CHAPTER IX

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

The aim of the foregoing pages was to give a correct description of the Australian individual family.[958] The chief practical difficulties lay in the methodological treatment of the evidence; in other words, in making the fullest possible use of the material, without inadvertently introducing conjectural elements. We established the necessity of our task by pointing out the following facts: (1) The contradictions, incompleteness and lack of precision in the descriptions of the individual family, given by field ethnographers, who sometimes even go so far as to deny the existence of this institution, such denials being based not upon observation, but upon speculative inference. (2) The discussion of the problem in question or of parts of it (marriage, relationship, descent, etc.), as usually found in ethnographical and sociological works, relates chiefly to the earlier stages of this institution, and as a rule leaves out of sight a series of important points, concerning its actual working, to draw attention to which was in part the aim of the present investigations. Now, considering that ethnological material, especially that from the Australian continent, plays a very important rôle in all general speculations on the history of marriage and the family--Australia being the best-known and the most extensive country inhabited by a very primitive race--it seemed that a careful examination of the facts of family life in Australia would be useful. (3) In the third place it appeared that a minute investigation in this direction might be interesting as an example of a correct sociological definition of the individual family in a given society. To give it, there had to be made a careful collection and classification of material in order to show which facts play an important part in the structure and functions of this institution.

[958] _See_ p. 290, note 1.

An over-hasty comparative survey of social phenomena, especially if the writer is disposed to see everywhere analogies or even identities without due criticism, too often exaggerates irrelevant features and under-rates the most essential ones in a given area. To obtain an adequate picture of any social institution, even if so well marked by many physiological facts as is the individual family, it is necessary to set forth those of its features which are characteristic in a given society. Further, it appeared necessary to point out some facts, which show that the institution of the individual family is deeply connected with a whole series of customs, beliefs and fundamental phenomena of Australian society; and that it thus appears deeply rooted in its social conditions. In other words, that the individual family is the object of a set of well-determined, categorical, collective ideas. This modest task of a correct and detailed description, made on the basis of sufficient ethnographical material, was the chief aim of the present study.

A few words may be said in the first place about the practical difficulties met with in dealing with the evidence, as foreseen and discussed in the chapter on methodology. The views there set out were, briefly, that it is impossible to use the statements in their crude form, and that consequently they must be submitted to criticism; and that it is necessary also to use caution and method in drawing inferences from the evidence. The results seem to confirm these views. So, for example, we often met with a great deal of inaccuracy--_e. g._ in expressions like tribe, tribal, community, group, family--and we had always to be cautious and to ascertain carefully their meaning when dealing with the aboriginal mode of living. Sometimes we were able to ascertain this real meaning; sometimes the statement was quite or nearly useless owing to complete confusion. Furthermore, all qualifying expressions referring to the treatment and behaviour of husband and wife, expressions referring to sexual morality, etc., were in the highest degree inexact. Throughout the whole study there was constant necessity for dealing critically with the text of the evidence.

In the second place we had always to analyze the information and to ask a series of definite questions of it. So, for example, in the sexual side of family life we divided our problem into three main questions, and these again into sub-headings. Again the relations between husband and wife were viewed from the legal point (authority of husband), from the psychological point (affection), and in their functional aspect (behaviour and treatment). The relations between parents and children were divided into several headings (affection, treatment, education, etc.), and so forth. On some of such particular points it has been possible to obtain quite definite answers. Where there was a hopeless contradiction, it was carefully pointed out. In the same manner a reliable but apparently singular statement was carefully noted, even if it differed from all the rest of the information. In general the chief methodic rule in utilizing the evidence was to arrange the whole argument and inferences in the clearest possible manner. To this end the number of the statements for and against any opinion was always given; the compatibility of a given inference with the well-established facts of Australian sociology was investigated; and the _experimentum crucis_, so much recommended by Steinmetz, was applied wherever possible. Attention also has been paid to the geographical point of view. Wherever it has been possible to ascertain local differences in customs, beliefs or institutions, or to show that such differences are localized in more extensive areas, care was taken to point it out. It is obviously an error to take "the Australian Aborigines" as an ethnic unit. Nevertheless many general, fundamental features of family life are undoubtedly common to all the tribes.

The individual family involves both the individual relations between husband and wife, and between parents and children.[959] These two relationships are obviously so intimately connected that the individuality of one of them has as its consequence the individuality of the other; each characteristic feature of one of them stands in a functional relation to some characteristic feature of the other. Both these relationships were studied and their mutual dependence in several respects was indicated.

[959] In the more restricted sense used throughout this book. Extended family, _Grossfamilie_, involves more remote relationship.

A series of facts was adduced in order to prove that the individual relationship between husband and wife is unquestionably affirmed in the collective ideas of the natives. These facts, chiefly connected with the modes of obtaining wives (also with burial and mourning), implied even more detailed ideas: the affirmation that the husband has a series of individual rights and duties in regard to his wife; in other words that there is a mutual personal appropriation of husband and wife.

From some of the details as to the modes of obtaining wives the idea of individual appropriation can be clearly gathered. The family disposes of the female and benefits thereby; the disposal is effected in infancy, so it appears that the majority of females are always allotted. The individual appropriation is, so to say, a permanent status, extending not only to the married women, but to all females in the tribe. Only a man deeply in love, or impelled by some other desperate reason, attempts to elope with a female or to capture one. This always constitutes a crime, and is either punished or atoned for. Nevertheless, elopement occurs pretty often and has its fixed forms of legalization. This state of things obviously expresses the idea of individual appropriation in the strongest and most certain manner. Individual appropriation is further expressed in a whole system of ties binding the families of the two contracting parties, and especially binding the man to his (future or actual) parents-in-law. In this latter case the ties consist in the first place of obligations, chiefly gifts and the duty of supplying game. These obligations and the widespread custom of exchange of females appear to be a rudimentary form of marriage by purchase. Hence, again, a confirmation that individual marital rights are well known and acknowledged. Marriage by purchase implies a fair knowledge of individual appropriation, and shows that it is highly valued in a given society. In Australia the "bride money" is paid by an individual, not by a group. We find evidence of a number of betrothal and marriage ceremonies which carry in themselves binding powers. Such ceremonies mean that the underlying ideas are deeply rooted in the society where the ceremonies are found. In this case, the underlying ideas are that man and wife are firmly bound to each other by the ceremony. All these facts appear very important. Not only do they indicate that the ideas of the legality or illegality of the marriage contract--those of personal individual appropriation and of a high value attaching to marriage rights--exist in Australia. But it is difficult to reconcile with them the view that individual marriage is in Australia something new, a kind of innovation; that it is considered by the natives as something immoral, illicit, an encroachment of the individual on the rights of the group; and as something unimportant, secondary, merely temporary. On the contrary, as we find it existing, it bears the character of a deeply-rooted institution. All these conclusions have also been drawn independently from the general character and several details of the mourning customs. So that the discussion of these customs afforded another proof that marriage ties are considered very strong, and that the institution of marriage is the object of definite collective ideas, consequently is firmly established in the social organization. It has a social sanction and appears fairly permanent.

These facts suffice formally to define the individual marriage and individual rights of the husband to his wife. To give full context to this definition, and to characterize it more in detail, we must, on the one hand, investigate the general character of the behaviour of the consorts towards each other, and the feelings to which this behaviour points. On the other hand, an attempt must be made to determine the collective ideas expressing this relationship in its legal aspect. There have been, however, considerable difficulties in determining the emotional side of the relation between husband and wife. The results were rather negative; it appeared that we cannot accept either the extreme view of absolute bad treatment and want of affection, or the contrary opinion that the relations are of idyllic character. In general--allowing for a natural variety of feelings--the preponderance of feelings of attachment appears to be the rule. Much clearer are the results reached concerning the husband's actual rights over his wife. His authority is limited in some extreme cases only; and it is difficult to say who would interfere with it and what would be the legal form of such an interference. It may be said, therefore, that the treatment of females in Australia is determined much more by personal feelings than by legal norms, and that the latter only afford protection to the woman in cases of extreme illtreatment. In accordance with what has just been said as to personal feelings, it appears also that the treatment of women was not so exceedingly rough as is usually assumed.

The sexual rights of the husband must rather be understood in the sense that the husband is a proprietor of his wife, who may and occasionally must dispose of her; not in the sense of an inviolable exclusiveness of sexual access. The idea of chastity is absent. And consequently jealousy is not in existence in the sense in which we use that word in our society. But it exists in the form of ideas and feelings affirming the husband's definite right of control over his wife. And the natives highly disapprove of any transgression without the husband's consent and the sanction of custom. All sexual licence is regulated and subject to strict rules. Consequently the ideas on what is right or wrong in sexual matters are fairly well defined. In other words, there is a more or less defined code of sexual morality, which has also its legal aspect, as crimes against it are punished by society in a regulated manner.

In reference to the problems of individual marriage and the individual family, it may be said, however, that the individualistic character of these institutions is not accentuated in the first place by the exclusiveness of sexual rights. In connection with sexual problems an excursus on the Pirrauru customs was made, in order to prove that the relationship involved does not possess the character of marriage. For it completely differs from marriage in nearly all the essential points by which marriage in Australia is defined. And above all the Pirrauru relation does not seem to involve the facts of family life in its true sense.

In order to investigate the latter in detail on a broader basis, that is including both the relations between parents and children and between husband and wife, we entered into a discussion of the relation of the family unit to the territorial distribution of the natives. It was found that the mode of living points to a very complete isolation of each family; some of the tribes live scattered in very small groups--one to three families on an average. Other tribes live in much larger groups, but these are by no means promiscuous and undivided hordes. There are camp rules, which point to the isolation of the family within the local group; and customary rules for the arrangement of individuals within the family, round camp fires and at meals, etc. These rules and the isolation of families are reported especially from the South-Eastern tribes, where we may perhaps assume that the local groups are more numerous. So that over the whole continent the lowest unit of the tribal structure appears to be the individual family.

After a long digression on the concept of family kinship,[960] the facts illustrating the relation between children and parents were surveyed. It was found that the characteristic features of this relationship are parental love and attachment of both father and mother to their children. The close tie between mother and child is set up by the fact of the first cares, suckling and carrying the child. The father is, as a rule, also extremely fond of his children; his relation to them is by no means characterized by any legal authority or tyrannical power, but by his affection. The father as well as the mother treat children of both sexes with extreme leniency, and give them some rudiments of education. Attention was drawn to the fact that the common attachment and extreme fondness of both parents for their children must constitute a strong bond of union between husband and wife. The family unit is nevertheless restricted to parents and children under the age of puberty. For although the ties between parents and children last throughout life, still after reaching puberty the children enter into new relationships, which superimpose themselves on the former ones. These new bonds result for the girl from marriage, for the boy from his entering into the tribal secret society (initiation and life in the bachelors' camp).

[960] As this chapter is of a more theoretical character, it is omitted in this summary, where, on the whole, only actual facts and results are dealt with. The reader is referred to the conclusions and summaries of the said chapter (pp. 198 and 232).

The discussion of the economic facts shows that the sexual division of labour is considerably developed; that the man's and the woman's share in the maintenance of the household is quite well defined and diverse. Further we find that the woman's work is of first-rate importance for the economic unity and subsistence of the household.

The careful survey of the facts has led to some conclusions which may be pointed out. Thus, for example, we have been driven to the conclusion that, in considering marriage, the importance of the sexual facts ought not to be exaggerated. In the majority of tribes sexual facts do not seem to play any part in the formation of bonds of kinship. Ideas of consanguinity are absent in these tribes,[961] and herewith the sexual relations between husband and wife lose their chief influence upon the unity of the family. On the other hand, the sexual rights of the husband, although very well determined, are so often crossed by other customs that _exclusive_ access to a woman must not be made a part of the sociological definition of marriage. The importance of the economic features of family life, and of the common affection for children, is much more in the foreground.

[961] Compare above, Chap. VI., esp. pp. 182, 209 _sqq._ and 226.

Stress has been laid throughout the investigation on the importance of bearing in mind the connection of our special problem with the general structure of society. As said above, each conclusion has been submitted to a kind of test as to whether it stands in agreement or in contradiction with well-established general facts. The main points in which the dependence of the individual family upon social facts has been traced were the connection of the individual family with the territorial and tribal structure, the mode in which land ownership in some cases distinguishes the family as a unit, the influence of economic communism upon the economics of the individual family, etc. But the manner in which society most directly influences any institution lies in the various norms, moral, customary or legal, by which society regulates different aspects of the given institution. The importance of such social rules is emphatically affirmed by Prof. Durkheim: "Une communauté de fait entre des consanguins qui se sont arrangés pour vivre ensemble, mais sans qu'aucun d'eux soit tenu à des obligations déterminées envers les autres et d'où chacun peut se retirer à volonté, ne constitue pas une famille.... Pour qu'il y ait famille, il n'est pas nécessaire qu'il y ait cohabitation et il n'est pas suffisant qu'il y ait consanguinité. Mais il faut de plus ... qu'il y ait des droits et des devoirs, sanctionnés par la société, et qui unissent les members dont la famille est composée.... La famille n'existe qu'autant qu'elle est une institution sociale, à la fois juridique et morale, placée sous la sauvegarde de la collectivité ambiante."[962] Although this opinion is certainly exaggerated,[963] it quite rightly lays stress on the importance of the social regulation of the individual family.[964]

[962] _A.S._, i. pp. 329, 330.

[963] Because "_cohabitation_," community of life, is one of the _essential_ constituents of the family. Besides, there cannot exist a "communauté de fait"; a social group cannot exist without the sanction of the surrounding society, and this creates obligations between the members of the group.

[964] We obviously cannot agree with Prof. Durkheim when he says further (_loc. cit._, p. 331), speaking of the Australian family: "Ce sont des associations de fait, non de droit. Elles dépendent du gré des particuliers, se forment comme elles veulent, sans être tenues de s'astreindre à aucune norme préalable." The Australian family is not a casual but a legal association, for it does not depend upon the whim of individuals; neither is it formed when and how they choose. There are norms governing its formation, duties and obligations while it lasts, and even afterwards when it has been dissolved by a natural cause, such as the death of the husband. All these norms, duties and obligations are legal (compare the definition of legal, p. 11), for non-compliance with them leads to the interference of society; and they directly show that society approves of this institution. The reasoning of Prof. Durkheim--who enumerates four domestic rights and obligations (vendette, law of inheritance, name and cult), and says that those four functions are attached to the _clan_--is open to very serious objections. In the first place it is dubious whether those four duties constitute the main body of primitive domestic law. The economic functions, the duties and rules of cohabitation, the various duties towards children, the mourning duties of religious character--all these legal functions, which are domestic rights and obligations even in our society, were shown to exist in Australia. They belong to the family and not to the clan. On the other hand, when revenge is to be taken on members of another local group, then it is the local group offended which carries it out. The cases of intergroup justice are very few, for evil magic is always looked for at a distance, and we have hardly any information about justice within the local group. (For all particulars compare Wheeler, chap. viii. pp. 116 _sqq._) It is not the clan, but the local group about which we know most in this respect. Inheritance, owing to the unimportance of private property (compare Wheeler, p. 36) plays a very subordinate rôle. From the six instances collected by Wheeler (pp. 37, 38), three point to inheritance according to class, three to inheritance according to family. Land was not a clan property, as we saw. There remains of Prof. Durkheim's legal customs the name and the cult. Cult may be obviously as well a public as a domestic institution; the name is not enough to show that the clan was the only legal form of family.

The importance of such norms, and especially of the legal ones, clearly appeared in the foregoing investigation. In order adequately to discuss this matter, the exact sense in which the concepts of _law_ and _legal_ may be used was defined, and the legal organization in Australia was sketched. Furthermore, in all the questions discussed we have tried to ascertain whether there are any norms sanctioned by society, and what form this social enforcement assumes in any given case. And here it appears that nearly all sides of family life, far from being left to follow their own course, are more or less subject to definite norms of moral, customary or legal character. It was possible to establish beyond doubt the legal aspect of marriage by analyzing the modes of contracting marriage, and the duties of the widow, as shown in the mourning ceremonies. The relation between husband and wife, although characterized by a very extensive authority of the former, has nevertheless its legal basis. For the husband's authority is limited to a certain extent by exterior factors (tribal government, woman's kin) and must conform to certain norms (he has the right to punish her for certain crimes in a definite way); and he acquires his authority in a legal way (by a legal marriage contract). Sexual matters in general, and the sexual rights of the husband are well defined and regulated. Customary (or legal) rules govern the mode of living of a family, the distribution of food within the family, the sexual division of labour. The relation between parents and children, and especially the paternal authority, hardly presented any legal aspect. But on the whole it appears perfectly legitimate and necessary to define the individual family in Australia as a legal one, inasmuch as very many aspects of this institution are subject to legal norms. And, it would be completely erroneous to call, with Prof. Durkheim, these units "agrégat de fait, sans liens de droit, désapprouvé même le plus souvent par la loi et par l'opinion."[965]

[965] _A.S._, i. p. 330.

There is yet another point in Australian sociology most intimately connected with the individual family. I mean the other forms of kinship organization: the exogamy class, the totemic clan, possibly also the other divisions reported by Mr. R. H. Mathews and Mrs. Parker ("blood" and "shed" divisions, etc.). And on this point the present study is obviously incomplete, as it neither clearly fixes the line of demarcation between the individual and the group kinship, nor solves any of the difficulties and contradictions indicated at the outset. A few words must be said here in order to avoid misunderstandings. If in any society there exist two institutions of very close resemblance, as in Australia, the individual family creating individual relationship and the various kinship organizations creating group relationship, the only way to understand their working is by describing minutely the social functions of each of them. This has been done for the individual family in the foregoing pages; it remains to be done for the kinship groups.[966]

[966] The writer hopes to return to this subject on another occasion. The material for the description of _social functions_ of the exogamous class and totemic clan is comparatively scanty, although so much has been written on this subject.

Social institutions should in the first place be defined by their social functions; if the functions--religious, magical, legal, economic, etc.--of the totemic class, the exogamous class, and other divisions be known and compared with the functions of the individual family, each of these institutions will appear as occupying a definite place in the social organization, and playing a determinate part in the life of the community. And such a knowledge would afford a firm basis for further speculations.

In the foregoing investigations we have omitted this side of the problem partly in order to avoid increasing the bulk of the monograph, but above all, that we might develop more clearly the features of the institution described.

The individual family was shown to be a unit playing an important part in the social life of the natives and well defined by a number of moral, customary and legal norms; it is further determined by the sexual division of labour, the aboriginal mode of living, and especially by the intimate relation between the parents and children. The individual relation between husband and wife (marriage) is rooted in the unity of the family. Moreover, it is expressed by a series of facts connected with the modes in which marriage is brought about and in the well-defined, although not always exclusive, sexual right the husband acquires over his wife.

ADDENDA

Several points omitted in the body of this book, as well as a few works and passages of special importance, which I noted whilst reading the proofs, may be mentioned shortly in this place. I read the book of Mr. Crawley (_Mystic Rose_) unfortunately after the foregoing pages were in type; my study would have been more complete had I known it before. Mr. Crawley analyzes the psychology underlying human relations (those of sex in particular) from their religious side. Primitive man is full of apprehension of the mutual danger inherent in social and especially in sexual contact. Hence the different systems of _taboo_; the sexual taboo being one of the most important. To establish harmless relations between people of different sexes requires a system of _breaking the taboo_.

The ceremonies and rites of marriage are treated in the _Mystic Rose_ from this point of view (removal of taboo). In my opinion this book is of great sociological importance chiefly because it shows that the sexual act must be treated in its bearing upon social forms, not as a simple physiological fact, but as a phenomenon complex both in its sociological and psychological aspects. For "savages" in particular it is surrounded by a network of magico-religious ideas, apprehensions and emotions, resulting in a system of rites, customs and institutions, which never can be comprehended without reference to the underlying psychology. It follows as an important consequence that everything connected with matters of sex is an object of well-defined rules and laws (compare the passage above, p. 123, where the same has been pointed out with reference to the Australians).

Another important result of Mr. Crawley's work is the establishment of the principle that marriage rites, being the breaking of a dangerous taboo, are an essential part of marriage, and therefore their study is essential for the understanding of this institution. The rites, being exclusively intended to break the taboo between two individuals and not between two groups, lead to individual marriage and family, and not to "group marriage" and "group family."

Mr. Crawley's book is full of valuable remarks, some of which must be quoted in the following paragraphs. I complete also the information on several points by the addition of statements from Mr. Roth's _North Queensland Ethnography_ (_Bull._ 9 _sqq._), which I have only recently been able to peruse.

Pp. 27-29. _Methodic presentation of evidence._ As in summing up the evidence the number of statements supporting one view or another has been adduced sometimes by way of illustration, it is necessary to say explicitly what is considered to be a _unit of information_ (or an _individual statement_). I consider as independent statements: (1) Observations of different ethnographers. (2) Observations of the same author made on different tribes, provided that the author has pointed out the differences and that they are substantial enough. It seems hardly necessary to emphasize that the numeric treatment of statements has no pretentions to be a "statistic method of presenting evidence." It is meant only as a convenient and clear way of summarizing evidence.

P. 35 and Chap. VII. _passim_. _Mystic._ By this word I understand belonging to the category of magico-religious ideas.

P. 42. _The marriage ceremonies of the Central and Northern tribes, religious and magical._ Compare Crawley (_M.R._, p. 347).

P. 48. _Betrothal_ is prevalent all over the tribes of North Queensland (Roth, _Bull._ 10, pp. 3-7, §§ 6-14). Among the tribes of Pennefather River (§ 6) it is effected during the infancy of the female and it is invariably adhered to. In the hinterland of Princess Charlotte Bay the bridegroom has to visit his fiancée before marriage for several weeks (§ 7). Infant betrothal is rare among the natives of Cape Bedford (§ 8). On the Bloomfield River female children are betrothed at birth (§ 10). Infant betrothal obtains also among the Cape Grafton and Tully River natives (§§ 11, 12). A betrothal ceremony (recalling that of the Euahlayi tribe, see above, p. 40) held when a girl is about three years old is described with reference to the Torilla and Pine Mountain Blacks (§ 13). There are an elaborate ceremonial, taboos and duties connected with betrothal in all these tribes. In the North-West tribes betrothal is generally known (§ 14).

Pp. 50-52. _Marriage gifts._ In the Pennefather River tribes a man is bound to supply his fiancée's parents with gifts (food, arms, etc.) (_Bull._ 10, § 6). Presents form an important feature of the marriage contract among the natives of Princess Charlotte Bay (_ibid._, § 7). The same is reported about the tribes of Normanby River (§ 9), Bloomfield River (§ 10), Torilla and Pine Mountain (§ 12).

P. 52. _Publicity of marriage and betrothal_ is mentioned by Roth among the natives of Pennefather River (_Bull._ 10, § 6) and Bloomfield River (§ 10). There is a public ceremonial sign for marriage ("building of a hut and lighting of a fire" by the girl) common to all tribes (§ 5).

P. 52. _Marriage ceremonies more prevalent than appears from evidence._ To corroborate my supposition that marriage ceremonies are much more frequent in Australia than stated by the authorities I may quote Mr. Crawley's view. He says that "as to those (peoples) who are said to possess no marriage ceremony, it will generally be found that there is some act performed which is too slight or too practical to be marked by an observer as a 'ceremony,' but which when analyzed turns out to be a real marriage rite." And as an example the author quotes two forms of marriage ceremony among the tribes of Central Australia (_Mystic Rose_, p. 318).

Pp. 52, 53. _Marriage ceremonies_ are reported by Roth with reference to all tribes of Northern Queensland (_Bull._ 10, "Marriage Ceremonies," etc., especially §§ 1-19). In § 5 a public ceremonial sign of marriage common to all these tribes is described; in §§ 9, 13 and 15, such ceremonies in different tribes are given with details. Ceremonial sexual intercourse with other men before marriage is mentioned in § 20.

Pp. 56-58. _Legal aspect of marriage._ The different social conditions enumerated by Roth (_Bull._ 10, §§ 1, 2 and 3) are a valuable addition to our knowledge of the legal aspect of marriage. "Essentials of marriage before it can be publicly recognized" are: membership in suitable exogamous groups, absence of intimate consanguinity and a suitable social status. If these conditions are not fulfilled the community either violently break the match, or by ridicule, plots, etc., will take an action "usually quite sufficient to cause a separation" (§1, p. 2).

P. 61. _Ideas embodied in marriage ceremonies._ In the survey of various marriage ceremonies Mr. Crawley first enumerates those in which the aspect of _breaking the taboo_, of securing immunity from danger, dominates (_M.R._, pp. 322-370); then come those in which the magical and religious elements "actually and materially uniting the man and woman" are prominent (_loc. cit._, pp. 370-390). This aspect corresponds to what I have expressed above emphasizing that marriage is a "sacrament" (p. 61). Very important is the analogy between marriage rites and love charms which Mr. Crawley points out; the same has been said above (p. 41), where it was pointed out that the Arunta love charm has its legal (=binding) aspect. Mr. Crawley lays emphasis on the fact that all marriage ceremonies and rites possess an _individualistic_ character (_loc. cit._, pp. 320 _sqq._). They refer always to individuals and not to groups, and all their magical, religious (I would add _legal_) consequences refer to the two individuals concerned and not to two groups.

P. 63. _Polygyny._ Although this fact had no special theoretical bearing in any of my arguments, still it seems advisable to state it here explicitly and with references for the sake of completeness. Polygyny seems to be restricted to the old and influential men, and to be rather an exception, although it seems to be found in all tribes. _Cf._ Curr, _A.R._, i. pp. 106, 107, 110 _sqq._; Br. Smyth, ii. p. 291; Howitt, _T.R.S.V._, p. 115; Woods, p. 191 (Meyer), and p. 222 (Schürmann); Angas, ii. p. 222; Curr, _Recollections_, p. 129; Wilson, p. 143; Macgillivray, i. p. 151. _Idem_, ii. p. 8; Hodgkinson, p. 230; Bennett, p. 173; Henderson, p. 110; Roth, _Bull._ 10, p. 12; Tom Petrie, p. 61; Brown, p. 450; Salvado, p. 278. Compare besides Westermarck, _H.H.M._, p. 440, and the references given there.

Pp. 63, 64. _Levirate._ _Cf._ Westermarck, _H.H.M._, p. 510, for Australian references and for the exposition and criticism of different theories concerning this custom.

Pp. 64-66. _Divorce_ is mentioned by Roth (_Bull._ 10, pp. 11, 12). Usually the man repudiates or gives away his wife.

Pp. 82-84. _Marital affection._ Mutual attachment and love between man and wife is stated explicitly by Roth (_Bull._ 10, § 17). It plays an important part in marriage arrangements (marriage by elopement). That love must be prevalent among the Australian savages is shown also by the different love charms they possess. (Compare, for instance, above, p. 41, footnote 9).--Compare Westermarck, _H.H.M._, p. 359, where Australian references are given, and Chap. XVI. pp. 356 _sqq._, where the problem in general is discussed.

Pp. 84-88. _Mourning and burial._ In Roth, _Bull._ 9, pp. 366, 367, we read that only after the elaborate mourning and burial ceremonies have been finished and the dead man's spirit appeased and got rid of, is the widow allowed to remarry. On pp. 394, 396 and 402, we read that the widow and widower have the greatest share in these ceremonies. P. 381 recounts the severe ordeals that a widow and widower have to undergo. Unfortunately it it impossible to enter here into the many details given by Roth which strongly confirm the views expressed above, in Chap. III. From the description of mourning and burial customs among some tribes of New South Wales, given by Mr. R. H. Mathews, it appears that the widow has long and toilsome mourning duties; she is specially adorned, she may not go out hunting, and has to chant customary lamentation for several months (_Eth. Notes_, pp. 71, 72).

P. 93, footnote 4 and p. 107. _Incest._ Roth affirms that incest is absolutely never perpetrated in the North Queensland tribes (_Bull._ 10, pp. 2, 3).

Pp. 108-123. _Pirrauru not a group marriage._ Mr. A. Lang gives an excellent criticism of the view that _Pirrauru_ is a survival of ancient promiscuity. Still less tenable, of course, is the view that it is actual group marriage. Lang, _The Secret of the Totem_, Chap. III.--A similar view has been expounded by Mr. Crawley, _loc. cit._, pp. 475-483.

Pp. 168 _sqq._ _Necessity of adapting sociological concepts to the social and psychological conditions of the given society._ "It is only in early modes of thought that we can find the explanation of ceremonies and systems which originated in primitive society; and, if ceremony and system are the concrete forms in which human relations are expressed, an examination, ethnological and psychological, of human relations is indispensable for inquiry into human institutions." And, speaking of some previous inquiries into human kinship, the same author adds: "They have interpreted primitive custom by ideas which are far from primitive, which, in fact, are relatively late and belong to the legal stage of human culture. The attribution of legal conceptions to primitive thought has had the usual effect of _a priori_ theory, and has checked inquiry" (Crawley, _loc. cit._, p. 1). The second phrase covers in particular the views expounded above, pp. 185 _sqq._

P. 170. _Social factors of kinship._ "Habitual proximity and contact is the strongest and most ordinary tie, and is earlier in thought than the tie of blood" (Crawley, _loc. cit._, p. 452).

P. 175. _Collective mind._ This expression does not postulate the existence of any metaphysical entity--any mysterious spiritual medium, independent of any human brains. Of course every psychological process takes place in an individual mind. This term is an abbreviation for denoting the _ensemble_ of "collective ideas" and "collective feelings." And by these are expressed such mental facts as are peculiar to a certain society, and at the same time embodied in and expressed by its institutions. For sociological purposes psychological facts must be treated from a special point of view, and, to emphasize _that_, the adjective "collective" seems appropriate. Compare p. 192, footnote 1.

Pp. 179-182. _Absence of social consanguinity in primitive societies._ "The strong conception of the tie of blood, best seen in feudal and semi-civilized societies, is by no means so strong in primitive culture" (Crawley, _loc. cit._, p. 451).

P. 183. _The meaning of "kinship" ought not to be restricted to any special set of ideas._ "'Kinship' in primitive thought is a vaguer term than in later culture ... because the tie of blood had not attained prominence over looser ties of contact" (Crawley, _loc. cit._, p. 451).

Pp. 183, 184. _Couvade._ An extensive bibliography on this subject is forthcoming in _Zeitschr. f. Ethnol._ Band 43. Heft iii. and iv., pp. 560-63. Berlin, 1911.

Pp. 260-262. _Young females monopolized by old men._ Besides the statements set forth in the text, I find three more collected by Prof. Webster referring to the Queenslanders (Lumholtz), to the West Australians (Frogatt), and to the Australians in general (J. Matthew) (_loc. cit._, pp. 70, 71). Among the tribes of Northern Queensland infant betrothal widely prevails; "the old men usually getting the pick" (Roth, _Bull._ 10, pp. 3-7).

Pp. 262 _sqq._ The _bachelors' camp_ is mentioned by Roth (_Bull._ 10, p. 4).

Pp. 272, 273. _Relations between brothers and sisters._ Mr. Crawley has shown that avoidance between brother and sister, rooted in apprehensions of mutual danger is the rule among savages. This is corroborated by the scanty Australian evidence we possess. (See _M.R._, _passim_; for references see Index under "Brother and Sister").

Pp. 283-286. _Communism in food._ An interesting statement of an old explorer concerning the aboriginal communism in food may be adduced here. It refers to the North-Western blacks. "Be it little or much that they get, every one has his part, as well the young and tender as the old and feeble, who are not able to go abroad, as the strong and lusty" (Dampier, _loc. cit._, p. 103).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. _List of Books used as Ethnographical Sources, referring to the Australian Aborigines._

ANGAS, G. F.: _Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand_. 2 vols. London, 1847.

BARRINGTON, G.: _The History of New South Wales, including Botany Bay, Port Jackson, Parramatta, Sidney and all its Dependencies_. London, 1802.

BASEDOW, HERBERT: "Anthropological Notes on the Western Coastal Tribes of the Northern Territory of South Australia"; in _Transactions of the R. Soc. of S. Australia_, vol. xxxi. Adelaide, 1907.

BATES, MRS. D. M.: Article in _Victorian Geographical Journal_, vols. xxiii-xxiv. 1905-1906.

BENNETT, G.: _Wanderings in New South Wales_, etc. 2 vols. London, 1834.

BEVERIDGE, P.: _The Aborigines of Victoria and Riverina_. 1 vol. Melbourne, 1889.

BONNEY, F.: "On some Customs of the Aborigines of the River Darling"; in _Journ. Anthr. Inst._, vol. xiii. London, 1884.

BROWNE, J.: "Die Eingeborenen Australiens"; in _Petermann's Mittheilungen_. Gotha, 1856.

CAMERON, A. L. P.: "Notes on Some Tribes of New South Wales"; in _Journ. Anthr. Inst._, vol. xiv. London, 1885.

CAMPBELL, MAJOR: "Geographical Memoir of Melville Island and Port Essington, Northern Australia"; in _Journ. of the R. Geog. Soc._, vol. iv. London, 1834.

CHAUNCY: Article in R. B. Smyth's _The Aborigines of Victoria_, vol. ii. London, 1878.

COLLINS, D.: _An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales_, 2 vols. London, 1798-1802.

CRAWLEY, ERNEST: _The Mystic Rose_. London, 1902.

CURR, E. M.: _Recollections of Squatting in Victoria_. 1 vol. Melbourne, 1883.

---- _The Australian Race_. 4 vols. Melbourne and London, 1886.

DAMPIER, W.: in "Early voyages to ... Australia," by R. H. Major, _Hakluyt Society_. London, 1859.

DAWSON, J.: _Australian Aborigines_. 1 vol. Melbourne, 1881.

DAWSON, ROB.: _The Present State of Australia_. London, 1831.

EARL, G. W.: "On the Aboriginal Tribes of the North Coast of Australia"; in the _Journ. of the R. Geog. Soc._, vol. xvi. London, 1846.

EYRE, E. J.: _Journals of Expeditions of Discovery into Central Australia and Overland from Adelaide to King George's Sound, in the Years 1840-41._ 2 vols. London, 1845.

FIELD BARRON: _Geographical Memoirs on New South Wales_, etc. London, 1825.

FISON, L., and HOWITT, A. W.: "From Mother-right to Father-right"; in _Journ. Anthr. Inst._, vol. xii. London, 1883.

---- _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_. 1 vol. Melbourne, 1880.

FORREST, J.: "On the Natives of Central and Western Australia"; in _Journ. Anthr. Inst._, vol. v., pp. 316 _sqq._ London, 1876.

FRASER, J.: _The Aborigines of New South Wales._ 1 vol. Sydney, 1892.

FRAZER, J. G.: "Notes on the Aborigines of Australia; Questions of Prof. Frazer, and Answers of Several Correspondents"; in _Journ. Anthr. Inst._, vol. xxiv. London, 1894-95.

GASON, S.: "The Manners and Customs of the Dieyerie Tribe"; in Woods, _The Native Tribes of South Australia_. Adelaide, 1879.

GERSTAECKER, F.: _Narrative of a Journey round the World_. 3 vols. London, 1853.

GILL, T.: "Notes on South Australian Aborigines"; in _Proc. R. Geogr. Soc. Australasia. (S. Austr. Branch)_, vol. x. Adelaide, 1907-1908, pp. 220 _sqq._

GILLEN, F.: Article in _Proc. R.G.S.A. (S. Austr. Branch)_, vol. iv. Adelaide, 1889.

GREEN, J.: Article in R. B. Smyth's _The Aborigines of Victoria_, vol. i. London, 1878.

GREY, SIR G.: _Journals of Two Expeditions of Discovery in North-West and Western Australia during the Years 1837, 1838, 1839_. 2 vols. London, 1841.

GRIBBLE, J. B.: _Black but Comely_. London, 1874.

HENDERSON, JOHN: _Excursions and Adventures in N. S. Wales_. 2 vols. London, 1851.

HODGKINSON, CL.: _Australia from Port Macquarie to Moreton Bay_. London, 1845.

HODGSON, C. P.: _Reminiscences of Australia_. London, 1846.

HOWITT, A. W.: "Australian Group Relations"; in _Smithsonian Report_, 1883. Washington, 1885.

---- On the "Organization of Australian Tribes"; in _Transactions of the Royal Society of Victoria_, vol. i., part ii. Melbourne, 1889.

---- "The Dieri and other kindred Tribes of Central Australia"; in _Journ. Anthr. Inst._, vol. xx. London, 1891.

---- _The Native Tribes of South-East Australia_. 1 vol. London, 1904.

---- "The Native Tribes of South-East Australia"; in _Folk-Lore_, vol. xvii. London, 1906.

---- _See also_ FISON, L., and HOWITT, A. W.

KRICHAUFF, F. E.: "The Customs, etc., of the Abdolinga Tribe, Central Australia." Read before the R. Geog. Soc. of Australasia (South Australian Branch), 1886. _Proceedings_, vol. ii. pp. 33 _sqq._ and 77 _sqq._

KÜHN: Article in Fison and Howitt's _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_. Melbourne, 1880.

LANG, G. S.: _The Aborigines of Australia_. Melbourne, 1865.

LANG, J. D.: _Queensland_. London, 1861.

LEONHARDI, M. VON. _See_ STREHLOW.

LE SOUËF: Article in R. B. Smyth's _The Aborigines of Victoria_, 2 vols. London, 1878.

LUMHOLTZ, C.: _Among Cannibals_. 1 vol. London, 1889.

MCDOUGALL, A. C.: Article in _Science of Man_. 1900.

MACGILLIVRAY, JOHN: _Narrative of the Voyage of H.M.S. "Rattlesnake,"_ etc. 2 vols. London, 1852.

MATHEW, J.: _Two Representative Tribes of Queensland (the Kabi and Wakka Tribes)_. London, Leipsic, 1910.

MATHEWS, D.: Article in _Proc. R.G.S.A. (S. Austr. Branch)_, vol. iv.

MATHEWS, R. H.: Numerous short articles in various papers; chiefly _Journ. and Proc. R. Soc. N. S. Wales_, _Amer. Anthropologist_, _Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc._ In the present book the articles in the first-named paper have chiefly been used, and an explicit reference in each case is given. Numerous references and bibliographies of his own articles are to be found in Mr. Mathew's publications. Cf. "Ethnological Notes on the Aboriginal Tribes of N. S. Wales and Victoria" (Sydney, 1905); which is a reprint from the _Journ. and Proc. R.S.N.S.W._, vol. xxxviii. Sydney, 1904.

MEYER, H. E. A.: "Manners and Customs of the Aborigines of the Encounter Bay Tribe"; in Woods, _Native Tribes of South Australia_. Adelaide, 1879.

MITCHELL, Major T. L.: _Three Expeditions into the Interior of Eastern Australia_. 2 vols. London, 1838.

MOORE, G. F.: _A descriptive Vocabulary of the Language of Aborigines of Western Australia._ London, 1884.

MOORE-DAVIES, J.: Article in R. B. Smyth's _The Aborigines of Victoria_, vol. ii. London, 1878.

MORGAN, JOHN: _Life and Adventures of William Buckley_. Hobart, 1852.

NEWLAND, S.: "The Parkengees" (Darling Riv.); in _Proc. R.G.S.A. (S. Austr. Branch)_. vol. ii. 3rd session.

NIND, SCOTT: _Description of the Natives of King George's Sound_. London, 1831.

North Queensland Ethnography (chiefly by W. E. Roth), Bulletins 1-8. Brisbane, 1901-1906. Bulletins 9-18; in _Records of the Australian Museum_, vols. vi.-viii. Sydney, 1890-1910. Bull. No. 9 in vol. vi. No. 5.--Bull. No. 10 in vol. vii. No. 1.--Bull. No. 11 in vol. vii. No. 2.--Bull. No. 12 in vol. vii. No. 3.--Bull. No. 13 in vol. vii. No. 4.--Bulls. Nos. 14-18 in vol. viii. No. 1.

OLDFIELD, A.: "On the Aborigines of Australia"; in the _Transactions of the Ethnological Society_, vol. iii. London, 1865.

PALMER, E.: "Notes on Some Australian Tribes"; in _Journ. Anthr. Inst._, vol. xiii. London, 1884.

PARKER, MRS. K. L.: _The Euahlayi Tribe_. London, 1905.

PARKHOUSE: Article in _Reports Austr. Assoc. Adv. Science_, vol. vi. Sydney, 1895.

PETRIE, TOM: _Reminiscences_. Brisbane, 1905.

PHILLIP, A.: _An Authentic and Interesting Narrative_, etc. London, 1789.

PURCELL, B. H.: "The Aborigines of Australia"; in _Transactions of the Royal Geographical Society of Australasia_ (Victorian Branch), vol. xi. Melbourne, 1894.

ROTH, W. E.: _Ethnological Studies among the North-West Central Queensland Aborigines_. 1 vol. Brisbane and London, 1897.

---- Article in the _Proc. of the Royal Society of Queensland_, vol. xvii, part II. Brisbane, 1903.

---- _See under_ North Queensland Ethnography.

RUSDEN, G. W.: An article in Fison and Howitt's _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_.

SALVADO, RUDESINDO: _Mémoires Historiques sur l'Australie_. 1 vol. Paris, 1854.

_Science of Man_ and _Australasian Anthropological Journal_ (New Series). Sydney, 1898, etc. Some articles from this series have been used and quoted with detailed references.

SCHULTZE, L.: "The Aborigines of the Upper and Middle Fink River"; _Transactions of the R. Soc. South Australia_, vol. xiv. Part II. Adelaide, 1891.

SCHÜRMANN, C. W.: "The Aboriginal Tribes of Port Lincoln"; in Woods, _Native Tribes of South Australia_. Adelaide, 1879.

SMYTH, R. BROUGH: _The Aborigines of Victoria_, 2 vols. Melbourne and London, 1878.

SPENCER, B.: Notice in _Athenæum_, Nov. 4, 1911.

SPENCER, BALDWIN, and GILLEN, F. J.: _The Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, 1 vol. London, 1904.

---- _The Native Tribes of Central Australia_. 1 vol. London, 1899.

STÄHLE, REV. J. H.: Article in Fison and Howitt's _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_.

STANBRIDGE, W. E.: "General Characteristics ... of the Tribes of the Central Part of Victoria"; in _Transactions of the Ethnological Society_, vol. i. London, 1861.

STREHLOW, C.: "Die Aranda und Loritja-Stämme in Zentral-Australien," Bearbeitet von Moritz Freiherrn von Leonhardi; in _Veröffentlichungen aus dem städtischen Museum zu Frankfurt_. 4 parts. Frankfort on the Main, 1907, etc.

SUTTON, T. M.: "The Adjahdurah Tribe" (Yorke's Peninsula), _Proc. R.G.S.A. (S. Austr. Branch)_, vol. ii. 3rd session.

TAPLIN, G.: "The Narrinyeri"; in Wood's _Native Tribes_. Adelaide, 1879.

TENCH, W.: _A complete Account of the Settlement at Port Jackson in N. S. Wales_. London, 1793.

TURNBULL, JOHN: _A Voyage round the World in the Years 1800-1804_. London, 1813.

WAITZ, T., and GERLAND, G.: _Anthropologie der Naturvölker_, vol. vi. Leipsic, 1872.

WILHELMI, CHARLES: "Manners and Customs of the Australian Natives" (Port Lincoln); in the _Transactions of the R. S. of Victoria_, vol. v.

WILKES, CH.: _Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition_. 2 vols. London, 1852.

WILKES, CH.: _Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition_, 5 vols. Philadelphia, 1844.

WILSON, T. B.: _Narrative of a Voyage round the World_. London, 1835.

WILLSHIRE, W. H.: _The Aborigines of Central Australia_. Adelaide, 1891.

WITHNELL, J. G.: _The Customs and Traditions of the Aboriginal Natives of N. W. Australia_. Roeburne, 1901.

WOODS, J. D.: _The Native Tribes of South Australia_, 1 vol. Adelaide, 1879.

WYATT, W.: "Some Account of the Manners and Superstitions of the Adelaide and Encounter Bay Aboriginal Tribes"; in Wood's _Native Tribes of South Australia_. Adelaide, 1879.

II. _List of other Works quoted in the Text._

AVEBURY, LORD: _The Origin of Civilization_. London, 1902.

BÜCHER, KARL: _Die Entstehung der Volkswirtschaft_. Tübingen, 1904.

CUNOW, H.: _Die Verwandtschafts-Organisationen der Australneger_. Stuttgart, 1894.

DARGUN, L.: _Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht_. Leipsic, 1892.

DARWIN, CHARLES: _The Descent of Man_. London, 1890.

DURKHEIM, ÉMILE: _De la division du travail social_. Paris, 1893.

---- Reviews of books on family; in _Année sociologique_, vol. i. 1896-97. Paris, 1898.

FRAZER, J. G.: _Totemism and Exogamy_. 4 vols. London, 1910.

GENNEP, ARNOLD VAN: _Mythes et Légendes d'Australie._ Paris, 1906.

GIDDINGS, F. H.: _The Principles of Sociology_. New York, 1896.

GOMME, SIR LAURENCE: "Folklore as an Historical Science"; in _The Antiquary's Books_. London, 1908.

GRAEBNER, F.: Article in _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_. 1905. Berlin, 1905.

GROSSE, ERNST: _Die Formen der Familie und die Formen der Wirthschaft._ Freiburg i. B. and Leipsic, 1896.

HADDON, A. C.: _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits_, vols. v. and vi. Cambridge, 1904.

HARTLAND, EDWIN SIDNEY: _Primitive Paternity._ 2 vols. London, 1909.

KOHLER, J.: "Über das Recht der Australneger"; in _Zeitschr. f. vergleichende Rechtswiss._, vol. vii. Stuttgart.

LANG, ANDREW: _The Secret of the Totem._ London, 1905.

---- Article in the _Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor_. Oxford, 1907.

---- "The Origin of Terms of Human Relationship"; in _Proceedings of the British Academy_. London, 1909.

LÉVY-BRUHL, L.: _Les Fonctions mentales dans les sociétés inférieurs._ Paris, 1910.

MACLENNAN: _Studies in Ancient History._ London, 1886.

MORGAN, L. H.: _Ancient Society._ London, 1877.

---- "Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family"; in _Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge_, vol. xvii. Washington, 1871.

NIEBOER, H. J.: _Slavery as an Industrial System._ The Hague, 1900.

POST, A. H.: _Grundriss der ethnologischen Jurisprudenz._ 2 vols. Oldenburg and Leipsic, 1894-95.

REITZENSTEIN, FRHR. V.: Article in _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, vol. xli. Berlin.

RIVERS, W. H. R.: _The Todas._ London, 1906.

---- "On the Origin of the Classificatory System of Relationships"; in _Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor_. Oxford, 1907.

---- Several chapters in _Reports, Cambridge Expedition_, etc. _See under_ Haddon.

---- "The Genealogical Method of Anthropological Inquiry"; in _Sociological Review_, vol. iii. Manchester and London, 1910.

SCHMIDT, FR. W.: "Die Stellung d. Aranda"; in _Zeitschr. f. Ethn._, 1908.

SELIGMANN, C. G.: _The Melanesians of British New Guinea._ Cambridge, 1910.

STEINMETZ, S. R.: "Das Verhältnis zwischen Eltern und Kindern bei den Naturvölkern"; in _Zeitschr. f. Sozialwissensch._, vol. i. Berlin, 1898.

---- "Die neueren Forschungen zur Geschichte der menschlichen Familie"; in _Zeitschr. f. Sozialwissensch._, vol. ii. Berlin, 1899.

---- _Ethnologische Studien zur ersten Entwickelung der Strafe._ 2 vols. Leiden and Leipsic, 1894.

THOMAS, N. W.: _Kinship Organisations and Group Marriage in Australia._ Cambridge, 1906.

WEBSTER, HUTTON: _Primitive Secret Societies._ New York, 1908.

WESTERMARCK, EDWARD A.: _The History of Human Marriage._ London, 1901.

---- _The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas._ 2 vols. London, 1908.

WHEELER, G. C.: _The Tribe, and Intertribal Relations in Australia._ With a prefatory note by E. A. Westermarck. London, 1910.

INDEX

Abduction, considered as a crime, 38, 39, 41, 55 Adoption, alternative for infanticide, 247 Adultery, punishment of, 92-97, 99, 103, 124 Affection: Between husband and wife, 68, 70-74, 82-84, 307 Parental, 191-197, 238-257, 269-272, 299 Aggregation, social, its influences, 132-134 Alatunja: Head of local group, 143 Position hereditary among the Arunta, 225-226 Alcheringa ancestors, reincarnation belief, 214, 215, 218, 221 Allotment of females, its consequences, 60. _See also_ Infant Betrothal Altjira, term explained, 215 Ancestors, reincarnation beliefs discussed, 212-233 Angas, G. F., on--marriage customs, 261; maternal love, 239; mode of living, 138; relations between husband and wife, 70; women's work, 276 Animism, fatherhood as determined by animistic ideas, 227-229 Anjea, supernatural being, 228 Annihilation, aboriginal belief in, asserted, 215-216 Anula, tribe: Marriage customs, 42, 51 Reincarnation and kinship ideas, 220 Aralkililima ceremony, 85 Arunta nation: Camping rules, 265 Ceremonial licence, 106 Division of labour, 278 Hereditary position of Alatunja, 225-226 Infanticide and motive for, 236 Marriage customs, 41-42 Mourning ceremonies, 85-86 Procreation and reincarnation beliefs, 209, 212, 216, 220-221 Relations of husband and wife,72 Treatment of children, 244-245 Tribal government, 13 Atninga, avenging party, 13 Authority: Marital, 67, 68-74, 76, 77-79, 302 Parental, 254-256 _See also_ Law Avebury, Lord, on primitive law, 10

Bachelors' camp, 164, 262-269 Bahumul, form of betrothal, 40 Bangerang tribe: Camping rules, 263 Marriage customs, 37, 258, 260 Mode of living, 137, 154, 155, 156, 159 Relations between husband and wife, 69 Treatment of children, 238-239, 248-249 Banks Islanders, determination of paternity, 180 Barrington, George, on marriage customs, 40; on mode of living, 162 Bates, Mrs. D. M., on--infanticide, 236; procreation beliefs, 227; sexual aspect of marriage, 99; tribal divisions and ownership of land, 147-148 Bennett, G., on--infanticide, 235; treatment of children, 241 Betrothal: Evidence in favour of a ceremony, 52-53, 61-62 Individual appropriation affirmed by, 296 Legal aspect, 57, 60 Prevalence of custom, 48, 66, 306 Statements of authorities, 36-48 Beveridge, P., on--mode of living, 161; sexual relations, 93 Bidwelli tribe, no initiation ceremonies, 262 Binbinga tribe: Marriage customs, 42, 43, 50, 51 Reincarnation and kinship ideas, 220 Birth. _See_ Procreation Blood relationship. _See_ Consanguinity Bonney, T., on--parental affection, 270; relations between husband and wife, 70 Boundaries, tribal, 136-157 Brother and sister, relations between, 272-273, 309 Browne, J., on sexual division of labour, 281 Buckley, William, treatment by the natives, 222, 271 Bulmer, J., on marriage customs, 36 Burial ceremonies: Description of and deductions from, 84-88 Duties and behaviour of relatives, 271-272, 308

Cameron, H. L. P., on sexual aspect of marriage, 95 Campbell, Major, on tribal divisions, 146 Camps: Bachelor, statements and remarks, 164, 262-269 Customs regulating, 158-167, 298 Unmarried females, 104, 266 Capture, marriage by, 40, 41, 53-55, 58 Celibacy, female, 104, 266 Ceremonies: Betrothal, individual appropriation affirmed by, 296; legal aspect of, 57, 60; statements of authorities and deductions from, 37, 38, 42, 43-44, 48-50, 52-53, 61-62, 66, 306 Initiation, age of commencement and duration, 259, 262-269; education of boys begun at, 256-257; sexual promiscuity in connection with, 97-99, 104, 105-106, 129 Licence practised at, 105-107, 123 Marriage, a breaking of the taboo, 305; ideas embodied in, 61, 307; individual appropriation affirmed by, 296; statements of authors and deductions from, 42-44, 52-53, 61-62, 306-307 Mourning and burial, description of, and their meaning, 84-88, 271-272, 308; proof of strength of marriage tie, 296; scars self-inflicted by women, 72 Chastity, how regarded, 104-105, 125, 178 Chauncy, Ph., on treatment of children, 246 Chepara tribe: Communism in food, 284 Mourning customs, 271 Children. _See_ Parent and child Choi, term explained, 145 Class taboo, theory of origin, 288-289 Collective feelings, 191-192, 197-198 Collective ideas, 192-198 Collective mind, explanation of term, 175, 308-309 Collins, D., on--authority of husbands, 71; infanticide, 236; land ownership, 141; mode of living, 161-162 Communism: Food, 283-286, 289-290, 300, 309 In mode of living, instances, 160 Suckling and rearing children, remarks on, 234, 236-237 Consanguinity: Absence (in the sociological sense) of tie in primitive societies, 179-182, 209, 217, 232, 309 Analysis of concepts of, 176-185, 204-207 Claim to kinship on basis of, in certain tribes, 231 Definition, 182 Coombangree tribe, tribal divisions, 142-143 Corroborees, licence at, 106-107 Cotertie, marriage custom, 46 Councils, tribal, authority exercised by, 12-13 Couvade custom, 183-184, 309; similar customs in Australia, 225, 226 Crawley, on religious side of human relations, 305-309 Curr, E. M., on--camping rules, 263; economics of family life, 275-276; kinship, 3, 5; marriage customs, 4, 258, 259; mode of living, 137-138, 159-160; parental affection, 269; relations between husband and wife, 69, 82; sexual aspect of marriage, 92-93; treatment of children, 238-239

Dargun, Prof. L., on kinship, 188-189 Dawson, J., on--camping rules, 264; communism in food, 284; economics of family life, 275; relations between husband and wife, 69-70, 78; sexual aspect of marriage, 93 Dawson, R., on--mode of living, 160, 163; parental affection, 195, 269; relations between husband and wife, 72; treatment of children, 242 Defloration of girls at initiation ceremonies, 42-43, 98, 104, 105-106, 129 Dieri tribe: Chiefs, 12 Ignorance of physiological fatherhood inferred, 128 Infanticide and motive for, 236 Marriage customs, 41, 261 Mode of living, 154, 156 Mourning ceremonies, 88 Parental affection, 195-196 Pinya party of, 13 Pirrauru custom, 108-109, 117-118 Sexual aspect of marriage, 96, 105 Treatment of children, 238 Tribal divisions, 143 Division of labour. _See under_ Labour Divorce, mention of, 62, 64-66, 69, 78, 307 Durkheim, Émile, on--importance of social regulations, 300-301; kinship, 204; primitive law, 10; sexual division of labour, 289 Dwellings, statements and deductions from, 158-167

Economics of family life, 274-291, 299-300 Education: At bachelor camps, 263-264, 267 Initiation the beginning of, 256-257 Parental, discussed, 241, 242-243, 245, 246, 256-257 Elopement: Individual appropriation affirmed by, 295 Punishment for, 36-46, 55-58, 66, 92, 103, 295 Sexual love denoted by, 83 Statements of authors and deductions from, 36, 41-47, 55-58, 66 Emotional side of kinship. _See_ Affection Euahlayi tribe: Authority of grandparents, 270 Camping rules, 265 Communism in food, 285 Marriage customs, 40, 61, 261 Sexual aspect of marriage, 95-96, 102, 103 Treatment of wives, 72 Exchange, mode of obtaining wives: Effect on treatment of wives, 81-82 Form of marriage by purchase, 50-52, 58-59 Individual appropriation affirmed by, 296 Prevalence of custom, 48-49 Statements of authors, 36-38, 41-44, 47 Eyre, E. J., on--marriage customs, 261; mode of living, 139, 160-161; relations between husband and wife, 70

Family: Analysis of family life a necessity, 6-9, 206 Customs regulating social life, 158-167 Economic facts connected with, 274-291 Evidence, method of dealing with, 17-33 Husband and wife, 67-88 Importance in marriage contracts, 49-50, 57 Individual appropriation proved, 295-304 Kinship, discussion of, 168-233 Legal aspect, 300-302 Mode of living, 132-167 Mode of obtaining wives, 33-66 Parents and children, 234-273 Scope of work and difficulties, 1-17, 292-294 Sexual aspect of marriage, 89-131 Social units discussed, 132-135, 136-167 Fatherhood. _See_ Paternity Fire-sticks, carrying of, by women, 275, 276, 278, 279 Fison, L., on--kinship, 203; marriage, 3 Folk-lore, kinship ideas suggested by, 207-233 Food: Acceptance by a woman from a man belief, 229-230 Bachelor camp rules, 263, 267 Communism in, 283-286, 289-290, 309 Customs regulating the taking of meals, 159, 163-164, 166 Distribution among the family, 288-289 Division of labour in providing, 275-290 Taboos, 15, 279 Forrest, John, on--marriage customs, 44-45; sexual division of labour, 280 Fraser, Dr. John, on--mode of living, 142; parental affection, 270; relations between brothers, 272; relations between husband and wife, 72; sexual division of labour, 277-278; treatment of children, 242-243 Frazer, Prof. J. G., on--kinship, 189-190; procreation beliefs, 226; social life of the aborigines, 156; totemic conception, 211 Frodsham, Dr., on procreation beliefs, 226

Game, statements on division of, 285-286 Gason, S., on--infanticide, 236; Pirrauru custom, 117-118; relation between brother and sister, 272; treatment of children, 243 Geawe Gal tribe: Marriage customs, 39, 261 Sexual aspect of marriage, 95 Gennep, A. van, on folk-lore, 208; on kinship, 204 Giddings, F. H., on mode of living, 132-133 Gifts at marriage, 50-52 Gillen, F. _See_ Spencer, Baldwin, and Gillen Gnanji tribe: Marriage customs, 43 Reincarnation beliefs, 218-219 Gomme, Sir Laurence, on kinship, 182, 202, 205-206 Gournditch Mara tribe: Chiefs, 12 Communism in food, 284 Marriage customs, 36 Mode of living, 159 Government, tribal: Existence of, 11-17 Intervention between husband and wife, 79 Marriage contracts supervised by, 57-58 Pirrauru relation authorised by, 110 Grey, Sir G., on--camping rules, 266; marriage customs, 64, 65; mode of living, 164; relation between brother and sister, 273; sexual aspect of marriage, 99; treatment of children, 249; tribal divisions and ownership of land, 146-147 Gribble, Rev. J. B., on communism in food,285 Grosse, E., criticism of Howitt's statements, 4 Group marriage: Existence in Australia discussed, 30, 89, 113-115 Relation of the Pirrauru custom to, 108-123, 308

Hartland, E. S., on kinship, 201-202; on paternity, 181, 208 Headmen, authority exercised by, 12-13 Henderson, John, on mode of living, 162 Hereditary positions, 225-226 Hodgkinson, Cl., on relations between husband and wife, 72; on tribal divisions, 142 Hodgson, C. P., on relations between husband and wife, 71 Howitt, A. W., on--economic side of family life, 275; group marriage, 4-5, 30, 109, 113-114, 121; kinship, 1-2, 203; marriage customs, 261, 262-263; mode of living, 136-137; parental affection, 195; Pirrauru custom, 108-112, 117, 120; relations between husband and wife, 68, 81; sexual relations, 92, 101; treatment of children, 238, 241 Husband and wife: Affection between, existence of, 82-84 Authority of husband, 76, 77-79, 302 Bond created by affection for children, 253-254, 299 Division of labour, 274-291 Individual relationship between, proved, 295-298 Mourning and burial ceremonies and their meaning, 84-88 Obligations of husband, 62-65 Parental aspect. _See_ Parent and Child Sexual aspect of marriage, 89-131 Statements of authors on relations between, 67-76 Treatment of wife, 76, 79-84 _See also_ Wives and Women Huts. _See_ Dwellings

Iliaura tribes, ceremonial licence, 106 Illapurinja party, 13 Infant betrothal: Legal aspect, 57, 60 Prevalence of custom, 48, 66 Statements of authorities, 37-40, 44-47 Infanticide: Adoption of child an exceptional alternative, 247 Reasons assigned for, 216, 235-236 Inheritance, instances of, and discussion on, 136, 137, 290-291, 301 Initiation ceremonies: Age of commencement and duration, 259, 262-269 Beginning of education of boys, 256-257 Girls, of. _See_ Defloration of Girls Sexual promiscuity at, 97-99, 104, 105-106, 129

Jajaurung tribe, marriage customs, 38 Jealousy, sexual: Existence discussed, 92-100, 102, 124-131, 297-298 Isolation of the family caused by, 159, 163, 164

Kabi tribe: Infanticide and motive for, 236 Marriage customs, 262 Relations of husband and wife, 73 Sexual aspect of marriage, 98 Treatment of children, 245 Tribal divisions and mode of living, 144, 154, 155, 163 Kafirs, ideas on procreation, 180 Kaitish tribe: Ceremonial licence, 106 Mourning ceremonies, 86 Reincarnation belief, 216 Kamilaroi tribe, sexual aspect of marriage, 95, 103 Karamundi tribes, communism in food, 284 Kinship: Aboriginal collective ideas, 171, 183, 207-233, 309 Affection of parents, 191-197 Contradictions in authorities, 1-7 Definition aimed at, 8 Legal aspect, 185-191 Meaning generally attached to term, 170-178 Organisations creating group relationship, not dealt with, 303 Protection of wives by their relatives, 78, 79 Relatives' part in mourning ceremonies, 88 Social factors, 170, 308 Sociologists' application of concept, 200-206 Theoretical analysis, 168-207 Kohler, J., on primitive law, 10 Kühn, Rev. J., on customs of Turra tribe, 264 Kuinmurbura tribe, marriage customs, 43, 52 Kulin tribe: Chiefs, 12 Procreation ideas, 231 Kurdaitcha party, 13 Kurnai tribe: Authority of grandparents, 270 Camping rules, 262-263 Communism in food, 283-284 Economics of family life, 275 Magic and its effect on sexual relations, 129 Marriage customs, 36, 47, 51, 55, 56, 258 Mode of living, 136, 154, 155, 158-159, 162 Relations between husband and wife, 68 Sexual aspect of marriage, 92, 101, 103, 105 Treatment of children by their parents, 238

Labour, sexual division of, 274-290, 299 Land ownership: Conclusions from, 300 Form of, 150-157 Inheritance discussed, 290-291 Statements of authorities, 135, 136-149 Use of term defined, 135 Lang, Andrew, on kinship, 3, 7 Lang, G. S., on treatment of children, 242 Lang, J. D., on sexual aspect of marriage, 98 Larrekiya tribe, procreation ideas, 230 Law, primitive: Authority of husband over his wife, 76-79, 297, 302 Definition of concept, 9-17 Family governed by social rules, 300-301 Marriage and its social sanction, 35-36, 56-66, 307 Paternal authority discussed, 185-191, 254-256 Leonhardi, Frhr. von, on folk-lore, 208, 212-213 Levirate, prevalence of, and conclusions drawn from, 38, 46, 49, 63-64, 104, 307 Lévy-Bruhl, M., on folk-lore, 214 Licence, sexual. _See under_ Sexual Life Local group: Description as a tribal division, 143-144 Land ownership, 136-157 Mode of living, 158-167 Social unit, 136-157 Use of term defined, 135 Lumholtz, C., on--marriage customs, 64-65; relations of husband and wife, 73; sexual division of labour, 279

MacLennan, J. F., on kinship, 200-201 Magic: Mode of obtaining wives, 14, 41, 55, 58, 62, 97 Punishment by means of, 10, 13 Sexual intercourse influenced by belief in, 129-130 Mara tribe: Marriage customs, 42, 43, 51 Reincarnation and kinship ideas, 220 Marriage: Affection in, 82-84 Age of girls, 257-259 Breaking the taboo necessary, 305 Contradictions of authorities, 2-3, 3-5 Definition, 34-35 Defloration ceremony, 42-43, 98, 104, 105-106, 129 Disparity of age, 259-262 Duration, length of, 64-66 Ideas embodied in ceremonies, 61-62, 307 Individual appropriation proved by evidence, 59, 295-298 Legal aspect, 8, 35, 56-66, 307 Modes of obtaining wives, 35-66 Mourning rites of widows, 84-88 Pirrauru relation distinguished from, 109-123 Prevalence of ceremonies, statements, 52-53, 61-62, 306-307 Sexual aspect, 89-131 _See also_ Husband and wife, Parent and child, Purchase marriages Maternity: Definition of individual motherhood, 173 Relative unimportance of physiological motherhood, 230-232 _See also_ Parent and Child Mathew, Rev. J., on--marriage, 4; mode of living, 163; sexual division of labour, 278-279 Mathews, R. H., on--Communism in food, 285; hereditary offices, 225; reincarnation beliefs, 212; tribal divisions, 144 Meyer, H. E. A., on sexual division of labour, 277 Mitchell, Major T. L., on--relations between husband and wife, 70; treatment of children, 240; women's work, 276-277 Moore, G. F., on--marriage customs, 46; on sexual division of labour, 280 Moore-Davies, J., on mode of living, 161; on sexual licence, 94 Morgan, John, on--kinship, 200; use of terms kinship and consanguinity, 171 Mourning ceremonies: Description of, and deductions from, 84-88, 308 Duties of relatives, 271-272 Proof of strength of marriage ties, 296 Scars self-inflicted by women, 72 Mukjarawaint tribe: Authority of grandparents, 254-255, 270 Communism in food, 284 Murring tribe: Communism in food, 284 Mode of living, 136, 154, 159, 162 Sexual life, 92 Treatment of children, 241 Murrumbidgee tribes, treatment of children, 241

Nanarree, form of betrothal, 40 Narran-ga tribe, communism in food, 284 Narrinyeri tribe: Communism in food, 285 Marriage customs, 38, 52 Mode of living, 139-140, 155 Relation between husband and wife, 70-71 Sexual aspect of marriage, 94, 105 Naudowessies, ideas on procreation, 180 Ngarigo tribe, camping rules, 263 Ngura-mundu custom, 96 Nieboer, H. J., on relation between husband and wife, 75-76 Nind, Scott, on sexual aspect of marriage, 100; on tribal divisions, 148-149

Oldfield, A., on--relation between brother and sister, 272-273; sexual aspect of marriage, 99; treatment of children, 246 Orphans, adoption of, 242

Palmer, E., on--relation of husband and wife, 73; treatment of children, 245-246; tribal boundaries, 145 Parent and child: Aboriginal ideas of procreation and their influence, 128-129, 176-183, 206, 208-233 Affection and its effect on their relations, 191-197, 269-272, 299 Authority of father, 254-256 Characteristic features of relationship, 299 Early separation from parental control, 257-269, 299 Jealousy on question of paternity discussed, 127-129 Kinship, discussion, 171-233 Mode of living impresses relation to actual parent, 167 Pirrauru relationship, 117-118 Suckling and rearing children, bond created by, 234-237 Treatment of children, 238-257 Parkengee tribe, marriage customs, 38 Parker, Mrs., on--marriage customs, 261; procreation beliefs, 227 Paternity: Aboriginal ideas on procreation and kinship discussed, 128, 179-183, 208-233 Bond established by rearing of children, 237 Definition of term, 173 _See also_ Parent and Child Patria potestas: Definition, 254 Not applicable to conditions of Australian aborigines, 186,187-191 Pinnaru, Council of, 13 Pinya party, 13 Piraungaru custom, 96, 115 Pirrauru custom: Account of, and its relation to individual marriage, 96, 108-123, 298 Not a group marriage, 108-123, 308 Pointing the bone, form of punishment, 10 Polygyny, prevalence of, 63, 307 Post, A. H., on primitive law, 10 Potestas. _See_ Patria potestas Procreation, aboriginal ideas discussed, 175, 176-183, 206, 208-233 Property in land. _See_ Land ownership Puberty: Boys' initiation at. _See_ Initiation Ceremonies Marriage of girls at, 257-259 Rites undergone by girls at, 105-106 Punishment: Abduction, 38, 39, 41, 55 Adultery, 92-97, 99, 103, 124 Elopement, 36, 38, 39, 41-46, 55-58, 66, 92, 103, 295 Magic as a means of, 10, 13 Marriage of men under thirty, 259, 262 Various modes of punishment, 14-15 Purchase marriages: Marriage by exchange, a form of, 50-52 Proof of individual marriage, 59

Reincarnation of ancestors, aboriginal ideas and beliefs discussed, 212-233 Relationship. _See_ Kinship Repudiation of wives. _See_ Divorce Rivers, W. H. R., on kinship, 6-7, 202-203 Roth, W. E., on--camping rules, 266; folk-lore, 227; food taboos, 279; kinship, 225; marriage customs, 306-309; mode of living, 163; mourning ceremonies, 88; origin of class taboo, 288-289; relation between husband and wife, 73-74; tribal divisions, 145 Rusden, G. W., on relations between husband and wife, 72

Salvado, R., on--affection for parents, 271; camping rules, 266; marriage customs, 45, 64, 65, 259; mode of living, 164; relation between husband and wife, 74; sexual aspect of marriage, 99-100; treatment of children, 246-247; tribal divisions and ownership of land, 147 Schultze, L., on marriage customs, 41 Schürmann, C. W., on--mode of living, 162; sexual aspect of marriage, 94 Scott Nind. _See_ Nind Separation of husband and wife, 69. _See also_ Divorce Sexual life: Aboriginal ideas on procreation discussed, 175, 176-183, 206, 208-233 Ceremonial licence, 105-107, 123 Chastity, how regarded, 104-105, 125, 178 Elopement a proof of sexual love, 83-84 Jealousy, existence discussed, 124-131 Pirrauru custom, 108-123 Relative unimportance for unity of family, 299-300 Rights and restrictions of the husband, 101-103, 112, 126-127, 297-298, 300 Statements of authorities, 89-101 Subject to rules, 123, 305 Young females monopolized by old men, 260-262, 309 Sister and brother. _See_ Brother and Sister Smyth, R. Brough, on mode of living, 161; on treatment of children, 239-240 Society, primitive: Collective mind, explanation of term, 175, 308-309 Early modes of thought the only manner of explanation, 168-169, 308 Kinship as affected by social conditions, 175-207 Manner of influencing an institution, 300-301 Unit of aboriginal society, problem discussed, 1-17 Spencer, Baldwin, and Gillen, F., on--folk-lore, 208, 211, 212, 216, 220, 225, 226; food customs, 285; kinship, 2, 3, 5; marriage customs, 41-43; mode of living, 163; mourning ceremonies, 85-88, 272; Pirrauru custom, 108, 115, 117, 120; relation between brother and sister, 273; treatment of children, 243-244; tribal divisions, 143 Stanbridge, W. E., on marriage customs, 38 Strehlow, Herr C., on folk-lore, 208, 210-215 Suckling of children, bond established by, 234-237

Taboo: Breaking of, necessary for marriage, 305 Class, theory of origin, 288-289 Food, 15, 279 Paternal, during pregnancy of wife, 225 Taplin, G., on relation between husband and wife, 70 Tench, W., on--marriage customs, 40; relation between husband and wife, 71; sexual division of labour, 277; sexual licence, 95 Theddora tribe, chiefs, 12 Thomas, N. W., on--kinship, 7, 187; marriage, 91; Pirrauru custom, 119 Tippa Malku marriage, 41, 96, 110 Tjinjilli tribe, marriage customs, 43 Todas, determination of paternity, 180 Tongaranka tribe: Chief, 12 Mourning customs, 271 Torres Straits Islanders, kinship of, 203 Totems: Ideas on conception and birth connected with, 208-233 Totemic centres, statements on, 146, 153 Tribal government. _See_ Government, Tribal Tribe: Local group as subdivision of. _See_ Local Group Social divisions of, 136-157, 298 Use of term defined, 134 Tualcha Mura marriage custom, 41, 42, 50, 261 Turnbull, John, on--marriage customs, 39; mode of living, 141; relation between husband and wife, 71; sexual aspect of marriage, 95; treatment of children, 242 Turra tribe: Marriage customs, 264 Mode of living, 162 Sexual aspect of marriage, 94, 101, 103, 105 Turrubul tribe, customs, 285-286

Umbaia tribe, reincarnation beliefs, 218-219 Unmatjera tribe: Mourning ceremonies, 86 Reincarnation belief, 216 Urabunna tribe: Ignorance of physiological fatherhood, 128 Pirrauru custom, 108, 115, 118 Reincarnation belief, 212, 216 Sexual aspect of marriage, 96 Treatment of children, 243-244

Wakelbura tribe, marriage customs, 44, 56 Wakka tribe: Infanticide and motive for, 236 Marriage customs, 262 Relations between husband and wife, 73 Sexual aspect of marriage, 98 Treatment of children, 245 Tribal divisions and mode of living, 144, 154, 155, 163 Warramunga tribe: Ceremonial licence, 106-107 Marriage customs, 42, 43 Mourning ceremonies, 85, 86 Reincarnation belief, 212, 217 Watchandee tribe: Communism in food, 286 Marriage customs, 45 Westermarck, Prof. E. A., on--chastity among uncivilized people, 178; kinship, 205; marriage, 3-4, 34-35; sexual jealousy, 125; study of family life, 134 Wheeler, G. C., on sociology of aborigines, 133 White men, believed to be ghosts of relatives, 222-224 Wife. _See_ Wives, _below_ Wiimbaio tribe: Chiefs, 12 Mourning customs, 271 Wilhelmi, C., on sexual aspect of marriage, 94 Wilkes, Charles, on sexual aspect of marriage, 95 Willshire, W. H., on sexual aspect of marriage, 97 Wiradjuri tribe: Chiefs, 12 Communism in food, 284 Marriage customs, 41 Procreation ideas, 230 Women's work, 277 Withnell, J. G., on tribal divisions, 146 Wives: Economic functions, 67 Exchange of, statements, 92-95, 98, 101, 102-103 Modes of obtaining, 35-66, 295 Obligations of the husbands, 62-65 _See also_ Husband and Wife and Women Woeworung tribe, marriage customs, 37, 52 Wogait tribe, procreation ideas, 230 Wolgal tribe: Camping rules, 263 Communism in food, 284 Marriage customs, 261 Procreation ideas, 231 Women: Condition of drudgery and servitude, 274-290 Licence among the unmarried, 266-267 Scars self-inflicted at mourning ceremonies, 72, 86 _See also_ Husband and Wife and Wives Wotjobaluk tribe: Communism in food, 284 Marriage customs, 37-38, 50 Sexual aspect of marriage, 93, 101, 103, 105 Wurrunjeri tribe: Communism in food, 284 Mode of living, 137, 159 Wuurn, term explained, 160 Wyatt, W., on treatment of children, 241

Yantruwunta tribe, Pirrauru custom, 108 Yerkla-Mining tribe: Communism in food, 285 Sexual aspect of marriage, 94-95, 102 Yuin tribe: Chiefs, 12 Marriage customs, 36, 50, 52, 56 Procreation ideas, 231

Printed for the UNIVERSITY OF LONDON PRESS, Ltd., by RICHARD CLAY & SONS, Ltd., London and Bungay.

CORRECTIONS

page original text correction 38 primitive orm of betrothal primitive form of betrothal 38 footnote missing in original infancy.[58] 45 et si jamais un pére et si jamais un père 156, n. 458 Tot. and Exeg., chap. v. Tot. and Exog., chap. v. 197, n. 564 Zeitschr. f. Sociologie, Zeitschr. f. Soziologie, 202 first and foremost judical first and foremost juridical 208, n. 585 Am. Antr., Am. Anthr., 208, n. 585 Bull. Soc. of Antr., Bull. Soc. of Anthr., 210 Ubrigens wissen die alten Übrigens wissen die alten 214 a given Abheringa: a given Alcheringa: 221 comes to ife again by and by comes to life again by and by 233, n. 651 same individua family. same individual family. 252, n. 748 für Socialwissenschaft, für Sozialwissenschaft, 268, n. 823 Zeitschrift f. Socialw. Zeitschrift f. Sozialw. 309 This is corrobated by This is corroborated by 314 Zeitschift für Ethnologie. Zeitschrift für Ethnologie. 315 2x f. Socialwissensch., f. Sozialwissensch., 321 relalations between, 67-76 relations between, 67-76 322 Leonhardi, Fehr. von, Leonhardi, Frhr. von,