Part 3

All foreigners who came to Canton, from the first arrivals, were considered as having no other object than that of commerce. The English and the Dutch made their appearance in the first half of the seventeenth century; successively arrived, the Danes, Swedes, and Austrians (Imperialists). The Spaniards invited the Chinese to their new settlement at Manila for a time, and afterwards they themselves came to the provincial city.

Some amongst these different nationalities, tradition said the Dutch, had _red hair_, which led the Chinese facetiously to apply the term 'Red-headed Devils' ever after to all foreigners alike. They themselves give to the whole of their own race the name of 'Black Hair'd.'

The authorities framed eight regulations for the especial government and control of these divers people from afar. They date from the year 1760, and are curious enough to recall. Never having been abrogated, they were assumed to be in force always. They were confirmed by an edict of the Emperor Kea-King in 1819, after a revision in 1810. Some of them came to be disregarded by the foreign community, particularly those referring to the Gardens, the Honam Temple, and pulling in their own boats on the river; but so far as regards women entering the Factories, an infringement of them in this essential particular took place in 1830, as will be seen hereafter. The chief sufferers in the event of a disregard of any important item of the regulations would of course be the Hong merchants. The 'Eight Regulations' were now and then brought to the Factories by a Linguist, as an intimation that they were not to be considered a 'dead letter.' Translated into English they read thus----

_Regulation 1._--All vessels of war are prohibited from entering the Bogue. Vessels of war acting as convoy to merchantmen must anchor outside at Sea till their merchant-ships are ready to depart, and then sail away with them.

_Regulation 2._--Neither women, guns, spears, nor arms of any kind can be brought to the Factories.

_Regulation 3._--All river-pilots and ships' Compradores must be registered at the office of the 'Tung-Che'[11] at Macao. That officer will also furnish each one of them with a licence, or badge, which must be worn around the waist. He must produce it whenever called for. All other boatmen and people must not have communication with foreigners, unless under the immediate control of the ships' Compradores; and should smuggling take place, the Compradore[12] of the ship engaged in it will be punished.

_Regulation 4._--Each Factory is restricted for its service to 8 Chinese (irrespective of the number of its occupants), say 2 porters, 4 water-carriers, 1 person to take care of goods ('go-down coolie'), and 1 mā-chen (intended for the foreign word 'merchant'), who originally performed all the duties of the 'House Compradore,' as he is styled to-day.

_Regulation 5_ prohibits foreigners from rowing about the river in their own boats for 'pleasure.' On the 8th, 18th, and 28th days of the moon 'they may take the air,' as fixed by the Government in the 21st year of Kea-King (1819). All ships' boats passing the Custom-houses on the river must be detained and examined, to guard against guns, swords, or firearms being furtively carried in them. On the 8th, 18th, and 28th days of the moon these foreign barbarians may visit the Flower Gardens and the Honam Joss-house,[13] but not in _droves_ of over ten at one time. When they have 'refreshed' they must return to the Factories, not be allowed to pass the night 'out,' or collect together to carouse. Should they do so, then, when the next 'holiday' comes, they shall not be permitted to go. If the ten should presume to enter villages, public places, or bazaars, punishment will be inflicted upon the _Linguist_ who accompanies them.

_Regulation 6._--Foreigners are not allowed to present petitions. If they have anything to represent, it must be done through the Hong merchants.

_Regulation 7._--Hong merchants are not to owe debts to foreigners. Smuggling goods to and from the city is prohibited.

_Regulation 8._--Foreign ships arriving with merchandise must not loiter about outside the river; they must come direct to Whampoa. They must not rove about the bays at pleasure and sell to rascally natives goods subject to duty, that these may smuggle them, and thereby defraud His Celestial Majesty's revenue.

* * * * *

Originally there existed two English East India Companies, the oldest of which was incorporated in 1579. In the year 1600 they amalgamated, and received a charter from Queen Elizabeth. At the same time they assumed the title of the 'United East India Company,' and as a trade-mark, a heart with two transverse bars, bearing in the four divisions thus formed the letters V. E. I. C.

This trade-mark had acquired such a well-merited reputation at Canton, that it was considered unnecessary to examine any package of merchandise that bore it. A simple exhibition of musters was made, when transactions were concluded, and the original packages forwarded unopened to all parts of the Empire. The Company's vessels first arrived at Canton between 1650 and 1660, and tea was first used in England in 1666.

By the Chinese the Company was known as Kung-Se, the characters signify 'United Affairs.' By the Canton community its representatives collectively were universally referred to as 'The Factory.' They were much more numerous than the members of any other establishment. In 1825, the 'Factory' consisted of Sir James Urmston, chief; Messrs. W. H. C. Plowden, Marjoribanks, and J. F. Davis, of whom two, with the chief, formed a select committee; of writers (as usually called) there were about twenty; an inspector of teas, Mr. Reeves; chaplain, the Rev. R. H. Vachell; surgeons, Pierson and Colledge; and an interpreter, the Rev. Dr. Robert Morrison.

The 'Factory' entertained with unbounded hospitality and in a princely style. Their dining-room was of vast dimensions, opening upon the terrace overlooking the river. On the left was a library, amply stocked, the librarian of which was Dr. Pierson; on the right a billiard room. At one extremity of the dining-room was a life-size portrait of George IV. in royal robes, with crown and sceptre, the same that had been taken by the Embassy of Lord Amherst to Pekin, offered to and refused by the Emperor Keen-Lung, and brought to Canton overland. Opposite to it hung a smaller full-length portrait of Lord Amherst.

From the ceiling depended a row of huge chandeliers, with wax lights, the table bore candelabra, reflecting a choice service amidst quantities of silver plate.

I was glad to have witnessed this sight, unique in that distant quarter of the world, to reach which the old adage would apply, 'it was not every one who could get to Corinth.' Soon after I landed at Canton, I had the honour of a first invitation to dine with the 'Factory' and must confess that at my then age I accepted it with fear and trepidation. One of the _invité_ from the Suy-Hong, Mr. Oliver H. Gordon, accompanied me. Our way led through the great outer gate, past the 'chapel' whose spire bore conspicuously a large clock, the only one in Canton, and by which everyone regulated his watch; then up a broad flight of stone steps to a verandah, crossing which one entered the library and reception room as well. When the hosts and the guests had assembled, large folding doors were opened and we entered the noble dining-room, whose brilliancy and cheerfulness and gorgeously furnished table I see _now_. At the remote end of the room were grouped the Chinese servants of the Factory and of the guests, in caps and long robes, who immediately took up their places behind their respective masters as soon as seated.

About thirty gentlemen were present, including Mr. Bletterman, chief of the 'Maatschappay;'[14] Mr. Hollingworth Magniac, of the 'licensed' house of Magniac & Co. (predecessors of the present firm of Jardine, Matheson, & Co.); Mr. Thomas Dent, of another 'licensed' firm, Thomas Dent & Co.; and several of my own countrymen, including Mr. Benjamin C. Wilcox and John R. Latimer.

But the days of the Honourable East India Company were now unconsciously drawing to an end. It had existed for 250 years! It ceased as a 'commercial' body in 1833. Many members of the 'Factory' were then removed to India and there took up civil appointments. Messrs. Astell and Clarke alone remained at Canton to close up outstanding affairs, and finally left in December 1839. Twenty-five more years were accorded to the Company after 1833 to transfer to the Crown the splendid empire those enterprising merchants had founded in India, and in 1858 its sun set--politically.

Few now remain who witnessed the final breaking up and departure of 'the Factory' from Canton; personally, there was much regret, as it had always been a marked feature in the community. The 'Outside' Merchants, unshackled from licenses, hailed it as an auspicious day, opening up to them visions of prosperity, which soon assumed the form and substance of reality. As an event to be placed 'on record' as the Chinese say, the first 'free ship' with 'free teas' was loaded at Whampoa and despatched for London on March 22, 1834, by the still existing house of Messrs. Jardine, Matheson, & Co. The vessel was named the 'Sarah,' Captain Whiteside.

The principal teas shipped by the Company were Bohea and Congo. One may judge of their qualities by their selling in England from 'two shillings and sixpence up to sixty shillings per pound, while sound common Congo is selling to-day at sixpence farthing'! (Messrs. J. C. Sillar & Co's tea circular of February, 1881.) The Company imported English-made woollens and cottons and raw cotton from India. The most important of the licensed houses in 1825 were Magniac & Co., Thomas Dent & Co., Ilberry, Fearon & Co., Whiteman & Co., and Robertson, Cullen, & Co. (Colonel Fearon, who commanded the detachment of troops on board the East India Company's ship 'Kent,' burnt in the Bay of Biscay, 1825, on her way to Calcutta, was a brother of the Mr. Fearon just named.) Their transactions were with India, and in the aggregate on a very extensive scale. They received raw cotton from the three Presidencies; opium from Bombay and Calcutta; rice, pepper, tin, &c., from the Straits of Malacca. The local name for their business was the 'Country Trade' the ships were 'Country Ships' and the masters of them 'Country Captains.' Some of my readers may recall a dish which was often placed before us, when dining on board these vessels at Whampoa, viz., 'Country Captain.' The ships were 'Country' built as well, and of teak; they were not fast sailers, but comfortable and substantial. They made one voyage annually, rolling up the China Sea before the south-west monsoon and rolling down again with the north-east. Some of them, as the 'Sulimany,' the 'Fort William,' the 'Futty Salaam,' were not far from their eightieth birthday.

* * * * *

The Hong merchants (collectively, the Co-Hong) as a body corporate date from 1720. From that year, except for a short interval before 1725, they were the monopolists of the foreign trade. The principal ones, in 1825, were Houqua, Mouqua, Pwankeiqua, Pwansuylan, Chungqua, Kingqua, and Gouqua. The affix _qua_, which is usually supposed to be a part of the name, is simply a term of civility or respect, and is equivalent to Mister or Sir. The word means literally to 'manage' or 'control.' The number of the 'Co-Hong' was limited to thirteen.

Their establishments commenced on the creek already referred to, and extended eastward on the riverside, whereby the shipping off and landing of cargo were attended with great facilities. They were the 'warehouses' in which were received all the teas and silk from the interior, and in which these articles were repacked, if necessary, weighed, matted, and marked, before being sent to the ships at Whampoa. The boats in which they were conveyed were of a peculiar build, with circular decks and sides, and from their resemblance to a melon they were called 'water-melons' by the Chinese, but by foreigners they were always referred to as 'chop-boats.' They were of the capacity of 500 chests of tea, or 500 piculs of weight. The orderly and intelligent despatch of business at the Hongs was characteristic of the Chinese, as were the neatness of all packages and the dexterity with which they were handled.

The Hong merchants were the only ones officially recognised by the Government, and no goods bought of 'outside' Chinese could be shipped off except through one or the other of the 'Hongs,' which received thereon a tax, and in whose name they were reported to the Hoppo. The 'outside' merchants had, however, become of great importance, their transactions were on an immense scale annually. As manufacturers of silks, of floor-matting, nankeens, crapes, grass-cloth, and a host of less important articles, many of them had amassed great wealth; at the same time, they were always assumed, officially, as confining themselves strictly to such things as were necessary for the 'personal use' of foreign residents. In fact, it was 'custom' from time to time for the authorities to remind them of this, and even to enumerate the things which they were only allowed to furnish. As a curiosity they may be recorded--clothing, umbrellas, straw hats, fans, shoes, and so on!

The Hong merchants were responsible to the Hoppo for the duties on all exports and imports. They alone transacted business with that officer's department--viz., the 'Customs'--by which foreigners were spared trouble and inconvenience. It may be as well to mention here that the 'Hoppo' (as he was incorrectly styled) filled an office especially created for the foreign trade at Canton. He received his appointment from the Emperor himself, and took rank with the first officers of the province. The Board of Revenue is in Chinese 'Hoo-poo' and the office was locally misapplied to the officer in question.

As controllers of the entire foreign commerce of the port of Canton, which amounted annually to many millions of dollars, if the benefits derived therefrom were of vast importance, the responsibilities were also great. For infractions of 'regulations' by a ship or by her agents they were liable. It was assumed that they could, or should, control foreigners residing in the Factories as well as the vessels anchored at Whampoa. In both cases they were required to 'secure' due 'obedience.' Every resident therefore had his 'sponsor' from the moment of landing, as every ship had hers, and hence the Hong merchants became 'security merchants.' My own was Houqua, who of course represented some others also, and in view of these mutual relationships we would jocularly call them 'our horse godfathers.'

The purchases of the East India Company were divided amongst the Hong merchants proportionately, in shares, of which fourteen fell to the lot of Houqua.

The position of Hong merchant was obtained through the payment of large sums of money at Pekin. I have heard of as much as 200,000 taels, say 55,000_l._ sterling. If the 'license' thus acquired was costly, it secured to them uninterrupted and extraordinary pecuniary advantages; but, on the other hand, it subjected them to calls or 'squeezes' for contributions to public works or buildings, for the relief of districts suffering from a scarcity of rice, as well as for the often imaginary or over-estimated damage caused by the overflowing of the 'Yang-tsze-Keang' or the 'Yellow River.'

'Well, Houqua,' you would say on some visit, 'hav got news to-day?' 'Hav got too muchee bad news,' he would reply; 'Hwang Ho hav spilum too muchee' That sounded ominously. 'Man-ta-le[15] hav come see you?' 'He no come see my, he sendee come one piece "chop." He come to-mollo. He wantchee my two-lac[16] dollar.' It was the old complaint, a 'squeeze' and this time a formidable one. 'You pay he how mutchee?' 'My pay he fitty, sikky tousand so.' 'But s'pose he no contentee?' 'S'pose he, N^{o.} 1, no contentee, my pay he one lac.' This actual incident will show the sort of demands upon the senior Hong merchant (each one being called upon in his turn) and their pecuniary importance. They knew at the same time that the object of the 'squeeze' was exaggerated, and, even if necessary, that only a modest portion would go to the repairs of the banks of the river, the mandarin thinking that his own personal wants were far more pressing. They might try to parry the question, they might succeed in getting the sum asked for diminished, but they could not escape. Payments would also be made by them to the Hoppo on the occasion of his return to Pekin, on the appointment of a successor, as well as to the chiefs of the Revenue Board in that capital; but such as these had a _raison d'être_, they secured influence and protection, and besides, the sums paid were voluntary and comparatively moderate in amount.

As it added to their dignity and privileges, the Hong merchants purchased nominal rank, the insignia of which was denoted by a button or coloured globe attached to the apex of the cap. Of this they might be deprived for offences against the law or for bankruptcy; then a wearer of it in local parlance would be 'unbuttoned,' or deprived of this significant emblem of his social and public status.

The occupation of a 'merchant' in China is looked down upon by wealthy landed proprietors, by the _literati_, and by those who have risen to official rank through their own talents; but bankruptcy is considered degrading and even criminal.

Bankrupts are first deprived of any nominal rank they may possess before being so adjudged by law. Previous to my arrival at Canton one case of a bankrupt Hong merchant had taken place. The penalty for a member of the Co-Hong was transportation to E-Lee. Only one other occurred during the remainder of the period of the existence of the Co-Hong. The last exiled bankrupt was Mān-Hŏ. He had been a general favourite with the foreign community, was a person of courteous manners, and in every respect a well-bred and kindly man. He had borne on his cap the 'blue button' which denoted the third rank--principal--and it gave him the privilege of a certain title on his cards, &c. The books and affairs of his Hong passed into the charge of the Co-Hong for examination, the result proved most unsatisfactory, and when it was laid before the Hoppo he was declared bankrupt, and sentenced to transportation for life to E-Lee (the present Kuldja), on the north-west frontier. It is commonly spoken of by the Canton Chinese as the 'Colo'[17] country. Few know its geographical position. Preparations having been made for his departure, at a moment when some officials were leaving for that remote province, Mān-Hŏ, with other condemned persons, was placed under their charge. The boats, having all these on board, anchored off the Factories. Many of his old Chinese and foreign friends went on board to say goodbye. One of the latter handed him a letter, in which was expressed sympathy for his misfortunes. And it added that a sum of money, subscribed by the Hong merchants and themselves for his personal comfort, had been placed with reliable servants of his own, who were accompanying him of their own accord. Neither the Government nor the Hoppo objects to such aid being rendered by relations and friends to one who by misfortune or bad management has incurred the penalty of the law, if not excessive. In the present case the amount was 10,000 dollars.

In a few hours after, the convoy left on one of the most dreary journeys that can be imagined. It occupied several months, involving constant transhipment to other boats, now over execrable roads in the most comfortless of bamboo chairs, then on pony back, and frequently on foot.

A very long time after his departure we heard, by the return of one of his servants, that Mān-hŏ had been at first set to work as 'sweeper' in a temple, which he was able to compromise into a purely nominal 'office.' Again, that he had managed to get about him sundry comforts, such as E-Lee possessed, which is saying very little. Years passed, when we at once heard of his death and of the arrival of the body at Canton (in charge of the servants who had remained with him) for interment in his native place.

After Mān-hŏ left Canton I saw, in the hands of one of the above foreign contributors, his promissory note for $60,000, bearing interest at 5 per cent. per month. This was not exorbitant, under the circumstances in which it was given. The current rate of interest, with the best security, was 1 per cent. per month on running account, while 2 to 3 per cent. on temporary loans per month was common.

As a body of merchants, we found them honourable and reliable in all their dealings, faithful to their contracts, and large-minded. Their private residences, of which we visited several, were on a vast scale, comprising curiously laid-out gardens, with grottoes and lakes, crossed by carved stone bridges, pathways neatly paved with small stones of various colours forming designs of birds, or fish, or flowers.

One of the most beautiful was that of Pwankeiqua, on the banks of the river, three or four miles west of the Factories. The number of servants in these private 'palaces,' as they would be called elsewhere, was very great, comprising, with those ordinarily in attendance, doorkeepers, messengers, palankin bearers, and choice cooks. We had occasional opportunities of judging of the skill of the latter by an invitation to a 'chopstick' dinner, signifying that no foreign element would be found in it.

We would be served with such delicacies as birds'-nest soup,[18] with plover's eggs and Beche-de-Mar, curiously prepared sharks' fins and roasted snails; these forming but a very small proportion of the number of courses, which ended with pastry of different sorts. The liquids were wines prepared from rice, called 'Samshoo,' also from green peas, from a fruit called Wang-pe, and others whose names we never knew. The wines were served in tiny silver or porcelain cups, each placed on handsomely worked silver stands.

These feasts were very enjoyable, even when their novelty had worn off; the host, full of _bonhomie_ and politeness, never failing to escort us to the great outer gate on leaving, and place us under the charge of his coolies, who would there be waiting with large lanterns bearing his name to escort us back to the Factories.

It is not true, as has been supposed, that on these convivial occasions the guests were served with roast or boiled 'puppy' as a _bonne bouche_, and I am sure that the author of the following lines gave way to his imagination after a 'chopstick' dinner with 'green pea' wine when he wrote them, or to fortify a current joke:--

The feast spread out, the splendour round Allowed the eye no rest; The wealth of Kwang-Tung, of all Ind, Appeared to greet each guest.

All tongues are still; no converse free The solemn silence broke; Because, alas! friend Se-Ta-Che No word of Chinese spoke.

Now here, now there, he picked a bit Of what he could not name; And all he knew was that, in fact, They made him sick the same!

Mingqua, his host, pressed on each dish With polished Chinese grace; And much, Ming thought, he relished them, At every ugly face!

At last he swore he'd eat no more, 'Twas written in his looks; For, 'Zounds!' said he, 'the devil here Sends both the meats and cooks!'

But, covers changed, he brightened up, And thought himself in luck When close before him, what he saw Looked something like a duck!