Mongols. It was a formal ceremony at the sack of Pekin and Djenghiz Khan’s sack of Samarkand.

[637] Many authorities declare that Bayezid committed suicide by striking his head against the bars of his cage, being unable to support the sight of his wife’s disgrace. The humiliation to which Despina was subjected was often given in later times by the Osmanlis themselves as a reason why the house of Osman does not contract marriages. See above, p. 183, and note.

[638] Sherefeddin, iv. 65-7; Chalc., III, pp. 162-5; Duc., 17, pp. 77-8; Phr., 1. 26, p. 85; and the Ottoman historians.

[639] The Dominican Friar says that the Jews of Brusa sent a delegation of rabbis to inform Mohammed-Sultan that their religion was the same as his. He answered that their law was a good one, and that they should assemble all their people in the chief synagogue. He promised that no harm would come to them. When the Tartars entered the city, they sealed fast the doors of this synagogue, and set fire to it.

[640] Sherefeddin, iv. 37-48; Duc., 16, pp. 66-7.

[641] Seadeddin, i. 235.

[642] Sherefeddin, iv. 47, 52.

[643] Accounts of the capture of Smyrna: Sherefeddin, iv. 47-53; Chalc., III, p. 161; Duc., 18, p. 78; Hadji Khalfa, _Djihannuma_, fol. 1949; Arabshah, ii. 24. For date, _see_ M. de Ste. Croix, in _Acad. des Inscriptions_, 2e série, ii. 566, 569.

[644] Ali Muhieddin, Leuncl. trans., in Migne, _Patr. Graec._, clix., 596. Schiltberger, p. 27, relates a similar massacre of children after the capture of Ispahan.

[645] Ducas, 18, p. 79.

[646] ‘Would that the day might dawn in which your Highness would profess the religion of Christ, and stand up in power as the champion of the Christian Church against the enemies of the cross.’ In the London archives, however, this passage, while legible, is cancelled. So it may not have gone in the copy of the letter sent to Timur. Cf. Wylie’s _Henry IV_, i. 316 and _n._ 4.

[647] _Misti_, xlvi. 47.

[648] Ducas, 18, p. 78; Phr., I, 15, p. 62.

[649] Phr., loc. cit.; Innocent VII, _Epp._, i. 212-13.

[650] Wylie, i. 321, says Timur died February 19, 1405, on authority of Schiltberger. But this date is in Brunn’s note, p. 133, and not in Schiltberger’s narrative. According to Clavijo, fol. 57 rº, Timur died November 18, 1404, while Arabshah, p. 248, says ‘17 Saghan, 807’, which would be in February 1405. For his abandonment of Asia Minor, Chalc., III, p. 182; Duc., 17, p. 76; Sherefeddin, iv. 88-95.

[651] Stella, in Muratori, xvii. 1195.

[652] Sanuto, in Muratori, xxii. 791, quoting an eye-witness.

[653] Gerardo Sagredo, quoted by Sanuto, ibid., p. 796. He admits that this action was foolish and ruinous.

[654] ‘El Emperador de Constantinopola e los Genoueses de la ciudad do Pera, en lugar do tener lo que con el Tamurbec auian puesto, dexaron passar los Turcos de la Grecia en la Turquia e desque fuera vencido aqueste Turco passauan ellos mismos a los Turcos con sus fustes de la Turquia en la Grecia de los que venian fuyendo, e por esta ocasion tenia mala voluntad el Tamurbec a los Christianos de que se fallaron mal los de sa tierra.’ Clavijo, fols. 26 vº-27 rº.

[655] ‘Qui s’ensuivra Dieu le sache. Témir Bey tout seul scet son propos et non aultre qui vive’: Dominican Friar, p. 459.

[656] _Epp._, vii. 144-60.

[657] The dates given under the Latin columns in Chalcocondylas are almost invariably wrong and are responsible for much of the confusion of European historians in the matter of chronology. Chalcocondylas himself is full of mistakes, and knew very little about the history of Byzantium and the Osmanlis in the fourteenth century. But he is not as bad as his Latin translator, whom the historians have followed. In order to trace some of the errors, I collated the Greek text of Chalcocondylas with the Latin translation through the first two books of his history, which cover the period 1300-1403. The glosses and the inexact translations are many. For example of glosses, in I. c. 4 B, ‘quos Tartaros nominant’ after Scythis; I. c. 7 C, ‘Orthogulus adhibitus in colloquium’, at beginning of third sentence; I. c. 10 C, ‘ex tribus, Orchanes nomine’, after ‘filius eius natu minimus’; I. c. 12 C, ‘circiter viginti duo’ in the sentence ‘Orchanes cum regnasset annos mortem obiit’. For a very unfaithful translation compare Latin with Greek original in I. c. 27, the end of A and beginning of B. In I. c. 28 C ἓξ καὶ τριάκοντα is translated ‘triginta _septem_’! The letters cited refer to column position in Migne edition.

[658] Chalcocondylas (in Migne), I. 6, p. 22.

[659] Trans. Petits de la Croix, ii. 287-9.

[660] _Annales Turcici_, in Migne, _Patr. Graec._, clix. 579.

[661] Bratutti trans., i. 4.

[662] _Chronological Tables_, Italian trans. of Carli Rinaldo.

[663] _Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, xiii. 188-9.

[664] For editions, translators and dates of publication, see Bibliography.

[665] Egnatius, cited by Cuspianus, 12, says: ‘Ottomannus obscuro loco et parentibus agrariis natus’. Nicolaus Euboicus, Saguntinus Episcopus, Sylvius Aeneas, and Andreas a Lacuna say that Osman, of obscure beginnings, arose through oppressing neighbours, Moslem as well as Christian. Ab. Ortellius says, ‘Tam Graecis quam Turcis repugnantibus cited by Leunclavius, _Pandectes_, 99. Bosio, ii. 37, declares, ‘Osman first came out of Persia’. Similar vagueness in Haeniger; Geuffroi, 266; Sagredo; Manutio, 3; Cuspianus, 11, 42; Barletius, in Lonicerus, iii. folios 231-2; Vanell, 356; Cervarius; Richer, 11.

[666] De Sacy, in _Notices et Extraits_, xi. 56, foot-note 1, in his discussion of the text of a treaty between Genoese of Kaffa and Janko, Lord of Solkat, where this word also occurs, suggests that it is an altered form of ‘sheik’.

[667] Formanti: Donado da Lezze, 4; Paulo Giovio, Ven. ed. of 1541, 3; Vertot, ii. 97; Rabbi Joseph, ii. 503; Guazzo, 257 vº; Ortellius in Leunclavius, _Pandectes_, 99; Lonicerus, 10 Spandugino, 182-4. Also Evliya effendi, i. 27.

[668] ‘Il Pazzo Delis, pecoraio’, Spandugino, 184. Leunclavius, _Pandectes_, 103, says that Alaeddin poisoned Delis.

[669] Formanti; Donado da Lezze, 4; Cuspianus, 48; ibid., Ant. ed., 6; Spandugino, in Sansovino (ed. 1654), 243; Egnatius, 28. Also travels of Busbecq, Eng. ed., i. 137, and the Ottoman Evliya, ii. 95.

[670] This story in full in Formanti, 2-3; Vertot, ii. 97-8; Spandugino, 183. Leunclavius, in _Pandectes_, 103, says that Nicetas Choniates mentions such a renegade Comnenus, but calls him Isaac.

[671] The author of _Tractatus de rilibus_, who was a slave captured by Murad II, for example. Also Spandugino, a native of Constantinople, and relative of the Cantacuzenos and Notaras families. Also Donado da Lezze. See the prefaces of editions of Charles Schéfer, of Spandugino; and of Professor Ursu, of Donado da Lezze.

[672] Evliya effendi, a learned member of the Moslem Ulema of Constantinople, who travelled widely in the seventeenth century in the Ottoman Empire, is continually making statements which show that he had a very hazy notion of early Ottoman history. This is true also of Hadji Khalfa, the famous bibliographer, in his _Djihannuma_, a work which I have tested and found incomplete and unreliable both in its geographical and historical information about the region which gave birth to Osman and his tribe.

[673] Houdas, p. 374, foot-note 1.

[674] Mohammed en Nesawi, p. 374.

[675] Ibid., 394.

[676] Ibid., 209, 328.

[677] Shehabeddin, 230-9, 263-72, 289-91, in describing Khorussan, Armenia, and the strife between Djelaleddin and Alaeddin, makes no mention of Soleiman Shah or Ertogrul, or of a formidable invasion such as 50,000 families, under one ruler, would certainly have been regarded. Nor is there mention of the 50,000 and their leader in Ibn-Bibi, Seljuk chronicler of this period.

[678] Hadji Khalfa, in index of his Bibliography, iii. folios 133-5, speaks of more than sixty Arabic genealogies known to him, but in his chronological tables he cites none of them for early Ottoman genealogy.

[679] _Dourar-al-Othman_, ‘the precious pearls touching the original source of the Ottoman house’, by Ibn Ali Mohammed-al-Biwy. No date or indication of contents. Hadji Khalfa in _Dictionnaire bibliographique_, Paris MS., i. folio 867.

[680] _Introduction à l’histoire d’Asie: Turcs et Mongols_, _passim_.

[681] There is a letter of this sort to Bayezid, quoted in Timur’s _Institutes_. Also a letter, given by Sherefeddin, iii. 259-63, near the beginning of which he says: ‘But you whose true origin ends in a Turcoman sailor, _as all the world knows_.’

[682] ‘L’empire des Seljucides s’écroula, et sur ses ruines surgit celui d’Osman,’ Hammer, i. 83.

[683] i. 7-13.

[684] In the Story of the Nations Series. This book does not do credit to the name of the great scholar whom Orientalists and numismatists universally honour.

[685] In the _Allgemeine Staatengeschichte_, Werk 15 (1840-63) and Werk 37 (1908-13).

[686] Leunclavius, _Pandectes_. This work will be found in all large libraries, because it is reprinted in volume 159 of Migne’s _Patrologia Graeca Latine_, 715-922.

[687] For translations of Cantemir, see Bibliography. The Rumanian translator, Dr. Hodosiu, has reprinted the notes of the various editors of Cantemir, which makes his edition the most valuable.

[688] Youssouf Fehmi, _Histoire de la Turquie_, Paris, 1908, p. 11.

[689] Halil Ganem, _Les Sultans ottomans_, Paris, 1901, i. 24.

[690] ‘Osman verband sich mit der Leibwache in Bagdad, eroberte die Stadt, setzte sich auf den Thron, wodurch er der Beherrscher aller Muhammedaner wurde, und liess dem Chalifen nur die nichts bedeutende geistliche Oberhoheit in Bagdad; er nannte sich Sultan, d. h. Herrscher, und starb 729 (1328 n. Chr.).’ Prof. F. Wüstenfeld, _Geschichte der Türken_, &c., Leipzig, 1899, pp. 15-16.

[691] Reineccius thought that this name must be common to all the Sultans of Konia. It does not appear for others than Kaï Kobad II in the Arabic genealogies. Leunclavius is so confused by the discrepancy here that he concludes that the Ottoman historians must have given the name indiscriminately to all the Sultans! (_Pandectes_, 106). Hadji Khalfa, _Djihannuma_, folio 1790, speaking of Amassia, says that its fortress was repaired by ‘Sultan Alaeddin the Seljucide’. It is typically Ottoman to be vague about names as well as about dates. Hadji Khalfa frequently speaks of an Ottoman Sultan, whose name is duplicated, without any following ordinal. There is often no clue in the context to identify the Sultan to whom he refers.

[692] As the year of the Hegira began in June in 1240, there is the alternative of reckoning the Christian era a year later during the middle period of this century. But I have not thought necessary to indicate this alternative each time.

[693] Villani, book VI, c. 32, in Muratori, xiii, col. 175, describes this battle; also _Vie de Saint Louis_, by Le Nain de Tillemont (ed. Gaulle), iii. 4.

[694] Abulfeda; Howorth, iii. 47.

[695] This is the opinion of two of the ablest modern scholars, Heyd, i. 534, and Sarre, p. 41.

[696] I can find no record of coins to controvert this statement. Lane-Poole, _Mohammedan Coins in the Bodleian Library_, 41, gives only one coin of the Bodleian collection after 641 of the Hegira, and to this he assigns the date A.H. 663 with a question mark.

[697] MS. Bib. Nat., Paris, fonds arabe, 583, folio 144 rº and vº.

[698] The lists of coins in I. Ghalib Edhem’s _Monnaies turcomanes_ also bear eloquent testimony to the disappearance of Seljuk vassal dynasties during this period.

[699] I have not heard of such a coin existing to-day, but make the statement on the strength of Abulfaradj, _Chronicon Syr._, 527-8.

[700] Abulfaradj, ibid., 542-3; Howorth, iii. 69.

[701] Abulfeda, v. 15-16, under date of A.H. 662. Villani (in Muratori, xiii), VII. c. 40, column 261-2, describes how Abaka Khan chased the Saracens (_sic_) from ‘Turchia’, and also the ‘Re d’Erminia’, who ‘lasciò a’ Tartari la Turchia’.

[702] Huart, _Souvenirs de voyage_, 164, speaks of the battle, but does not mention occupation of Konia.

[703] Abulfaradj, _Chronicon Arab._, 365-7; d’Ohsson, _Histoire des Mongols_, ii. 570-80; Howorth, iii. 295.

[704] Howorth, iii. 315.

[705] _Konia, Ville des Derviches tourneurs_, 177.

[706] ‘Ils sont souspost an Tartar de Levant, qui y met sa seigneurie.’ Edition of Pauthier, 37. For status of this country at the beginning of the thirteenth century, see _Chronique d’Ernoul et de Bernard le Trésorier_ (ed. Mas-Latrie, Paris, 1871), pp. 377, 381.

[707] Hadji Khalfa naïvely solves this doubt by rolling Masud and Kaï Kobad into one and the same person. _Djihannuma_, folio 1752 _bis_.

[708] There is no way of reaching certainty on this point. Rasmussen, _Annales Islamici_, pp. 34-8, reflects the confusion which attended the scholar of the early nineteenth century who wanted to make a chronological table of the later Seljuk Sultans. The two best modern tables are to be found in Sarre and Huart, scholars who became interested in the Seljuk problem through their archaeological travels in Asia Minor. The best account of the Seljuks is that of Houtsma in the _Encyclopaedia Britannica_. It is to be regretted that Professor Houtsma has not published the French translation of Ibn Bibi, which he promised in his introduction to the 4th volume of the Leyden series of Seljuk texts. Three years ago, Professor Sir William Ramsay, who knows Konia better than any European scholar, told me that he felt there was rich reward for the research student in the Seljuk period. The history of the Seljuks of Konia has yet to be written.

[709] Osman was the sole heir according to Boecler: also Donado da Lezze, 4.

[710] ‘Osman, Karaman, and Assam. Karaman retired to Syria and Assam to Persia. The house of Osman always persecuted the descendants of these two latter.’ Geuffroi, 267. Also Cuspianus, 11, and Haeniger.

[711] Spandugino, Lonicerus, and Egnatius.

[712] Mignot, 33.

[713] _Tractatus de moribus_; Vanell, i. 351-2; Sagredo; Cervarius; Cuspianus, 46.

[714] The historian must use the Bonn editions with caution. There are frequent glosses in the Latin translations of Byzantine texts. See foot-note on p. 263.

[715] Pachymeres, ii. 589.

[716] See Appendix B, which is really a continuation of this argument.

[717] _Vie de Timour_, iii. 255.

[718] ‘Osman possessed all Anatolia, which he called Osmania: he came to be called Lord of Asia Minor,’ Formanti, 4; ‘Osman made himself master of all Anatolia without any difficulty,’ Spandugino; ‘Osman seized Cappadocia, Galatia, and Bithynia,’ Cuspianus, 10; ‘master of Syria as well as of Asia Minor,’ Donado da Lezze, 5.

[719] Formanti; Geuffroy; Donado; Cuspianus; Giovio Paulo; Richer; Guazzo, 257 vº.

[720] Rabbi Joseph, ii. 505.

[721] Mignot, 33.

[722] _Chronique de Saint-Denis_ (Ed. _Soc. Hist. de France_), i. 319, 709.

[723] Richer, whom I have already quoted in Chapter I.

[724] ‘Cette nation nombreuse, pleine de confiance dans ses forces, et brûlant du désir de soumettre à sa domination toute la chrétienté, avait quitté les confins de Perse.’ _Chronique de Saint-Denys_, i. 709.

[725] ‘Quod cum ante complures annos florens illud Orientis imperium everterit et in Occidentis non exigua spacia invaserit, atque oppresserit quod reliquum nobis factum est, omni vi suo intolerabile iugum ditionemque redigere studet.’ Domini de la Vuo, _Disputatio de bello turcico_, bound in with Camerarius, p. 94, in Bibl. Nat., Paris, Imprimés, no. J 860.

[726] Col. Djevad bey, 192-3.

[727] H. Saladin, _Manuel de l’architecture musulmane_, 437-40.

[728] Ibid., 437. On p. 479, Saladin makes another curious statement to the effect that in 1300 the Osmanlis employed architects who had fortified the Seljuk strongholds. I have never been able to find in my reading or from observation of Ottoman constructions any authority for such an assertion.

[729] i. 50. The _medressé_ is, as Seadeddin says, to the right after you enter the Yeni Sheïr gate. The _imaret_ is near the Yeshil Djami, which is the oldest Ottoman mosque extant, dating from 1378. The imam of the Yeshil Djami told me that the imaret was built by Osman’s wife, Malkhatun. According to Seadeddin, however, Malkhatun died before Osman!

[730] Parvillée, p. 6, says that the Oulou-Djami, which is attributed to Murad I in Brusa by popular consent, was not finished until the reign of Mahomet I.

[731] Cf. preface of Parvillée; and Hammer, i. 83.

[732] W. Lübeke, _Geschichte der Architektur_ (6te Auflage), i. 425; Franz-Pasha, _Die Baukunst des Islams_ (third volume of part 2 of _Handbücher der Architektur_), 52, 67.

[733] Mas-Latrie, _Trésor de Chronologie_, and papers on commercial relationship between Cyprus and Asia Minor in _Bibl. de École des Chartes_; Lane-Poole, ‘Successors of the Seljuks in Asia Minor,’ _Journ. Royal Asiatic Soc._, 1882, new series, xiv. 773-80 (Lane-Poole did not avail himself of the precious indications in Ibn Batutah and Shehabeddin, but trusted altogether to Gibb’s translation of Seadeddin’s unreliable chronology. Seadeddin did not have access to as good source-material as Lane-Poole himself!); Clément Huart, ‘Épigraphie arabe d’Asie Mineure,’ _Revue sémitique_, 1894-5.

[734] Muralt, in the bibliography of his _Chronographie Byzantine_, puts Ibn Batutah at 1320. There can be no doubt about this being an error, for when Ibn Batutah visited the Ottoman domains, Orkhan was ruling, and Nicaea had been captured. I put 1340 as latter limit, because Ibn Batutah speaks of some places captured by Orkhan before 1340 as being still independent.

[735] Quatremère, in _Notices et Extraits_, xiii. 152-3, cannot reach a definite conclusion as to whether Shehabeddin is from Damascus, Marash, or Morocco. But I find that Hadji Khalfa, _Dict. Bibl._, Paris MS., fol. 1832, under no. 10874, records him as a ‘writer of Damascus’.

[736] Bibl. Nat., Paris, fonds arabe 2325. For Quatremère trans. see Bibliography.

[737] Ibid., fol. 123 vº.

[738] _Notices et Extraits_, xiv, partie 2, to face p. 77.

[739] See discussion of source-material in Bibliography.

[740] If one asks why Adana and Marash are included in this _résumé_, it must be remembered that these are regions which might legitimately be included in Asia Minor as a portion of the latter Konia Seljuk dominions which we are discussing. In the division of the Roman Empire in the fifth century, Cilicia is given under _Diocesis Oriens_ rather than under _Diocesis Asiana_ with the rest of Asia Minor. To regard Cilicia as belonging to Syria was common up to the days of Mehemet Ali. Ibn Khaldun, _Notices et Extraits_, xix. 1^{ère} partie, p. 143, speaks of Adana as being ‘at the extremity of Syria’, while Cilicia is included in Syria in Abdul Ali Bakri’s description of Africa, Bibl. Nat., Paris, fonds arabe no. 2218, p. 103. Both the Latin and Orthodox Churches made Cilicia depend ecclesiastically upon Antioch: cf. Le Quien, _Oriens Christianus_, ii. col. 869, iii. col. 1181. But, in modern times, we have come to regard this region as a portion of Asia Minor.

[741] Shehabeddin, 339, 369; Ibn Batutah, ii. 295-310; Cant. ii. 28, pp. 470-3; 25, p. 455, iii. 192; Greg. xvi. 6, p. 834; Ducas, 7, pp. 29-30; 18, p. 79; Schlumberger, _Numismatique de l’Orient latin_, 481-5; for Venice’s share in crusade against Smyrna, Romanin, iii. 147; for complete list of princes, Karabeck, in _Numismatische Zeitschrift_, Vienna, 1877, ix. 207.

[742] Shehabeddin, 365.

[743] Ibn Batutah, ii. 267. Shehabeddin, 360, gives Akridur under Hamid.

[744] Ibn Batutah, ii. 285.

[745] Leunclavius, _Ann._, v. 40; Hadji Khalfa, _Djihannuma_, fol. 1769; Sarre, 21. Cf. struggles between Murad and Bayezid and the Karamanlis, pp. 165-7, 187-90 above.

[746] Bosio, ii. 221-2, 237-8; Mas-Latrie, _Hist. de Chypre_, iii. 175, 335. Cf. authorities for Karamania, Tekke, and Satalia, and _Bibl. de l’École des Chartes_, 2e série, i. 326, 328, 498, 505; ii. 138-41.

[747] Not in 1354 by Soleiman, as Cant. iv. 37, p. 284, infers. Hadji Khalfa, _Djihannuma_, fol. 1852-6.

[748] Pachymeres, vii. 13, p. 589.

[749] How does Schlumberger reconcile the continuance of Ayasoluk, or Ephesus, as capital of Aïdin with the Rhodian conquest? Cf. Wood. _Discoveries at Ephesus_, pp. 12, 183, for coins which prove that the chevaliers held the city in 1365. Cf. Palatchia, for treaty made by Venice with an independent prince here in 1403. Ibn Batutah states expressly that Guzel Hissar, or Birgui, was the capital of Aïdin.

[750] Ibn Batutah, ii. 317. Evliya effendi, ii. 19, distinguishes between Balikesri and Karasi in his enumeration of the conquests of Orkhan.

[751] Ibn Batutah, ii. 340.

[752] Sherefeddin, iii. 256; Howorth, iii. 749.

[753] Shehabeddin, 338, 358, 366; Ibn Batutah, ii. 275, 277; Reclus, _Géog. univ._, ix. 633, 645; Baedeker, _Kleinasien_, 2. Aufl., 390. Mas-Latrie, _Trésor de Chronologie_, makes an error in extending the northern boundary of Denizli, which he calls Thingizlu, to the emirate of Marmora.

[754] Panaretos, 13.

[755] Lane-Poole, _Mohammedan Coins in British Museum_, 21-4, 35; ibid., _Mohammedan Coins in Bodleian Library_, 12.

[756] Hadji Khalfa, _Djihannuma_, fol. 1119; Sherefeddin, iii. 257.

[757] Ibn Batutah, ii. 279; Shehabeddin, 370; Bosio, ii. 4.

[758] Ibn Batutah, ii. 270.

[759] Ibn Batutah, ii. 267; Hammer, xvii. 98; Sarre, 21. See also under Akridur, and Nazlu.

[760] Shehabeddin, 339.

[761] Shehabeddin, 363; Ibn Batutah, ii. 326-9; Hammer, xvii. 99.

[762] ‘Ledit Karaman haioit fort le Grant Turc, dont il eust la sœur.’ Bertrandon de la Broquière, Schéfer ed., 120. Bertrandon visited the court of the emir of Konia in 1443 with a Cypriote ambassador.

[763] In time of Osman and Orkhan, Nicolay, 148-9; Howorth, iii. 428; Byzantine historians in Stritter, iii. 1092; Anon., _Hist. de Géorgie_, i. 642; Shehabeddin, 346, 375; Ibn Batutah, ii. 284 (calls them emirs of Larenda); Hammer, i. 262 fol.; Rasmussen, 116; Feridun letters, Bibl. Nat., fonds turc, no. 79, p. 1. In time of Murad and Bayezid, Feridun letters, ibid., pp. 18-20, 30, 33-4, and references in text of this book. For fifteenth century, from re-establishment by Timur, Sherefeddin, iv. 33; Bertrandon de la Broquière, 118-20; Mas-Latrie, _Hist. de Chypre_, iii. 3; _Bibl. de l’École des Chartes_, 2e série, i. 326, 510; ii. 138; Sanuto, in Muratori, xxii. 962. For coins, Lane-Poole, _Bodleian Collection_, 12; _British Museum_, 21-6. The power of Karamania in the fifteenth century will be discussed in a later volume.

[764] Shehabeddin, 350, 357, 372. Cf. Hertzberg, 471.

[765] Shehabeddin, 361; Ibn Batutah, ii. 343-7; _Bibl. de l’École des Chartes_, 2e série, i. 325; Hammer, i. 90, 309-11; Clavijo, 20 vº.

[766] Ibn Batutah, ii. 339.

[767] Ashikpashazadé, Vatican MS., 33.

[768] Hadji Khalfa, _Djihannuma_, 617, 1807-9. It is curious that Hadji Khalfa does not mention the famous potteries of Kutayia.

[769] Persian letter in collection of Feridun, Bibl. Nat., fonds turc no. 79, p. 18.

[770] Shehabeddin, Paris MS., fonds arabe no. 583, fol. 144 rº-vº; Ibn Batutah, ii. 270-1; Hammer, ii. 133, xvii. 98; Schéfer, preface to his edition of Bertrandon de la Broquière, lxi. For expedition of Bayezid against, Phr. i. 26, p. 82; Ducas, 18-19; Chalc. ii, pp. 64-6.

[771] Panaretos, 49, 52.

[772] Hammer, v. 28.

[773] Shehabeddin, 358, 366. In speaking of the propinquity of Denizli and Marmora, one wonders if Mas-Latrie has not confused the Scamander and Maeander rivers. Both of these rivers are called Menderes in Turkish.

[774] Its last emir died without issue in 1425. M. de Ste. Croix, in _Acad. des Inscriptions_, nouv. série, ii. 569-75; Hammer, i. 300-1, xvii. 98; Ducas, 18, p. 79; Lane-Poole, _Coins in British Museum_, 33-4.

[775] Mordtmann, in _Zeitschrift d. m. G._, lxv (1911), p. 105.

[776] See above, p. 225.

[777] Shehabeddin, 360.

[778] Shehabeddin, 367.

[779] Clavijo, fol. 6 vº, 60 vº.

[780] Mas-Latrie, in _Bibl. de l’École des Chartes_, 5e série, v. 219-31, quoting _Pacta_, vi. 129 vº, and _Commem._, ii. 231, iii. 374.

[781] Cf. St. Pierre de Thomas, in Bollandist Coll.

[782] The currency of Byzantine money among the maritime emirates of Asia Minor demonstrates this. See Makrisi, 7, and Stickel, in _Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, viii. 837-9.

[783] Shehabeddin, 339, 360, 368-9; Ibn Batutah, ii. 313; _Commemor._, ii. 231; Greg. xi. 2, p. 530; xv. 5, p. 763; Cant. ii. 29-30, pp. 480-4; iii. 96, pp. 591-6; Ducas, 18, p. 79; Hadji Khalfa, _Djihannuma_, fol. 1820; for relations of Genoese and Byzantines with, Sauli, i. 256-7; for coins, Schlumberger, 479-81; Lane-Poole, _Bodleian_, 12; _British Museum_, 31-2.

[784] ‘Aussi y est Satalie, située en rivages maritimes de Cilicie: d’où a prins son nom le Goulphe de Satalie, anciennement appelé Issa: et a présent la Iasse et en cest endroit Alexandre vainquit Daire ...’ Nicolay, 148. This passage, which shows Adalia confused with Adana, would have helped Bruun in his note on p. 123 of the Hakluyt edition of Schiltberger.

[785] In Bibl. Nat., Paris, MS. fonds turc no. 62, there is a marginal note in Armand’s handwriting which terminates thus: ‘La dynastie des Seljuks de Rum finit en la personne de Kaï Kobad, fils de Feramorg, fils de Kaï Kaous le 14e qui aye regné qui fut exterminé lui et _toute sa race_ par Gazankhan.’ This view was taken by several Orientalists of Armand’s day, but there is good authority for Ghazi Tchelebi’s ancestry.

[786] Fallmerayer, _Originalberichte_, ii. 15, 319; Stella, cited by Muralt, ii. 533; Ibn Batutah, ii. 343.

[787] Matteo Villani, in Muratori, xiv. 663.

[788] Shehabeddin, 359; Ibn Batutah, ii. 277.

[789] Shehabeddin, 371; Ibn Batutah, 258-9, 265; Bustron, _Chronique de Chypre_, 296; Mas-Latrie, _Trésor_, col. 1802; Matteo Villani, in Muratori, xiv, col. 662; Urban V, _Epp. secr._, i. 161; Rasmussen, 45; Schiltberger, 19. (I cannot agree with Bruun that Adana is meant, for there is no reason to believe that the Osmanlis crossed the Taurus into Cilicia for more than one hundred years after the events Schiltberger was describing. See above, p. 296, _n._ 3.)

[790] See note for Mikhalitch.

[791] Weil, iv. 504-624; Heyd, passim under Tarsus, Lajazzo, Adana, and Alexandretta; Mas-Latrie, _Bibl. de l’École des Chartes_, vi. 310-11; Le Nain de Tillemont (éd. Gaulle), iii. 9; iv. 459; Abulfaradj, _Chron. Syr._, 572; Bertrandon de la Broquière (éd. Schéfer), introd., lv. 90-1.

[792] Finlay, iv. 386-92; Panaretos, _passim_.

[793] Ibn Batutah, ii. 314; Cant. ii. 13, pp. 388-90; Phr. i. 8, p. 37; Greg. xi. 9, p. 554; Sauli, i. 256-7. See also in text of this book under Orkhan.

[794] Matteo Villani, in Muratori, xiv. 650, under spring of 1360, says: ‘E per tante guerre e divisioni de’ Turchi gli paesi loro erano rotti e in grande tribulazione. E per questa cagione i Greci havieno minore persecuzione da loro. E più ciò fu materia al Re di Cipro di fare l’impresa sopra loro con honore e vittoria grande.’ Mas-Latrie, in _Bibl. de l’École des Chartes_, 2e série, ii. 122-3, says that the Karamanian army was defeated before Gorhigos in 1361, and that Cyprus, then at the height of its power, was able to impose tribute on the emirs of Asia Minor.

[795] Ibn Batutah, ii. 288-95.

[796] See above under Smyrna, Aïdin, Menteshe, Fukeh, and Tawas. Also in text of book, p. 44.

[797] Cf. Weil, iv. _passim._

[798] See above, p. 123.

[799] The ordinals following the names of Byzantine emperors are a cause of confusion, as there is no universal agreement as to the method of numbering. Some historians count by sovereigns _of the same family_ bearing a particular name (i. e. John I Palaeologos and John II Palaeologos), while others number by the imperial line as a whole (i. e. John V Palaeologos, John VI Cantacuzenos, John VII Palaeologos). I have used the second system.