ii. 15, who declares that the Roman Christians, not content τῇ

ἀγράφῳ τοῦ θείου κηρύγματος διδασκαλία, besought Mark with many prayers ὡς ἂν καὶ διὰ γραφῆς ὑπόμνημα τῆς διὰ λόγου παραδοθείσης αὐτοῖς καταλείψοι διδασκαλίας, which S. Peter afterwards approved.

124 Luke i. 2-4.

125 John xx. 30.

126 As one instance out of many take the words of S. Paul, 2 Cor. i. 22: “He that _confirms_ us with you is Christ, and that has _anointed_ us is God; who has also _sealed_ us, and given the pledge of the Spirit in our hearts.” How differently would this passage appear to one who had received the confirming chrism, with the words conveying it, “_Signo_ te signo crucis, et _confirmo_ te _chrismate_ salutis;” and to one who had lost the possession of this Sacrament. Those who have deserted the ecclesiastical tradition and practice read the Scriptures with a negative mind, and so fail to draw out the truth which is in them.

127 Eine Gnadenanstalt: our language does not supply the expression.

128 Heb. iv. 2; Acts xvi. 14.

129 By Möhler.

130 See Macaulay’s Essays.

131 S. Aug. _de Trin._ iv. 11, 12, tom. viii. 817.

132 Tertullian, _Apol._ 50. “O gloriam licitam, quia humanam, cui nec præsumptio perdita nec persuasio desperata deputatur in contemptu mortis et atrocitatis omnimodæ, cui tantum pro patria, pro imperio, pro amicitia pati permissum est, quantum pro Deo non licet.” See again the instances he collects _ad Martyres_, 4; and Eusebius, _Hist. 5_, proœm., draws the same contrast.

133 Celsus only alleges the suffering of Socrates as a parallel to that of the martyrs. Origen _c. Cels._ i. 3.

134 With an appeal to this fact Athenagoras begins his apology to the Emperors Marcus Aurelius and Commodus, about A.D. 177. ἑνὶ λόγῳ κατὰ ἔθνη καὶ δήμους θυσίας κατάγουσιν ἂς ἂν ἐθέλωσιν ἄνθρωποι καὶ μυστήρια. οἱ δὲ Αἰγύπτιοι καὶ αἰλούρους καὶ κροκοδείλους καὶ ὄφεις καὶ ἀσπίδας καὶ κύνας θεούς νομίζουσι. καὶ τούτοις πᾶσιν ἐπετρέπετε καὶ ὑμεῖς καὶ οἱ νόμοι ... ἡμῖν δὲ (καὶ μὴ παρακρουσθῆτε, ὡς οἱ πολλοὶ, ἐξ ἀκοῆς) τῷ ὀνόματι ἀπεχθάνεσθε. Ch. i. See also Kellner’s _Hellenismus und Christenthum_, p. 79; and Champagny, _Les Antonins_, ii. 189.

135 1 Tim. vi. 13; ii. 6.

136 “Æmulos nos ergo Sibi esse voluit, ac primus virtute cœlesti injustorum justus obtemperavit arbitrio; dans scilicet secuturis viam, ut pius Dominus exemplum famulis Se præbendo, ne onerosus præceptor a quodam putaretur. Pertulit ante illa quæ aliis perferenda mandavit.” _Epist. Ecc. Smyr._ i. Ruinart, p. 31.

137 Apoc. ii. 2, 10, 14.

138 This is what Tertullian calls “sub umbraculo insignissimæ religionis, certe licitæ,” _Apolog._ 21; and _ad Nationes_, i. 11, “Nos quoque ut Judaicæ religionis propinquos.”

139 See Justin Martyr, _Dial. c. Tryph._ 17, who speaks of the Jews as sending everywhere deputies in order to defame Christians.

140 Acts xxviii. 22.

141 Tacitus, _Ann._ xv. 44.

142 Ὁ Παῦλος, μαρτυρήσας ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων, οὕτως ἀπηλλάγη τοῦ κόσμου. S. Clem. Rom. _ad Cor._ 5.

143 Tertull. _Apol._ 10. “Sacrilegii et majestatis rei convenimur: summa hæc causa, immo tota est.” Lassaulx says, “die beiden Hauptanklagen, die Religion-verachtung, die Majestäts-beleidigung.” _Fall des Hellenismus_, p. 11.

144 Matt. x. 22; xxiv. 9.

145 S. Clemens Rom., writing just after Domitian’s time, associates as sufferers with S. Peter and S. Paul in his own time πολὺ πλῆθος ἐκλεκτῶν, οἵτινες πολλὰς αἰκίας καὶ βασάνους διὰ ζῆλον παθόντες ὑποδεῖγμα κάλλιστον ἐγένοντο ἐν ἡμῖν. _Ad Cor._ 6.

146 Euseb. _Hist._ iv. 25; Tertull. _Apol._ 5.

147 In Tertullian’s words, “debellator Christianorum,” _Apol._ 5.

148 Thus a late Protestant writer, Schmidt (_Geschichte der Denk- und Glaubensfreiheit_, p. 165), remarks of the condition of Christians, “Vollkommen gewiss ist, dass unter Domitian eine neue Drangperiode für die Christen begann, die sich in Verfolgungen, in Hinrichtungen, und Verbannungen äusserte. (_Dio._ 67, 14, und die Ausleger.) Damals soll auch der Apostel Johannes nach Pathmos verwiesen worden sein. Erst Nerva lüftete wiederum diesen Druck, indem er den Verhafteten die Freiheit gab, und die Verbannten zurückberief. (_Dio._ 68, 1.) _Es war dies aber doch nur als eine Amnestie, als ein Gnadenact anzusehen, nicht als eine Anerkennung der Unsträflichkeit, wie das schwankende Verhalten des nicht minder hochherzigen und freisinnigen Trajan zur Genüge darthut._”

149 Döllinger, _Heidenthum und Judenthum_, Vorwort, iv.

150 Justin, _Dialog. with Tryphon_, 117. Tertullian, 50 years later, _adv. Judæos_, 7, goes beyond this.

151 Kellner, _Hellenismus und Christenthum_, p. 85.

152 Origen _cont. Cels._ i. 27.

153 Lib. iii.3. Ἔτι ἔναυλον τὸ κήρυγμα τῶν ἀποστόλων καὶ τὴν παράδοσιν πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν ἔχων, οὐ μόνος, ἔτι γὰρ πολλοὶ ἐπελείποντο τότε ἀπὸ τῶν ἀποστόλων δεδιδαγμένοι: where τὸ κήρυγμα and ἡ παράδοσις τῶν ἀποστόλων indicate the whole body of truth which they communicated to the Church, whether written or unwritten.

154 S. Ign. _ad Smyrn._ 1 and 8.

155 S. Ignat. _ad Ephes._ i.-iv.

_ 156 Ad Ephes._ xix.

157 Another point on which S. Ignatius dwells repeatedly is the receiving the flesh of Christ in the Eucharist: thus he says of the heterodox, _ad Smyrn._ 6: “They abstain from the Eucharist and prayer, because they do not confess that the Eucharist is that flesh of our Saviour Jesus Christ which suffered for our sins, which in His goodness the Father raised.”

158 He says, _ad Rom._ ii.: Ὅτι τὸν ἐπίσκοπον Συρίας ὁ Θεὸς κατηξίωσεν εὑρεθῆναι εἰς δύσιν ἀπὸ ἀνατολῆς μεταπεμψάμενος. Merivale, _Hist._ c. lxv. p. 150, note 1, says, “We are at a loss to account for the bishop being sent to suffer martyrdom at Rome.” This passage in the epistle confirms the acts of martyrdom. It was the wish of Trajan to make a great example, and the Bishop of Rome, S. Alexander, was at this time in prison, and shortly afterwards martyred.

159 See _Epist. ad Magnes._ 13.

_ 160 Ad Trall._ 6.

_ 161 Ad Smyrn._ viii.

162 Compare with this expression of S. Ignatius that of the Church of Polycarp, fifty years later, describing how after his martyrdom, σὺν τοῖς Ἀποστόλοις καὶ πᾶσι δικαίοις ἀγαλλιώμενος, δοξάζει τὸν Θεὸν καὶ Πατέρα, καὶ εὐλογεῖ τὸν Κύριον ἡμῶν καὶ κυβερνήτην τῶν [ψυχῶν τε καὶ] σωμάτων ἡμῶν, καὶ ποιμένα τῆς κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας. _Acta Polycarpi_, xix Ruinart, p. 45.

163 Ephes. iv. 4-16.

164 See Eusebius, _Hist._ iii. 37, who speaks exactly in this sense; and an important passage in Döllinger, _Kallistus und Hippolytus_, 338-343, on the force of the word πρεσβύτερος, as Ecclesiæ Doctor, one particularly charged with the magisterium veritatis. See also Hagemann, _die Römische Kirche_, pp. 607-8.

165 Tillemont, _Ecc. Hist._ ii. 132.

166 Tertull. _Apol._ 5, and Euseb. _Hist._ v. 21, assert the existence of this law.

167 Tillemont, _E. H._ ii. 182-3.

168 See the singular instance given by Euseb. v. 21, in the reign of Commodus. An informer accuses Apollonius of being a Christian, at a time when the imperial laws made such an accusation a capital offence. The accuser is put to death; but Apollonius, who is supposed to have been a senator, having made a brilliant defence before the Senate, suffers martyrdom.

169 Duci jussi (confer Acts xii. 19, ἐκέλευσεν ἀπαχθῆναι). The extreme brevity with which the most urbane, kind-hearted, and accomplished of Roman gentlemen, as Mr. Merivale conceives him, describes himself as having ordered a number of men and women to be put to death for the profession of Christianity, is remarkable and significant. Compare it with the bearing of his friend Trajan to S. Ignatius below. As soon as the saint’s confession of “bearing the Crucified in his heart” is specific, Trajan without a word of remark orders his execution. The “duci jussi” of Pliny and Trajan’s manner in sentencing perfectly correspond and bear witness to each other’s authenticity. So later the like tone used by Junius Rusticus, prefect of the city under Marcus Aurelius, to Justin Martyr, as will be seen further on.

170 Pliny, _Ep._ x. 97, chiefly Melmoth’s translation.

_ 171 Acts of S. Ignatius_, Ruinart, pp. 8, 9.

_ 172 Ad Rom._ iv.

173 Ἐκκλησίᾳ—ἥτις καὶ προκάθηται ἐν τότῳ χωρίου Ῥωμαίων—προκαθημένη τῆς ἀγάπης.

174 S. Chrysostom, _Hom. on S. Ignatius_, tom. ii. 600.

175 S. Ignatius in the 11th sec. of his epistle to the Smyrnæans requests them to send a messenger to congratulate the church of Antioch, ὅτι εἰρηνεύουσιν, καὶ ἀπέλαβον τὸ ἵδιον μέγαθος, ἀποκατεστάθη αὐτοῖς τὸ ἴδιον σωματεῖον. The word σωματεῖον, or corpusculum, indicates the completeness of a diocesan church with its bishop, the whole Church being σῶμα Χριστοῦ, as S. Ignatius had said in sec. I of the same epistle, ἐν ἑνὶ σώματι τῆς ἐκκλησίας αὐτοῦ.

176 There is some doubt about the time of S. Ignatius’s martyrdom. We suppose it to be at the end of Trajan’s reign. S. Alexander I. is reckoned a martyr, and placed in the canon of the Mass next after S. Ignatius, which seems to indicate a connection between their deaths.

177 So the persecution of Diocletian is said to have arisen from Apollo declaring that the just who were upon the earth prevented him from uttering true oracles; and a like answer was received by Julian the Apostate at Antioch, where the relics of S. Babylas had been translated by Gallus to Daphne, near a celebrated temple of Apollo. Here Julian, offering in vain a great number of sacrifices to the demon, was at length informed that the body of the saint condemned him to silence, and ordered the Christians to remove it. S. Chrys. tom. ii. 560.

178 Acts of S. Symphorosa, from Dom Ruinart, pp. 23-4.

179 Justin. 1 _Apol._ 1, 2.

180 Sec. 7.

181 Sec. 11.

182 Sec. 17.

183 Sec. 45.

184 Sec. 68. Chevallier’s translation, sometimes altered.

185 Origen _c. Cels._ i. 3. Περὶ τοῦ κρύφα Χριστιανοὺς τὰ ἀρέσκοντα αὐτοῖς ποιεῖν καὶ διδάσκειν εἰπὼν, καὶ ὅτι οὐ μάτην τοῦτο ποιοῦσιν, ἅτε διωθούμενοι τὴν ἐπηρτημένην αὐτοῖς δίκην τοῦ θανάτου.

186 Σὲ τὸν καθωσιωμένον ὥσπερ ἄγαλμα αὐτῷ δήσας ἀπάγει καὶ ἀνασκολοπίζει. viii. 38, 39.

187 viii. 69; by this we should judge that the work of Celsus appeared not long after the punishment of the Jews by Hadrian.

188 Attached to Justin’s first Apology.

189 See Trajan’s remark to S. Ignatius: “You mean him that was crucified under Pontius Pilate.”

190 See the curious letter of Hadrian about the Alexandrians, in which the Christians spoken of are probably heretics.

191 They are first mentioned at Rome in the reign of Alexander Severus.

192 See Origen _c. Cels._ vii. 62.

193 See Trajan’s question, “Who art thou who art zealous to transgress our commands, besides persuading others to come to an evil end?”

194 Αἷρε τοὺς ἀθέους.

195 The Roman legionary, if he wished to lay aside his helmet, was only allowed to go bareheaded.

196 Champagny remarks, that the emperors were never in the mind of the Romans _sovereigns_ in the modern acceptation of the word, but _life-presidents_ with absolute power.

197 Champagny, _Les Antonins_, iii. 311.

198 “Christianos esse passus est.” Lampridius.

199 Tillemont, _Hist. Ecc._ iii. 250.

_ 200 Apolog._ iv. “Jampridem, cum dure definitis dicendo, non licet esse vos, et hoc sine ullo retractatu humaniore describitis, vim profitemini et iniquam ex arce dominationem, si ideo negatis licere quia vultis, non quia debuit non licere.”

201 “Res olim dissociabiles, principatum et libertatem.” Tacit. _Agric._ 3.

202 “Primo statim beatissimi sæculi ortu.” _Ibid._

_ 203 Agricola_, 2.

204 See Döllinger, _Hippolytus und Kattistus_, p. 187, who quotes from Dio Cassius, l. 75, p. 1267, Reimar. This was A.D. 203.

205 Tillemont, _Life of Severus_, iii. 75, from Dio: A.D. 206.

206 Tertullian, _ad Martyres_, 4: about A.D. 196.

207 Dio, quoted by Döllinger, ut supra.

208 Euseb. _Hist._ v. 21.

209 Tertullian, _Apol._ i. 37; _ad Scap._ 2.

210 De Rossi, _Archeol. Cristiana_, 1866, p. 33, makes this estimate.

211 From a passage in the account of the Martyrs of Lyons, A.D. 177 (Euseb. _Hist._ v. 1, p. 201, l. 3), it appears that the word “Church” was only given to a mother or cathedral church by writers of that time.

212 Thus S. Irenæus (iii. 3. 3) speaks of S. Peter and S. Paul as θεμελιώσαντες καὶ οἰκοδομήσαντες the Church of Rome, and of the Church of Ephesus (ibid. iv.) as τεθεμελιωμένη ὑπὸ Παύλου.

213 This S. Innocent states to S. Augustine and the African bishops in 417 as a fact well known to them: “Scientes quid Apostolicæ Sedi, cum omnes hoc loco positi ipsum sequi desideremus Apostolum, debeatur, _a quo ipse episcopatus et tota auctoritas nominis hujus emersit_.” Coustant, _Epist. Rom. Pontif._ 888.

214 Photius, συναγωγαὶ καὶ ἀποδείξεις, quoted by Döllinger, _Hippolytus und Kallistus_, p. 264, 5.

215 Can. 6. Concil. Nic. τὰ ἀρχαῖα ἔθη κρατείτω, τὰ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ Λιβύῃ καὶ Πενταπόλει, ὥστε τὸν Ἀλεξανδρείας ἐπίσκοπον πάντων τούτων ἔχειν τὴν ἐξουσίαν, ἐπειδὴ και τῷ εν Ῥωμῃ επισκοπῳ τοῦτο συνηθεσ εστιν. See Hagemann, _die Römische Kirche_, 596-8.

216 “Traducem fidei et semina doctrinæ.” _De Præscrip._ 20.

217 See Döllinger, _Hipp. u. Kall._ p. 338-343, for the meaning of this word in the time of S. Irenæus, as carrying with it a special magisterium fidei. “Presbyteros” was added as a title of honour to the name of Bishop. In S. Irenæus tho same persons have as Bishops the succession of the Apostles, as Presbyteri “the charisma of the truth.” Papias marks the Asiatic Presbyteri as those who had heard of S. John; and Clement of Alex. speaks of Presbyteri who, occupied with the office of teaching, and deeming it diverse from that of composition, did not write. _Eclogæ_ xxvii. p. 996.

218 I am indebted for the above sketch of Gnosticism mainly to Schwane, _Dogmengeschichte der vornicänischen Zeit_, p. 648-51.

219 Tillemont, _Hist. des Emp._ iii. 281, deduces it from a passage of Origen on S. Matt. tom. iii. p. 857 c.

_ 220 Frag. Epist. ad Florin._ tom. i. p. 340.

221 He seems to refer to Matt. x. 24: οὐκ ἔστι μαθητὴς ὑπὲρ τὸν διδάσκαλον.

222 S. Irenæus, lib. iii. c. 2; lib. iii. c. 1.

223 “Quos et successores relinquebant, suum ipsorum locum magisterii tradentes.”

224 S. Irenæus, lib. iii. c. 3, 4.

225 “Hoc enim Ecclesiæ creditum est Dei munus.”

226 Lib. iii. c. 24.

227 Lib. v. c. 20.

228 “Qui cum episcopatus successione charisma veritatis certum secundum placitum Patris acceperunt.” iv. 26, 2; and 5, “ubi igitur charismata Domini posita sunt, ibi discere oportet veritatem, apud quos est ea quæ est ab apostolis ecclesiæ successio.”

229 S. Ignatius, quoted above, p. 206.

230 Schwane, p. 661.

231 Hagemann, p. 622.

232 Letter of the Synod of Arles to Pope Sylvester: “Quoniam recedere a partibus istis minime potuisti, in quibus et Apostoli quotidie sedent, et cruor ipsorum sine intermissione Dei gloriam testatur.” Mansi, _Concilia_, ii. 469.

233 Tertull. _de Præsc._ 19, 20.

234 The word here stands evidently for the whole body of Christian truth, rites, and discipline, the communication of which was a sacramentum.

235 That is, he opposes the word _choosers_ to the word _Christians_; the one signifying those who believe what they _choose_, the other those who believe what Christ taught.

_ 236 De Præscrip._ 37.

237 ἡ τοῦ κυρίου κατὰ τὴν παρουσίαν διδασκαλία.

238 Clem. Alex. _Strom._ vii. 16, p. 890-894; 17, p. 897-900. The sections 15-17, p. 886-900, treat of the spirit and conduct of heresy.

_ 239 De Principiis_, pref. p. 47. See also on Matt. tom. iii. 864, a passage equally decisive.

_ 240 Cont. Cels._ vi. 48, tom. i. 670.

_ 241 De Civ. Dei_, xvi. 2.

_ 242 De dono persev._ 53.

243 Enarr. in Ps. 54, tom. iv. 513.

244 Serm. 51, tom. v. 288.

245 S. Mark’s Gospel would be referred to S. Peter, and S. Luke’s writings to S. Paul.

246 See Schwane, p. 779-80.

247 Schwane, p. 783-4.

248 “Quia a patribus ista accepimus in ecclesia legenda.” n. 47.

249 Stromata, vii. c. 16, p. 896.

250 See Kleutgen, _Theologie der Vorzeit_, iii. 957; Schwane, vol. i. 3.

251 L. iv. 26. 2, p. 262. “Quapropter _iis qui in Ecclesia sunt_ presbyteris obaudire oportet,” &c.

252 L. iii. 24, p. 223.

253 Schwane, p. 683.

254 Observed by Hagemann, p. 618, referring to the words of S. Irenæus, “ad hanc enim Ecclesiam propter potiorem prinicipalitatem _necesse est_ omnem convenire Ecclesiam,” &c. It must be remembered that the proper word for the power which held together the whole Roman empire was Principatus, the very word used by S. Augustine to express the _original_ authority of the Roman See: “Romanæ Ecclesiæ, in qua _semper_ apostolicæ cathedræ viguit _principatus_.” _Ep._ 43.

255 See Kuhn, _Einleitung in die katholische Dogmatik_, i. 345-6.

256 Guizot ranks Marcus Aurelius with S. Louis, as the only rulers who preferred conscience to gain in all their conduct.

257 Maximus Tyrius, diss. 17, 12; Reiske, and diss, ii. 2. 10.

_ 258 Acta Martyrum sincera_, Ruinart, p. 58-60.

259 Ruinart, p. 67.

260 Ruinart, p. 68.

261 Ruinart, p. 69.

_ 262 Hist._ v. i. μυριάδας μαρτύρων διαπρέψαι στοχασμῷ λαβεῖν ἔνεστιν.

263 Ib, v. 21.

264 Clem. Alex. _Strom._ ii. c. 20, p. 494.

265 Euseb. _Hist._ vi. 1.

266 Champagny, _les Antonins_, iii. 326, 338.

267 Philostratus in his _Life of Apollonius of Tyana_, written at the request of the empress Julia Domna. See Kellner, _Hellenismus und Christenthum_, c. v. s. 4, 81-4.

268 Orig. _c. Cels._ viii. 68, tom. i. p. 793.

269 Churches in private houses, under cover of that great liberty which invested with a sort of sacred independence the Roman household, it had from the beginning: the church of S. Pudentiana in the house of the senator Pudens still guards the altar on which S. Peter offered.

270 The reign of Louis XIV.

271 Am. Thierry, _Tableau de l’Empire Romain_, p. 412.

272 Zach. ii. 11, Is. ii. 2, Mich. iv. 1, compared with Titus ii. 14 and 1 Pet. ii. 9.

_ 273 Ep. ad Diognetum_, 5, 6.

274 S. Justin Martyr, _Tryphon_, sec. 135, 42, 116; where he refers to and explains the vision of the high-priest Jesus in the prophet Zacharias iii. 1.

275 ὡς υἱὸν Θεοῦ, Θεὸν ἐληλυθότα ἐν ἀνθρωπίνῃ ψυχῇ καὶ σώματι. _Cont. Cels._ iii. 29.

276 Ibid. viii. 74.

_ 277 Cont. Cels._ viii. 75.

278 Ibid. vi. 48, p. 670.

_ 279 Cont. Cels._ vi. 79, p. 692.

280 Κωλύοντος τοῦ Θεοῦ τὸ πᾶν ἐκπολεμηθῆναι αὐτῶν ἔθνος; συστῆναι γὰρ αὐτὸ ἐβούλετο καὶ πληρωθῆναι πᾶσαν τὴν γῆν τῆς σωτηρίου ταύτης καὶ εὐσεβεστάτης διδασκαλίας. _Cont. Cels._ iii. 8. It must be remembered that Celsus in the passage to which this is an answer had asserted that the Christians had arisen out of the Jews through a sedition; which makes the train of thought pertinent. For Origen is contrasting the losses which occur through exterminating wars, such as a sedition, or civil war, excites, with the losses to the Christian body through martyrdom. The comparison therefore lies between the whole number of Christians viewed _en masse_ and the martyrs. Lasaulx remarks that this was written before the Decian persecution.

281 Preface to the Oxford edition of S. Cyprian’s treatise on the Unity of the Church.

_ 282 De Unitate_, iii. &c.

283 Epist. 70 and 73.

284 τῇ γὰρ ἐλπίδι ἐσώθημεν.

285 Ep. 1, Oxford translation.

286 S. Irenæus, lib. iv. 33 g.

287 Dan. ii. 44. Compare Apoc. i. 9. ὁ ἀδελφὸς ὑμῶν καὶ συγκοινωνὸς ἐν τῇ θλίψει καὶ ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ ὑπομονῇ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ.

288 Κατανοήσατε τὸν ἀπόστολον καὶ ἀρχιερέα τῆς ὁμολογίας ἡμῶν Χριστὸν Ἰησοῦν. Heb. iii. 1.

289 Thus S. Gregory the Great wrote to Eulogius, Patriarch of Alexandria, that the three original patriarchal Sees were all Sees of Peter: “Cum multi sint Apostoli, pro ipso tamen principatu sola Apostolorum Principis Sedes in auctoritate convaluit, quæ in tribus locis unius est.” _Epist._ lib. vii. 40. The Patriarchal authority is a derivation from the Primacy, which is the well-head.

290 Κηρύσσων τὸ εὐαγγέλιον τῆς βασιλείας. Matt. iv. 23.

291 S. Dionys. Alex. Ep. 2. Gallandi, iii. 512.

292 Answer of Pope Innocent I. to the Council of Carthage in 416, among the letters of S. Augustine.

293 Constant. _Epist. Rom. Pontif._ p. 1037.

294 Ephes. iv., written during S. Paul’s imprisonment at Rome.

295 This text is continually used by S. Augustine against the Donatists, as containing an express divine prophecy that the one Catholic Church should continue to the end of the world. The Gospel _of_ the Kingdom, and the Gospel _without_ the Kingdom, are ideas far as the poles apart.

_ 296 De Pudicitia_, § 1. See Hagemann, p. 54.

297 He is so represented by Hippolytus, _Philosophumen_, lib. ix. p. 209. See Hagemann, p. 59.

298 “Nec hoc nobis nunc nuper consilium cogitatum est, nec hæc apud nos adversus improbos modo supervenerunt repentina subsidia: sed antiqua hæc apud nos severitas, antiqua fides, disciplina legitur antiqua; quoniam nec tantas de nobis laudes Apostolus protulisset dicendo: Quia fides vestra prædicatur in toto mundo, nisi jam exinde vigor iste radices fidei de temporibus illis mutuatus fuisset: quarum laudum et gloriæ degenerem fuisse maximum crimen est.” _Epist. Cleri Rom. ad Cyprian._ 31.

299 Hagemann, p. 77.

300 In Matt. tom. iii. 857 c.

301 “Cum Fabiani locus, id est, cum locus Petri et gradus cathedræ sacerdotalis vacaret.” _Epist._ lii. p. 68. “Sedisse intrepidum Romæ in sacerdotali cathedra eo tempore cum tyrannus infestus sacerdotibus Dei fanda atque infanda comminaretur, cum multo patientius et tolerabilius audiret levari adversus se æmulum principem quam constitui Romæ Dei sacerdotem.” Ibid. p. 69.

_ 302 Epist._ lii. p. 69.

303 Compare with the savageness of the Prefect of Rome in torturing S. Laurence the following incident which occurred five years later. Valerian had been captured by the Persian monarch, and his son the Emperor Gallienus bore the reproach with great tranquillity. In the great festival which he held at Rome about 263, to commemorate the victory of Odenatus over Sapor, some revellers mixed themselves with the pretended Persian captives, and examined their faces closely. When asked what they meant, they replied, “We are looking for the emperor’s father.” The jest so stung Gallienus that he had them burnt alive. Weiss, _Lehrbuch der Weltgeschichte_, ii. 224. It was for showing him the Church’s spiritual treasures, the poor, the helpless, and the suffering, instead of the coveted gold and silver, that the Prefect burnt S. Laurence alive.

_ 304 De Lapsis_, iv. p. 182-3, Oxford translation.

305 Euseb. _Hist._ l. vii. c. 10.

306 Ib. l. vii. c. 13.

307 See the martyrdom of the favourite chamberlain Peter, who, says Eusebius (_Hist._ viii. 6), was violently scourged, and then slowly roasted alive.

308 “Diocletianus ... excarnificare omnes suos protenus cœpit. Sedebat ipse atque innocentes igne torrebat.... Omnis sexus et ætatis homines ad exustionem rapti; nec singuli, quoniam tanta erat multitudo, sed gregatim circumdato igni amburebantur,” &c. Lactant. 14, 15.

309 Eusebius, _Hist._ viii. 2.

310 Lactantius, _de Morte Persecutorum_, 13.

311 Euseb. viii. 4.

312 “Statim productus non modo extortus sed etiam legitime coctus cum admirabili patientia, postremo exustus est.” Lact. _de Mort. Pers._ 13; Euseb. viii. 5.

313 Euseb. _de Vita Constant_. 1. i. 13.

314 Lactant. _Divin. Institut._ 1. v. 9. Gallandi, tom. iv. 313-4.

315 Ib. 1. v. 11.

316 Euseb. _Hist._ viii. 11.

317 Lactantius, as above.

_ 318 Hist._ viii. 9.

319 Euseb. _Hist._ viii. 10.

320 Σωκ. Ἀναγκαῖον οὖν ἐστὶ περιμένειν ἕως ἄν τις μάθῃ ὡς δεῖ πρὸς θεοὺς καὶ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους διακεῖσθαι.

Αλκ. Πότε οὖν παρέσται ὁ χρόνος οὗτος, ὦ Σώκρατες? καὶ τίς ὁ παιδεύσων? ἥδιστα γὰρ ἄν μοι δοκῶ ἰδεῖν τοῦτον τὸν ἄνθρωπον τίς ἐστιν.

Σωκ. Οὗτος ἐστιν ᾧ μέλει περὶ σοῦ.

321 1 Cor. i. 21.

322 Zeller, _die Philosophie der Griechen_, 2te Aufl. vol. i. pp. 6 and 35. “Philosophy,” says Grote, _Plato_, vol. i. v. “is, or aims at becoming, reasoned truth: an aggregate of matters believed or disbelieved after conscious process of examination gone through by the mind and capable of being explained to others:” who quotes Cicero’s “Philosophia ex rationum collatione consistit.”

323 Thus Herodotus says of Solon, τῆς θεωρίης ἐκδημήσας εἵνεκεν, i. 30; and presently, ξεῖνε Ἀθηναῖε, παρ᾽ ἡμέας γὰρ περὶ σέο λόγος ἀπῖκται πολλὸς, καὶ σοφίης εἵνεκεν τῆς σῆς καὶ πλάνης, ὡς φιλοσοφέων γῆν πολλὴν θεωρίης εἵνεκεν ἐπελήλυθας.

324 Zeller, i. 39, quoted.

325 Zeller, i. p. 38.

326 Newman, _Verses on various occasions_; Heathen Greece, p. 158.

327 Zeller, i. p. 43. “Aber es liegt überhaupt nicht in der Weise des Alterthums, die gottesdienstlichen Handlungen zur Belehrung durch Religionsvorträge zu benützen. Ein Julian mochte in Nachahmung christlicher Sitte dazu den Versuch machen, aus der klassischen Zeit selbst ist uns kein Beispiel hievon überliefert.”

328 Zeller, i. p. 141.

329 Ib. i. pp. 449-452.

330 Ueberweg, _Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie_, drit. Aufl. i. p. 65.

331 Ueberweg, i. 68.

332 Ib. i. 72.

333 Döllinger, _Heidenthum und Judenthum_, p. 272, and Zeller, i. p. 139, who states this of the Eleatics, Heracleitus, Democritus, and even the Pythagoreans, who, though they put Number instead of Matter, yet conceived incorporeal principles as material, and so considered from the same point of view the soul and the body, the ethical and the physical, in man.

334 Zeller, ibid.

335 Ueberweg, i. 75. “Die Sophistik bildet den Uebergang von der kosmologischen zu der auf das denkende und wollende Subject gerichteten Philosophie.” p. 76. “Sokrates... theilt mit den Sophisten die allgemeine Tendenz der Reflexion auf das Subject, tritt aber zu ihnen dadurch in Gegensatz, das seine Reflexion sich nicht bloss auf die elementaren Functionen des Subjects, die Wahrnehmung und Meinung und das sinnliche und egoistische Begehren, sondern auch auf die höchsten gestigen, zur Objectivität in wesentlicher Beziehung stehenden Functionen, nämlich auf das Wissen und die Tugend richtet.”

336 Ib. i. 76.

337 Thus Zeller throughout his great work perpetually deplores that through this long period, and with increasing force after Aristotle’s time, pure science, _die reine Wissenschaft_, was not studied for its own sake, but was subordinate to a moral purpose, the question, that is, of man’s greatest good, and his happiness.

338 Simplicius, in the sixth century.

339 Zeller, i. p. 117.

340 Ueberweg, i. p. 88.

341 xiii. 4.

_ 342 Metaph._ i. 6.

343 Σωκράτης φρονήσεις ᾤετο εἶναι πάσας τὰς ἀρετάς ... λόγους τὰς ἀρετὰς ᾤετο εἶναι; ἐπιστήμας γὰρ εἶναι πάσας. _Ethic. Nic._ vi. 13.

344 Xen. _Mem._ i. 1. 16.

345 Xen. _Mem._ iv. 6. 1.

346 Ibid. iii. 4. 9.

347 Ibid. iii. 9, iv. 6; _Sympos._ ii. 12. Plat. _Apol._ 25 e; _Protag._ p. 329 b.

_ 348 Memor._ i. 6, 10.

_ 349 Tusc._ v. 4.

350 ἡ μαιευτική, Plat. _Theæt._ p. 149.

351 ἐξέτασις, Plat. _Apol._ p. 20.

352 Xen. _Mem._ i. 4. 7. σοφοῦ τινὸς δημιουργοῦ καὶ φιλοζώου.

353 Ibid. iv. 3.

354 ὁ τὸν ὅλον κόσμον συντάττων τὲ καὶ συνέχων, ἐν ᾣ πάντα τὰ καλὰ καὶ ἀγαθά ἐστι, καὶ ἀεὶ μὲν χρωμένοις ἀτριβῆ τε καὶ ὑγιᾶ καὶ ἀγήρατον παρέχων, θᾶττον δὲ νοήματος ἀναμαρτήτως ὑπηρετοῦντα, οὗτος τὰ μέγιστα μὲν πράττων ὁρᾶται, τάδε δὲ οἰκονομῶν ἀόρατος ἡμῖν ἐστι. Compare the famous passage of S. Paul, Rom. i. 19, 20. διότι τὸ γνωστὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ φάνερόν ἐστιν ἐν αὐτοῖς; ὁ γὰρ Θεὸς αὐτοῖς ἐφανέρωσε; τὰ γὰρ ἀόρατα αὐτοῦ ἀπὸ κτίσεως κόσμου τοῖς ποιήμασι νοούμενα καθορᾶται, ἥτε ἀΐδιος αὐτοῦ δύναμις καὶ θειότης εἰς τὸ εἶναι αὐτοὺς ἀναπολογήτους. Socrates draws precisely the conclusion which S. Paul asserts that the premises warrant.

355 τὸ δαιμόνιον.

356 Plato, _Apol._, at the end.

_ 357 Phædo_, p. 118.

358 The view here taken would be powerfully confirmed by citing at length the interview of Socrates with the hetæra Theodote, as given by Xen. _Mem._ iii. 11. The unconscious absence from the mind of Socrates of any notion of turpitude in the occupation of Theodote is very striking indeed. One is reminded that Socrates took lessons in rhetoric of that Aspasia, herself the hetæra of Pericles, who is recorded to have educated a school of Theodotes. Thus Plutarch, _Pericles_, 24, says of her, παιδίσκας ἑταιρούσας τρέφουσα. In the Meneximus, p. 235, Socrates claims her as being his διδάσκαλος οὖσα οὐ πάνυ φαύλη περὶ ῥητορικῆς, quoted by Wallon, _de l’Esclavage_, vol. i. p. 190.

359 Ueberweg, i. 92, 93.

360 Ueberweg, i. 91.

361 Ibid. i. 117.

362 Ibid. i. 118.

363 Ueberweg, i. 120, from Aristotle, _Metaph._ i. 6 and 9, and xiii. 4.

364 Zeller, i. 119.

365 Ueberweg, i. 120, remarks: “Die Eintheilung der Philosophie in Ethik, Physik und Dialektik (die Cicero _Acad. pos._ i. 5, 19, Plato zugeschreibt), hat nach Sextus Empir (_adv. Math._ vii. 16) zuerst Plato’s Schüler Xenocrates förmlich aufgestellt: Plato aber sei, sagt Sextus mit Recht, δυνάμει ihr Urheber, ἀρχηγός.”

366 See Zeller, vol. ii. part 2, p. 599. Döllinger, p. 299, sec. 122; p. 279, sec. 87.

367 Zeller, ii. part 1, p. 598. “Ueber diese beiden Gegenstände (die Religion und die Kunst) hat sich Plato ziemlich häufig, aber immer nur gelegenheitlich geäussert.”

368 Döllinger, p. 290, sec. 110.

_ 369 Timæus_, 28.

370 Thus Grote, _Plato_, i. 230, speaks of “the early caution produced by the fate of Socrates,” and believes “such apprehension to have operated as one motive deterring him from publishing any philosophical exposition under his own name, any Πλάτωνος σύγγραμμα,” p. 231.

371 This has been done by Zeller, vol. ii. part 1, pp. 599-602, from whom I take it. He supports his analysis with a great number of references to various works of Plato.

372 Zeller, vol. ii. part 1, p. 487, remarks of Plato’s doctrine: “So far as things are the appearance and the image of the Idea, they must be determined by the Idea; so far as they have in themselves a proper principle in matter, they must be determined likewise by necessity: since, certain as it is that the world is the work of reason, it is as little to be left out of mind that in its formation beside reason another blindly working cause was in play, and that even the Godhead could make its work not absolutely perfect, but only so good as the nature of the finite permitted;” and he refers to many passages of the _Timæus_, of which one will suffice, wherein at the conclusion of a review of the physical causes of things Plato says: ταῦτα δὴ πάντα τότε ταύτῃ πεφυκότα ἐξ ἀνάγκης ὁ τοῦ καλλίστου τε καὶ ἀρίστου δημιουργὸς ἐν τοῖς γιγνομένοις παρελάμβανεν ἡνίκα τὸν αὐτάρκη τε καὶ τὸν τελεώτατον Θεὸν ἐγέννα, χρώμενος μὲν ταῖς περὶ ταῦτα αἰτίαις ὑπηρετούσαις, τὸ δὲ εὖ τεκταινόμενος ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς γιγνομένοις αὐτὸς; διὸ δὴ χρὴ δὔ αἰτίας εἴδη διορίζεσθαι, τὸ μὲν ἀναγκαῖον, τὸ δὲ θεῖον, καὶ τὸ μὲν θεῖον ἐν ἅπασι ζητεῖν κτήσεως ἕνεκα εὐδαίμονος βίου, καθ᾽ ὅσον ἡμῶν ἡ φύσις ἐνδέχεται, τὸ δὲ ἀναγκαῖον ἐκείνων χάριν, λογιζομένους ὡς ἄνευ τούτων οὐ δυνατὰ αὐτὰ ἐκεῖνα, ἐφ᾽ οἷς σπουδάζομεν, μόνα κατανοεῖν, οὐδ᾽ αὖ λαβεῖν, οὐδ᾽ ἄλλως πως μετασχεῖν. p. 68. Compare p. 48. μεμιγμένη γὰρ οὖν ἡ τοῦδε τοῦ κόσμου γένεσις ἐξ ἀνάγκης τε καὶ νοῦ συστάσεως ἐγεννήθη; κ.τ.λ.

373 Döllinger, p. 297, sec. 119, quoted.

374 So likewise Zeller remarks, vol. ii. part 1, p. 604: “Die Gesetze, welchen die philosophischen Regenten fehlen, behandeln die Volks-religion durchweg als die sittliche Grundlage des Staatswesens.”

375 Ibid. p. 605.

376 Here Zeller remarks: “Diese Voraussetzung liegt der ganzen Behandlung dieser Gegenstände bei Plato zu Grunde.... Dass die philosophische Erkenntniss immer auf eine kleine Minderheit beschränkt sein müsse ist Plato’s entschiedene Ueberzeugung.”

377 Döllinger, p. 293.

378 See Zeller, vol. ii. part 1, pp. 448-457.

379 “Wie es sich aber in dieser Beziehung mit der Persönlichkeit verhalte, dies ist eine Frage, welche sich Plato wohl schwerlich bestimmt vorgelegt hat, wie ja dem Alterthum überhaupt der schärfere Begriff der Persönlichkeit fehlt, und die Vernunft nicht selten als allgemeine Weltvernunft in einer zwischen Persönlichem und Unpersönlichem unsicher schwankenden Weise gedacht wird.” _Zeller_, p. 454.

380 Döllinger, p. 286, sec. 103. Zeller, vol. ii. part 1, p. 538.

_ 381 Theætetus_, p. 176. Σωκ. Ἀλλ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἀπόλεσθαι τὰ κυκὰ δυνατόν, ὦ Θεόδωρε; ὑπενάντιον γὰρ τι τῷ ἀγαθῷ ἀεὶ εἶναι ἀνάγκη; οὔτ᾽ ἐν θεοῖς αὐτὰ ἴδρυσθαι, τὴν δὲ θνητὴν φύσιν καὶ τόνδε τὸν τόπον περιπολεῖ ἐξ ἀνάγκης.

382 See Zeller, vol. ii. part 1, pp. 541-4, who points out a string of difficulties on the subject of personality, free-will, as maintained by Plato, and his doctrine that no one is willingly wicked.

383 See Grote’s _Plato_, i. pp. 133, 4.

384 Ueberweg, i. p. 116.

385 So Zeller sets forth at length, i. p. 206; and Ueberweg, i. p. 47.

386 Ueberweg, i. p. 50. Plato calls it ὁδόν τινα βίου, for which Pythagoras αὐτός τε διαφερόντως ἠγαπήθη, καὶ οἱ ὕστερον ἔτι καὶ νῦν Πυθαγόρειον τρόπον ἐπονομάζοντες τοῦ βίου διαφανεῖς πη δοκοῦσιν εἶναι. _Polit._ x. p. 600.

387 Grote, _Plato_, i. p. 221.

388 Ueberweg, i. 115.

_ 389 Phæd._ sec. 135, p. 274.

390 τὸν τοῦ εἰδότος λόγον λέγεις ζῶντα καὶ ἔμψυχον, οὗ ὁ γεγραμμένος εἴδωλον ἄν τι λέγοιτο δικαίως.

391 ἔχοντες σπέρμα, ὅθεν ἄλλοι ἐν ἄλλοις ἤθεοι φυόμενοι τοῦτ᾽ ἀεὶ ἀθάνατον παρέχειν ἱκανοί.

392 See his averseness to write on such doctrines at all set forth in his 7th epistle.

393 Grote observes, _Plato_, i. 216: “Plato was not merely a composer of dialogues. He was lecturer and chief of a school besides. The presidency of that school, commencing about 386 B.C., and continued by him with great celebrity for the last half (nearly forty years) of his life, _was his most important function_. Among his contemporaries he must have exerted greater influence through his school than through his writings.”

394 Grote, _Plato_, i. p. 138.

395 Ueberweg, i. p. 140, from Diogenes.

396 Aulus Gellius, _N. A._ xx. 5, quoted by Ueberweg.

397 Ἐν κοινῷ γιγνόμενοι λόγοι ... ἐκδεδομένοι λόγοι; οἱ κατὰ φιλοσοφίαν λόγοι, or διδασκαλικοὶ λόγοι, οἱ ἐκ τῶν οἰκείων ἀρχῶν ἑκάστου μαθήματος καὶ οὐκ ἐκ τῶν τοῦ ἀποκρινομένου δοξῶν συλλογιζόμενοι, which last are λόγοι πειραστικοὶ. Simplicius calls τὰ ἐξωτερικὰ, τὰ κοινὰ καὶ δι᾽ ἐνδόξων περαινόμενα; Philoponus, λόγοι μὴ ἀποδεικτικοὶ, μηδὲ πρὸς τοὺς γνησίους τῶν ἀκροατῶν εἰρημένοι, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τοὺς πολλοὺς, ἐκ πιθανῶν ὡρμημένοι. Quoted by Ueberweg, i. p. 146.

398 Vidi il maestro di color che sanuo Seder tra filosofica famiglia.

Dante, _Inf._ iv. 131.

399 διδασκαλία.

400 ὑπόμνησις.

401 Ueberweg, i. p. 188, from Diogenes and Themistius.

402 Ibid, from Noack, _Psyche_, v. i. sec. 13.

403 Zeller, vol, iii. part 1, p. 343.

404 Ep. vii. p. 341. οὔκουν ἐμόν γε περὶ αὐτῶν ἐστι σύγγραμμα, οὐδὲ μή ποτε γένηται; ῥητὸν γὰρ οὐδαμῶς ἐστὶν ὡς ἄλλα μαθήματα, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ πολλῆς συνουσίας γιγνομένης περὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα αὐτὸ καὶ τοῦ συζῇν ἐξαίφνης, οἷον ἀπὸ πυρὸς πηδήσαντος ἐξαφθὲν φῶς, ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ γενόμενον αὐτὸ ἑαυτὸ ἤδη τρέφει and much more to the same effect; after which he says, ὧν ἕνεκα νοῦν ἔχων οὐδεὶς τολμήσει ποτὲ εἰς αὐτὸ τιθέναι τὰ νενοημένα, καὶ ταῦτα εἰς ἀμετακίνητον, ὃ δὴ πάσχει τὰ γεγραμμένα τύποις. So again in his second letter, p. 314. πολλάκις δὲ λεγόμενα καὶ ἀεὶ ἀκουόμενα καὶ πολλὰ ἔτη μόγις, ὥσπερ χρυσὸς, ἐκκαθαίρεται μετὰ πολλῆς πραγματείας.... μεγίστη δὲ φυλακὴ τὸ μὴ γράφειν ἀλλ᾽ ἐκμανθάνειν; οὐ γὰρ ἔστι τὰ γραφέντα μὴ οὐκ ἐκπεσεῖν. Grote seems to me fully justified in counting these epistles as genuine, against the attacks of some modern German sceptics.

405 Μετὰ τριβῆς πάσης καὶ χρόνου πολλοῦ, ὅπερ ἐν ἀρχαῖς εἶπον; μόγις δὲ τριβόμενα πρὸς ἄλληλα αὐτῶν ἕκαστα, ὀνόματα καὶ λόγοι ὄψεις τε καὶ αἰσθήσεις, ἐν εὐμενέσιν ἐλέγχοις ἐλεγχόμενα καὶ ἄνευ φθόνων ἐρωτήσεσι καὶ ἀποκρίσεσι χρωμένων, ἐξέλαμψε φρόνησις περὶ ἕκαστον καὶ νοῦς, συντείνων ὅτι μάλιστ᾽ εἰς δύναμιν ἀνθρωπίνην. _Ep._ vii. p. 344.

406 Grote, _Plato_, i. 229. “When we see by what Standard Plato tests the efficacy of any expository process, we shall see yet more clearly how he came to consider written exposition unavailing. The standard which he applies is, that the learner shall be rendered able both to apply to others and himself to endure a Socratic Elenchus or cross-examination as to the logical difficulties involved in all the steps and helps to learning.” Without this “Plato will not allow that he has attained true knowledge” (ἐπιστήμη). Compare the system pursued in the mediæval schools and universities.

407 Ueberweg, i. pp. 242, 3.

408 Zeller, vol. ii. part 2, p. 632.

409 Döllinger, pp. 304, 305.

410 Döllinger, pp. 309, 310, sec. 137, 138.

411 Döllinger, p. 310, sec. 139.

412 Ibid. p. 311, sec. 140.

413 See p. 411, above.

414 Döllinger, pp. 307 and 311.

415 Διὸ καὶ πειρᾶσθαι χρὴ ἐνθένδε ἐκεῖσε φεύγειν ὅτι τάχιστα; φυγὴ δὲ ὁμοίωσις Θεῷ κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν; ὁμοίωσις δὲ δίκαιον καὶ ὅσιον μετὰ φρονήσεως γενέσθαι. κ.τ.λ. _Theætet._ p. 176.

416 Zeller, vol. ii. part 2, p. 623.

417 Zeller, ii. 2, p. 625.

418 Ibid. p. 629.

419 Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 7.

420 Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 14.

421 Ibid. p. 18.

422 Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 12. Döllinger, p. 318.

423 Döllinger, pp. 319-321.

424 The doctrine of Hylozoismus.

425 Döllinger, pp. 322-324.

426 Ibid. p. 324.

427 Döllinger, p. 326.

428 ὁμολογουμένως τῇ φύσει ζῆν. Ueberweg, i. p. 198.

429 Döllinger, p. 340.

430 Ibid. p. 330.

431 Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 370.

432 Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 398.

433 Döllinger, pp. 331-333. Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 392.

434 Döllinger, p. 335.

435 Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 427. ἀπαθία and ἀταραξία.

436 Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, i. p. 107.

437 Ibid. p. 435.

438 Döllinger, p. 336, who quotes Sextus, _Hypot._ i. 8.

439 Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 477.

440 Döllinger, p. 338.

441 For a full account of the line of thought followed by Carneades, see Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, pp. 454-477.

442 Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 436.

443 Ibid. pp. 482, 492.

444 Ueberweg, i. p. 218; and Zeller, iii. part 1, p. 593, calls him “neben seinem Lehrer Antiochus den eigentlichsten Vertreter des philosophischen Eklekticismus in dem letzen Jahrhundert vor dem Anfang unserer Zeitrechnung.”

445 Ueberweg, i. pp. 221-2.

446 Ueberweg, i. 219, 223.

447 Döllinger, p. 313.

448 Döllinger, p. 254.

449 Döllinger, p. 307. “Er wirkt also zwar auf die Welt, aber ohne sie zu kennen, wie der Magnet auf das Eisen, und seine Action auf die Welt ist keine freiwollende.”

450 Ibid. pp. 340, 572.

451 Ζεῦ, φύσεως ἄρχηγε, νόμου μέτα πάντα κυβερνῶν;— Σοὶ δὴ πᾶς ὅδε κόσμος ἐλισσόμενος περὶ γαῖαν Πείθεται ᾗ μὲν ἄγης, καὶ ἑκὼν ὑπὸ σεῖο κρατεῖται— Ἀλλὰ σὺ καὶ τὰ περισσὰ, ἐπίστασαι ἄρτια θεῖναι, Καὶ κοσμεῖς τὰ ἄκοσμα, καὶ οὐ φίλα σοὶ φίλα ἐστίν. Ὧδε γὰρ εἰς ἓν ἅπαντα συνήρμοκας ἐσθλὰ κακοῖσιν, Ὥσθ᾽ ἕνα γίγνεσθαι πάντων λόγον ἀὲν ἔοντα.

452 Cleanthes preferred expressly the poetic form; see the note in Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 289: for poetry and music are better suited to reach the truth of divine contemplation than the bare philosophical expression.

453 Ueberweg, i. p. 195.

454 Zeller, vol. iii. pp. 130, 131: see the many authorities he produces, pp. 126-131.

455 He says of the opposite theory of Epicurus, the construction of the world from the chance falling-together of atoms: “Hoc qui existimat fieri potuisse, non intelligo, cur non idem putet, si innumerabiles unius et viginti formæ literarum, vel aureæ vel quales libet, aliquo conjiciantur, posse ex his in terram excussis annales Ennii, ut deinceps legi possint, effici: quod nescio an ne in uno quidem versu possit tantum valere fortuna.” _De Nat. Deor._ ii. 37.

456 So Zeller remarks, iii. 1, p. 296: “A Pantheism, such as the stoic, could take up into itself the most boundless polytheism, a double liberty only being allowed, that of passing on to derived beings the name of deity, from the Being to whom alone originally and in the strict sense it belonged, and that of personifying as God the impersonal, which is an appearance of divine power.”

457 See Hasler, _Verhältniss der heidnischen und christlichen Ethik_, p. 28; and Zukrigl’s commentary on the same, _Tübingen theol. Quartalschrift_, 1867, pp. 475-482.

458 Zeller, iii. 1, pp. 288-9.

459 Zeller, iii. 1, 12.

460 Καὶ μὴν ἡ πολὺ θαυμαζομένη πολιτεία τοῦ τὴν Στωϊκῶν αἵρεσιν καταβαλλομένου Ζήνωνος εἰς ἓν τοῦτο συντείνει κεφάλαιον, ἵνα μὴ κατὰ πόλεις μηδὲ κατὰ δήμους οἰκῶμεν, ἰδίοις ἕκαστοι διωρισμένοι δικαίοις, ἀλλὰ πάντας ἀνθρώπους ἡγώμεθα δημότας καὶ πολίτας, εἷς δὲ βίος ᾖ, καὶ κόσμος, ὥσπερ ἀγέλης συννόμου νόμῳ κοινῷ τρεφομένης. Plutarch, _Alex. M. Virt._ i. 6, p. 329, quoted by Zeller, iii. 1, p. 281.

_ 461 De Finibus_, iii. sec. 19.

_ 462 De Legibus_, i. 7, 6.

463 Zeller, iii. 1, p. 278, from Seneca and Marcus Aurelius, who here, however, only enlarge on Cicero’s idea, or rather Zeno’s.

464 “Jam vero virtus eadem in homine ac Deo est, neque ullo alio ingenio præterea. Est autem virtus nihil aliud quam in se perfecta, et ad summum perducta natura.” _De Legibus_, i. 8.

_ 465 De Officiis_, i. 5.

466 Cic. _de Nat. Deor._ iii. 36. “Virtutem nemo unquam acceptam deo retulit. Nimirum recte. Propter virtutem enim jure laudamur, et in virtute recie gloriamur: quod non contingeret, si id donum a deo, non a nobis, haberemus.”

467 Champagny, _les Césars_, iii. 333.

468 “Ἐξαγωγὴ ist bei den Stoïkern der stehende Ausdruck für den Selbstmord.” Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 284 n. 2, who quotes Diog. vii. 130. Ἐλλόγως τέ φασιν ἐξάξειν ἑαυτὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ βίου τὸν σοφὸν καὶ ὑπὲρ πατρίδος καὶ ὑπὲρ φίλων, κὰν ἐν σκληροτέρᾳ γένηται ἀλγηδόνι, ἢ πηρώσεσιν, ἢ νόσοις ἀνιάτοις.

469 “Qui omnem orbem terrarum unam urbem esse ducunt.” Cicero, _Paradoxon_ 2.

470 Grote, _Plato_, vol. i. p. 87.

471 Döllinger, p. 315, from Numenius, quoted by Eusebius. Ueberweg, i. 205, says of them, that up to the rise of Neoplatonism they were the most numerous of all.

472 See Döllinger, pp. 341 and 572-584; so Champagny, _les Césars_, iii. 294.

473 Ueberweg gives them thus: to the first Academy belong Plato’s successor Speusippus, who taught 347-339 B.C.; Xenocrates, 339-314; Polemo, 314-270; Crates, a short time. The second Academy was founded by Arcesilaus, who lived 315-241, taking more and more a sceptical direction, which was carried out to the utmost by Carneades, 214-129, in the third: in the fourth, Philo of Larissa, about 80 B.C., returned to the dogmatic direction; and Antiochus of Ascalon, Cicero’s friend, founded the fifth, in which he fused Platonic, Aristotelian, and Stoic doctrines together. S. Augustine, _de Civ. Dei_, viii. 3, puts his finger on the variations of the Socratici.

474 “Lier ensemble les dogmes, une morale, et un culte, c’est-à-dire donner à la société une foi, une règle, et des pratiques, c’était l’œuvre que le genre humain appelait de ses vœux, et sur laquelle pourtant tous les efforts humains semblaient échouer.” A. Thierry, _Tableau de l’Empire Romain_, p. 328.

475 S. Thomas, _Summa_, p. 1. 9. 1. a. 1.

_ 476 Sap._ xiii. 9.

477 Reading with S. Chrys. and S. Gregory ἐκ μεγέθους καὶ καλλονῆς κτισμάτων ἀναλόγως, cognoscibiliter, _i.e._ by a conclusion of reason.

478 Μάταιοι μὲν γὰρ πάντες ἄνθρωποι φύσει, οἷς παρῆν Θεοῦ ἀγνωσία ... πάλιν δὲ οὐδ᾽ αὐτοὶ συγγνωστοί. _Sap._ xiii. 1, 8.