Part 5

We have seen who and what were the Co-Hong, the Outside Chinese merchants, the Linguists and Compradores, and what their respective relations with foreigners were. There now remains the _Shroff_, or money dealer, whose services were indispensable, particularly in receipts. They were manifest daily and hourly in the broad arched passages passing through the Factories, along which, as was constantly said, one could never move without seeing heaps of silver being examined and hearing its metallic ring as successive quantities were poured in and out of copper scales. Scarcely a day or even an hour passed without this glittering accompaniment of old Canton life.

Pieces of silver as well as dollars were shroffed and weighed before being deposited in the treasury. When that was done, dollars had no longer a distinct existence, for in commerce the Chinese treat silver and gold as they do lead, iron, or copper. In this they show a characteristic good sense, and are rewarded by it in the facility with which all money transactions are carried on. As the result of long experience, the imported dollar was found to be worth 717/1000 taels in weight, and this became the standard in all current book accounts. No coined money exists in the Empire except copper cash, with which every one is familiar. The use of it is confined to the daily wants of the people, and it never enters into transactions of importance, except when money-changers replenish their stocks. The convenience of such a circulating medium gives facility to every one, no matter how humble his requirements, and was a wise piece of legislation. The obverse of the coin bears the name of the Emperor during whose reign it was made, in Chinese characters, with two others which mean 'circulating value.'[31] Commerce, on the other hand, stood in need of a larger representative of value, and this was supplied by gold and silver bars or lumps in portable sizes. Bar gold bears a small proportion to bar silver in quantity, and is in oblong pieces usually of ten taels in weight, and silver[32] in oval lumps called 'shoes' of various sizes and values. There is no Government interference in the manufacture of these bars and shoes for purposes of trade, no more than there is of any other metal, while the guarantee of their purity and value is simply the stamp of the Shroff or money house by which they are issued.

As a natural consequence of the non-existence of gold or silver coin, imported dollars, from being continually weighed and stamped when passing from hand to hand, became 'chopped dollars' or 'cut money' in Canton phraseology, the first from being stamped by the Shroff on examining them, with any character which he may select, and which is his guarantee of goodness. In the shapeless form which they thus acquire, payments are made by weight in taels, and its component parts of mace, candareens, and cash.[33] This custom of weighing metals has existed in China since 903 A.D. If any money stamped by a Shroff on examination proved bad, it was exchanged by him, but such cases were extremely rare. A small pair of scales for money transactions is generally carried by Chinese attached to a waistbelt.

Shroffs examined all amounts brought to them by any one, but went to the foreign Factories, to the Hong merchants or other customers, when required. The charge was small, and the amount of silver passing yearly through their hands was enormous, as amongst the Chinese all transactions were for money or its representative.[34] Shroffs were also 'changers'--providing when required either Sycee, chopped dollars, or gold--as well as bankers, making loans or receiving deposits. The floors of their shops are covered with brown tiles, and at the end of the year they can sell the privilege of removing the floor for the chance of finding scraps of silver which may have escaped through the interstices of the tiles, the buyer of the privilege replacing the floor at his own cost. I have heard of as much as fifty taels (about $70) being paid to an important Shroff-shop for such a transaction.

Several descriptions of dollars were imported from 1825, previous to which time the most numerous were those of Carolus IV. of Spain. These kept the preference above all others, and were currently known as 'Old Heads.' So accustomed were the Chinese to this dollar, that when Carolus III. or Ferdinand VII. were offered, they were taken with reluctance, while the 'Old Head' commanded a premium, and it thus became an exception to the general rule of 'breaking up.' For a long time they had been taken by dealers in raw silk from the middle provinces, in whole dollars, and finally so much prejudice existed in their favour that they would take no others except as cut money. This caused them to advance in value to 10 and even 15 per cent.; finally, during one season, we sold to the senior Hong merchant $60,000 at a premium of 30 per cent.,½ receiving in exchange $78,000 in cut money. Ferdinand VII.'s dollars became 'New Heads,' and next came into favour, there being a diminishing supply of the 'Old,' but they were never at more than 1 to 2 per cent. premium. Of other kinds there were Chilian, Peruvian, Mexican, and United States, which were submitted to the process of breaking up, and were never in greater favour with the Chinese than cut money. They were not 'old custom,' and they could not reconcile themselves to the new effigies or legends which they bore. Now and then, if wanted for a special occasion, Mexican dollars could be passed at a small premium, say 1 or 1½ per cent. It is very probable, as often supposed, that the Shroffs had much to do with these varied transactions; they were behind the scene and perhaps they had, as many of the establishments belonged to wealthy proprietors, who used them for purposes of speculation in money.

Book accounts, as has been said, were kept in dollars and cents by foreign houses, at the conventional rate of 717/1000 of a tael per dollar. There was but one exception, that of the English East India Company, which adopted the more rational system of Chinese currency. Payments for raw silk were made at 750/1000, for teas 720/1000, musk 750/1000, as well as for some kinds of opium. As all Chinese produce went by weight, even raw and manufactured silk, and as all computations were in decimals, this system contributed to the ease with which business was carried on.

* * * * *

_Pigeon-English_ is the well-known name given to that unique language through the medium of which business was transacted and all intercourse exclusively carried on between the 'Western Ocean' foreigners and Canton Chinese. For years after my arrival but three foreign residents were Chinese scholars--namely, Doctor Morrison; the present Sir John Francis Davis, the last Chief of the English East India Company's establishment; and one American, myself--while 'Pigeon-English' had grown up with the early days of foreign intercourse with the port of Canton. It is not difficult to arrive at the creation of this particular and strange language. Foreigners came to Canton for a limited period, and would not or could not apply themselves to the study of so difficult a language as the Chinese, of which even a sufficiency for commonplace purposes was not easy to acquire, and if acquired would be useless anywhere else. The local government also placed serious obstacles in the way of learning it, to the length of beheading a Chinese teacher for giving lessons. This is on the authority of Dr. Morrison, who related to me an instance that took place before I arrived, and he further informed me that for years after his own arrival in 1807 he was obliged, as a protection to his own teacher, to study at night in a room with lights carefully screened.

On the other hand, the shrewd Chinaman succeeded in supplying this absence of the knowledge of his own language by cleverly making himself familiar with _sounds_ of foreign words, and conforming them to his own monosyllabic mode of expression, at the same time using simple Chinese words to express their meaning. He thus created a language, as it may be called, deprived of syntax, without the logic of speech, and reduced to its most simple elements. It took firm root, became the conventional medium of intercourse in respect to transactions of enormous value and magnitude, and exists in all its vigour and quaintness to this day.

It was undoubtedly an invention of the Chinese, and long anterior to the appearance of the English at Canton in its origin, as may be proved by the admixture of Portuguese and Indian words still to be found in it, the latter having probably been originally made known by those primary visitors from the western world _viâ_ India. The English came more than a hundred years after; words from their language were then gradually incorporated, and increased with the disappearance of the Portuguese, who confined themselves to their own growing colony of Macao, until, finally, the former became the principal traders, and thus this language became known as Pigeon-English.

The word 'pigeon' is simply a corruption of 'business' and with its companion means _business_-English. Of Portuguese origin we have the most undoubted proof in such words as _mandarin_, from mandar, to order; _compradore_, from compra, to buy; _joss_, from Deös; _pa-te-le_, from padre; _maskei_, from masqué, never mind; _la-le-loon_, from ladraŏ, a thief; _grand_, from grande, the chief, as, for instance, 'grand chop;' _junk_, from the Portuguese sound of Chuĕng in the dialect of the East Coast, where they first traded. Of Indian words we have _bazaar_, a market; _Shroff_, money-dealer; _chunam_, lime; _tiffin_, luncheon; _go-down_, from kā-dang; _lac_, one hundred thousand; _cooly_, a labourer; _chit_, a note or letter; _bungalow_, a cottage; _kāārle_, curry, and others.

Some peculiarities of expression and application of two words constantly used in Pigeon-English may be mentioned. The language was by no means confined to those of foreign, but it contained quite a vocabulary of words of Chinese origin; it was, in fact, a very mixed tongue. 'Chop,' for instance, is of perpetual occurrence. It is the same as 'chŏ,' which signifies literally any 'document.' A shopkeeper's bill is a 'chop,' so is an Imperial edict or a Mandarin's proclamation; a cargo-boat is a chop-boat; it does duty also for a promissory note, a receipt, a stamp or seal, a license for shipping off or to land cargo, a mark for goods, or a permit. 'First quality' is expressed by 'first chop,' and an inferior according to quality is No. 6, 8, or 10 'chop,' the worst of all. When a cooly is sent on an errand requiring haste, he is told to go 'chop-chop.' A 'first chop' man speaks for itself, so does 'bad chop man.'

The variety of uses to which the compound word 'chow-chow' is put is almost endless, and in some cases have a directly opposite meaning. For instance, a 'No. 1 chow-chow' thing signifies 'utterly worthless' but when applied to a breakfast or dinner it means 'unexceptionally good.' A 'chow-chow' cargo is an assorted cargo; a general shop is a 'chow-chow' shop; provisions of all kinds are classed under the general head of 'chow-chow;' and, as may have been remarked in the list of the Factories, one was called the 'Chow-chow' from its being inhabited by divers Parsees, Moormen, or other natives of India.

Although by the Chinese all foreigners were called 'Fan Kwaes,' or 'Foreign Devils,' still a distinction of the drollest and most characteristic kind was made between them. The English became 'Red-haired devils;' the Parsees, from the custom of shaving their heads, were 'White-head devils;' Moormen were simply 'molo devils.' The Dutch became 'Ho-lan,' the French 'Fat-lan-sy,' and the Americans 'Flowery-flag devils.' The Swedes were 'Suy' and the Danes 'Yellow-flag devils.' The Portuguese have never ceased to be 'Se-yang kwae,' thus retaining the name first applied to them on their arrival from the 'Western Ocean' (which the words signify), while their descendants, natives of Macao, are 'Omun kwae,' or 'Macao devils' from the Chinese name of the town.

In the Canton book-shops near the Factories was sold a small pamphlet, called 'Devils' Talk.' On the cover was a drawing of a foreigner in the dress of the middle of the last century--three-cornered hat, coat with wide skirts, breeches, and long stockings, shoes with buckles, lace sleeves, and in his hand a cane. I have now one of these pamphlets before me. It commences thus, 'Yun,' and under it is its 'barbarian' definition, expressed in another Chinese word whose _sound_ is 'man.' After many examples of this kind come words of two syllables--thus, 'kum-yat' with their foreign meaning expressed by two other Chinese characters pronounced 'to-teay' to-day--and so on to sentences, for which the construction of the language is peculiarly adapted. This pamphlet, costing a penny or two, was continually in the hands of servants, coolies, and shopkeepers. The author was a Chinaman, whose ingenuity should immortalise him. I have often wondered who the man was who first reduced the 'outlandish tongue' to a current language. Red candles should be burnt on altars erected to his memory, and oblations of tea poured out before his image, placed among the wooden gods which in temples surround the shrine of a deified man of letters.

* * * * *

Although during the south-west monsoon little general business went on, transactions in Opium were very active. It was the period when the new drug arrived. Sales were made to brokers for cash (only) against orders on the receiving ships. The orders would be sent down by 'smug boats,'[35] which carried the Opium to its several destinations. These boats, of a peculiar build, were of great length and beam, the latter increasing rather disproportionately abaft to give quarters to brokers' agents who always went with them. The crews numbered from sixty to seventy men, who, like all Chinese boatmen, were singularly good sailors, intelligent and very active. They plied the oars sitting on low benches ranged on both sides of the deck, while additional propelling power was provided in an enormous mainsail and a foresail made of mats, bamboos, and rattans. The armament was one large gun in the bows, swivels, spears, and flint-lock muskets purchased from foreign vessels. The 'smug boats' differed from Government cruisers in a less powerful armament, smaller crew, and in the hull being bright varnished instead of painted 'black and red,' which are the colours of the latter.

On delivery of the opium, the receiving ships were paid five dollars per chest,[36] which was called 'cumsha' (literally 'gold sand'), and two dollars for 'demurrage' if the order was not presented within seven days. It was always repacked, before being taken from the ship, in mat bags, then marked with the owner's private sign and the weight. At times as many as one hundred chests, in bulk, would form a single cargo, whose market value was from $150,000 to $200,000. The Canton agent received five, afterwards reduced to three, per cent. commission on sales. The time occupied in unpacking, weighing, and repacking would occupy but a few hours. The crews of the receiving ships were mostly Manila men and some Lascars, while the shroffs, carpenters, and boats' crews, cooks and servants were Chinese.

It is needless to say the opium trade was prohibited by Imperial edicts as well as by proclamations of the Canton authorities. The Chinese who dealt in 'foreign mud'[37] were threatened even with capital punishment, but so perfect a system of bribery existed (with which foreigners had nothing whatever to do) that the business was carried on with ease and regularity. Temporary interruptions occurred, as, for instance, on the installation of newly-arrived magistrates. Then the question of fees arose, but was soon settled unless the new-comer was exorbitant in his demands, or, as a broker would express it, 'too muchee foolo'--i.e. 'the man is crazy.' In good time, however, all would be arranged satisfactorily, the brokers reappeared with beaming faces, and 'peace' and immunity reigned in the land.

Opium was never found for sale in Chinese shops at Canton, nor were there any signs by which one could judge where it was prepared for sale or for smoking, it being used in no other form.

The Canton officials rarely made any reference to the Lintin station; but sometimes, compelled by form to do so, would issue a proclamation ordering vessels 'loitering at the outer anchorage' either to come into port or sail away to their own countries, lest the 'dragons of war' should be opened, and with their fiery discharges annihilate all who opposed this, a 'special edict.'

Another branch of the opium trade was on the East Coast, where vessels of moderate size, belonging to two foreign houses at Canton, were stationed, say, near Amoy, Chin-Chew, Cup-Chee, and the island of Namao. They received supplies by brigs and schooners (all in this business being known as 'coasters'), which, starting from Lintin, touched at the anchorages above on going up to deliver, and on their return collecting the proceeds of sales. As an opportunity offered to get a practical experience of this trade, which was carried on with all the secrecy possible by the few engaged in it, I availed myself of a suggestion from the house to take a run up to Namao. We owned at the time a Boston clipper schooner called the 'Rose,' which, in 1837, was about leaving for that anchorage with a quantity of opium sold at Canton for delivery there, and an additional number of chests to try the market. The whole cargo consisted of nearly 300 chests of the Canton value of about $300,000. I joined the vessel at Capshuymun from Macao with an English gentleman, my guest there, whom I invited to accompany me. The 'Rose' was soon ready for sea; we made sail and started with a moderate south-west monsoon. She was a foretopsail schooner of about 150 tons register, with her scuppers within two feet of the water. The weather proved delightful, the wind steady, and the sea smooth. We kept an eye upon the barometer, it being the taiphoon season, and a sharp look-out upon the fleet of 'fishing boats' which covered the water, and the crews of which were peaceable fishermen or cut-throat pirates according to circumstances.

We anchored on the inside of the island of Namao on the third day, close by two English brigs, the 'Omega'[38] and 'Governor Findlay.'[39] Inshore of us were riding at anchor two men-of-war junks, with much bunting displayed; one bore the flag of a 'Foo-Tseang' or Commodore. Knowing the 'formalities' to be gone through with the Mandarins, we expected a visit from one, and until it was made no Chinese boat would come alongside, nor would a junk, not even a bumboat. We had no sooner furled sails and made everything shipshape, when 'his Excellency' approached in his 'gig,' a sort of _scow_ as broad as she was long. Besides the oarsmen, there were official and personal attendants, in grass cloth with conical rattan hats and flowing red silk cord surrounding them to the brim. He himself sat majestically in an arm-chair smoking quietly. A large embroidered silk umbrella was held over his head, while servants with fans protected him from the attacks of flies and mosquitoes. He was received at the gangway by Captain Forster. His manner and bearing were easy and dignified. When cheroots and a glass of wine had been offered, the 'Commodore' enquired the cause of our anchoring at Namao. The Shroff[40] gave him to understand that the vessel, being on her way from Singapore to Canton, had been compelled, through contrary winds and currents, to run for Namao to replenish her wood and water. Having listened attentively, the great man said that 'any supplies might be obtained, but when they were on board, not a moment must be lost in sailing for Whampoa, as the Great Emperor did not permit vessels from afar to visit any other port.' He then gravely pulled from his boot a long red document and handed it to his secretary, that we might be informed of its purport.

It was as follows:--

AN IMPERIAL EDICT.

As the port of Canton is the only one at which outside barbarians are allowed to trade, on no account can they be permitted to wander about to other places in the 'Middle Kingdom.' The 'Son of Heaven,' however, whose compassion is as boundless as the ocean, cannot deny to those who are in distress from want of food, through adverse seas and currents, the necessary means of continuing their voyage. When supplied they must no longer loiter, but depart at once. Respect this.

Taou-Kwang, 17th year, 6th moon, 4th sun.[41]

This 'Imperial Edict' having been replaced in its envelope and slipped inside of his boot (for service on the chance of another foreign vessel 'in distress'), his Excellency arose from his seat, which was a signal for all his attendants to return to the boat except his secretary. The two were then invited to the cabin to refresh, which being done, we proceeded to business. The Mandarin opened by the direct questions, 'How many chests have you on board? Are they all for Namao? Do you go further up the coast?' intimating at the same time that _there_ the officers were uncommonly strict, and were obliged to carry out the will of the 'Emperor of the Universe,' &c.; but our answers were equally as clear and prompt, that the vessel was not going north of Namao, that her cargo consisted of about 200 chests. Then came the question of 'Cumsha,' and that was settled on the good old Chinese principle of 'all same custom.' Everything being thus comfortably arranged, wine drunk and cheroots smoked, his Excellency said, 'Kaou-tsze' ('I announce my departure').[42] We escorted him to the side, over which he clambered with the aid of his secretary; we saw him safely deposited under his brilliant silken canopy, and in a short time rejoin his junk.

Chinese buyers came on board freely the moment they saw the 'official' visit had been made. A day or two after, several merchant junks stood out from the mainland for the anchorage. As they approached we distinguished a private signal at their mastheads, a copy of which had been furnished to us before leaving Capshuymun. We hoisted ours, the junks anchored close to us, and in a surprisingly short time received from the 'Rose' in their own boats the opium, which had been sold at Canton, and there paid for, deliverable at this anchorage. It was a good illustration of the entire confidence existing between the foreign seller in his Factory at Canton and the Chinese buyers, and of a transaction for a breach of any of the conditions of which there existed no legal redress on one side or the other. This parcel, whose value was $150,000, had been already packed in bags, marked and numbered, at Capshuymun. The Chinaman who held the order of the Canton house for its delivery, on coming on board unfolded it from a cotton handkerchief, smoked a pipe or two and drank a cup of tea with the Shroff while it was going over the side, then took leave of us with the usual 'Good wind and good water,' or, 'May your voyage be prosperous!' The junks had anchored, mainsail to the mast, and as the last bag was received on board the anchors were at the bow and they standing to the northward.