CHAPTER X

THE JUDGMENT OF THE WORLD

The record has now been laid before the reader in all its essential details. The witnesses for the different countries have taken the stand and we have their respective contentions in their own words. Czar, Emperor, and King, as well as Prime Minister, Chancellor, and Ambassador, have testified as to the fateful events, which preceded the outbreak of the war, with a fullness of detail, to which history presents few parallels. The evidence which Germany and Austria have suppressed does not prevent the determination of the issue.

It is a great tribute to the force of public opinion and a clear recognition that the conscience of mankind does exist as something more than a visionary abstraction, that the secrets of diplomacy have been laid bare by most of the contending nations, and that there is an earnest desire on the part of all of them to justify their conduct respectively at the bar of the civilized world.

Even more impressive to the sincere friends of peace is the significant fact that concurrently with the most amazing display of physical force that the world has ever known has come a direct appeal by the belligerent nations to the neutral States, and especially to the United States, not for practical coöperation in the hostilities but for moral sympathy.

All past wars are insignificant in dimensions in comparison with this. The standing army of the Roman Empire, according to the estimate of Gibbon, did not exceed 400,000, and guarded that mighty Empire from the Euphrates to the Thames. The grand army of Napoleon, which was supposed to mark the maximum of human effort in the art of war and with which he crossed a century ago the Niemen, did not exceed 700,000. To-day at least fifteen millions of men are engaged in a titanic struggle, with implements of destruction, to which all past devices in the science of destruction are insignificant.

Apparently, therefore, the ideals of the pacificist are little better than a rainbow, a rainbow of promise, perhaps, but still a rainbow, formed by the rays of God's justice shining through the tears of human pity.

But when, in contrast to this amazing display of physical power, there is contrasted an equally unprecedented desire on the part of the contending nations to justify their case at the bar of public opinion and to gain the moral sympathy of the neutral States, then it is seen that the "decent respect to the opinions of mankind" is still a mighty factor in human affairs, and the question as to the judgment of the world, upon the moral issues raised by this great controversy, becomes not merely of academic but of great practical interest.

What that judgment will be it is not difficult to determine, for the evidence in the case can admit of but one conclusion. It may be, as Mr. George Bernard Shaw says, that in the contending nations, the ears are too greatly deafened by the roar of the cannon and the eyes too blinded by the smoke of battle, to reach a dispassionate conclusion. But in the neutral States of the world, and especially in that greatest of all the neutral Powers, the United States of America, a judgment has been pronounced that is unmistakable.

The great Republic is more free than any other nation to reach a just conclusion "without fear, favor, or affection." Without alliances with any Power and with no practical interest in the European balance of power, itself composed of men of all the contending nations, it can, above every other people, proceed to judgment, "with malice toward none and with charity for all."

It is a tribute to its unique position among the nations of the world that from the beginning of the war each of the contending Powers has invoked its judgment. The Kaiser, the President of the French Republic, and the King of Belgium have each in an especial way sought its moral support, while to the other nations the question of the attitude of the United States has been one of practical and recognized importance.

If the United States is thus a moral arbiter in the greatest war of history, its judgment is now, and may hereafter increasingly become, a potential factor of great significance.

The nature of that judgment is already apparent to all men. The people of the United States, numbering nearly one hundred millions, have reached, with an amazing approach to unanimity, certain clear and definite conclusions.

These conclusions maybe summarized as follows:

1. That Germany and Austria in a time of profound peace secretly concerted to impose their will upon Europe in a matter affecting the balance of power. Whether in so doing they intended to precipitate a European war to determine the hegemony of Europe is not satisfactorily established, although their whole course of conduct suggests this as a possibility. They made war almost inevitable by (_a_) issuing an ultimatum that was grossly unreasonable and disproportionate to any grievance that Austria may have had, and (_b_) in giving to Servia and Europe insufficient time to consider the rights and obligations of all interested nations.

2. That Germany had at all times the power to induce Austria to preserve a reasonable and conciliatory course, but at no time effectively exerted its influence. On the contrary, it certainly abetted, and possibly instigated, Austria in its unreasonable course.

3. That England, France, Italy, and Russia throughout the diplomatic controversy sincerely worked for peace, and in this spirit not only overlooked the original misconduct of Austria but made every reasonable concession in the hope of preserving peace.

4. That Austria, having mobilized its army, Russia was reasonably justified in mobilizing its forces. Such act of mobilization is the right of any sovereign State, and as long as the Russian armies did not cross the border or take any aggressive action, no other nation had any just right to complain, each having the same right to make similar preparations.

5. That Germany, in abruptly declaring war against Russia for failure to demobilize, when the other Powers had offered to make any reasonable concession and peace parleys were still in progress, precipitated the war.

6. That the invasion of Belgium by Germany was without any provocation and in violation of Belgium's inherent rights as a sovereign State. The sanctity of its territory does not depend exclusively upon the Treaty of 1839 or The Hague Convention, but upon fundamental and axiomatic principles of international law. These treaties were simply declaratory of Belgium's rights as a sovereign nation and simply reaffirmed by a special covenant the duty of Germany and the other Powers to respect the neutrality of Belgium.

7. England was justified in its declaration of war upon Germany, not only because of its direct interests in the neutrality of Belgium, but also because of the ethical duty of the strong nations to protect the weak upon adequate occasion from indefensible wrong. Apart from this general ethical justification, England was, under the Treaty of 1839, under an especial obligation to defend the neutrality of Belgium, and had it failed to respect that obligation it would have broken its solemn covenant.

If they are "thrice armed" who have their "quarrel just," then England, France, Russia, and Belgium can await with confidence, not merely the immediate issue of the titanic conflict, but also the equally important judgment of history.

EPILOGUE

On the evening of July 31, 1914, the author reached Basle. The rapid progress of events, narrated in this volume, suggested the wisdom of continuing the journey to Paris that night, but as I wanted to see the tomb of Erasmus in the Basle Cathedral I determined to break my long journey from St. Moritz.

It seemed a fitting time to make a pilgrimage to the last resting-place of the great humanist philosopher of Rotterdam and Louvain, for in that prodigious upheaval of the sixteenth century, which has passed into history as the Reformation, Erasmus was the one noble spirit who looked with a tolerant and philosophical mind upon both parties to the great controversy. He suffered the fate of the conservative in a radical time, and as the great storm convulsed Europe the author of the _Praise of Folly_ probably said on more than one occasion: "A plague o' both your houses." Nearly four centuries have passed since he joined the "silent majority," between whom is no quarreling, and the desolated Louvain, which he loved, is to-day in its ruins a standing witness that immeasurable folly still rules the darkened counsels of men.

As I reached Basle and saw the spires of the Cathedral rising above the Rhine, it seemed to me that the great convulsion, which was then rocking all Europe with seismic violence, was the greatest since that of the French Revolution and might have as lasting results as the great schism of the sixteenth century.

I was not fated to see the tomb, for when I reached my hotel the facilities of civilization had broken down so abruptly that if I did not wish to be interned in Switzerland I must leave early on the following morning for Paris. Transportation had almost entirely collapsed, communication was difficult, and credit itself was so strained that "mine host" of the Three Kings was disposed to look askance even at gold.

Our journey took us to France by way of Delle. Twenty-four hours after we passed that frontier town, German soldiers entered and blew out the brains of a French custom-house officer, thus the first victim in the greatest war that the world has ever known.

As we journeyed from Basle to Paris on that last day of July the fair fields of France never looked more beautiful. In the gleaming summer sun they made a new "field of the cloth of gold," and the hayricks looked like the aureate tents of a mighty army. It was harvest time, but already the laborers had deserted their fields which, although "white unto the harvest," seemed bereft of the tillers. Some had left the bounty of nature to join in the harvest of death. From the high pasture lands of the Alps the herdsmen at the ringing of the village church bells had left their herds and before night had fallen were on their way to the front.

At Belfort the station was crowded with French troops and an elderly French couple came into our compartment. The eyes of the wife were red with weeping, while the man sank into his seat and with his head upon his breast gazed moodily into vacancy. They had just parted with their son, who had joined the colors. I stood for a time with this French gentleman in the corridor of the train, but as he could not speak English or German and I could not speak French, it was impossible for us to communicate the intense and tragical thoughts that were passing through our minds. Suddenly he pointed to the smiling harvest fields, by which we passed so swiftly, and said "_Perdu! perdu!_" This word of tragical import could have been applied to all civilization as well.

The night of our arrival in Paris I fully expected to see a half a million Frenchmen parading the streets and enthusiastically cheering for war and crying, as in 1870, "à Berlin!" I was to witness an extraordinary transformation of a great nation. An unusual silence brooded over the city. A few hundred people paraded the chief avenues, crying "down with war!", while a separate crowd of equal size sang the national hymn. With these exceptions there was no cheering or enthusiasm, such as I would have expected from my preconceived idea of French excitability. Men spoke in undertones, with a quiet but subdued intensity of feeling rather than with frenzied enthusiasm.

With a devotion that was extraordinary and a pathetically brave submission to a possible fate, they seemed to be sternly resolved to die to the last man, if necessary, in defense of their noble nation. Although I subsequently saw in the thrilling days of mobilization many thousands of soldiers pass through the railroad stations on their way to the front, I never heard the rumble of a drum or saw the waving of regimental colors.

No sacrifice seemed to be too great, whether it was asked of man, woman, or child. The spirit of materialism for the time being vanished. The newspapers shrunk to a single sheet and all commercial advertisements disappeared. Theaters, art galleries, museums, libraries, closed their doors. Upon some streets nearly every shop was closed, with the simple but eloquent placard "Gone to join the colors." The French people neither exulted, boasted, nor complained. The only querulous element was a small minority of the large body of American tourists, so suddenly caught in a terrific storm of human passions, who seemed to feel that this Red Sea of blood should part until they could walk dry-shod to the shore of safety.

In Germany similar scenes were enacted and a like spirit of courage and self-sacrifice was shown.

It is a reflection upon civilization that two nations, each so brave, heroic, and self-sacrificing, should, without their consent and by the miserable and iniquitous folly of scheming statesmen and diplomats, be plunged into a war, of which no man can see the end and which has already swept away the flower of their manhood.

One great lesson of this conflict may be that no aggressive war ought to be initiated unless the policy of that war is first submitted to the masses of the people, upon whom the burdens in the last analysis fall and who must pay the dreadful penalty with their treasure and their lives.

If the policy of this war had been submitted by a referendum to the Austrian and German peoples with a full statement of the facts of the Servian controversy, would they not have rejected a form of arbitrament, which creates but does not settle questions, convinces no one, and only sows the seeds of greater hatred for future and richer harvests of death? If the be-ribboned diplomats and decorated generals of the General Staffs at Berlin and Vienna had been without power to precipitate this war, unless they themselves were willing to occupy the trenches on the firing line, this war might never have been.

* * * * *

Nearly five months have passed since that summer day, when I passed through smiling harvest fields from the mountains to the Seine. The trenches, in which innumerable brave men are writing with their blood the records of their statesmen's follies, are filled with snow. The blackest Christmas Eve within the memory of living man has come and gone, perhaps the blackest, since in the stillness of the night there fell upon the wondering ears of the shepherds the gracious refrain of "Peace on earth, good will among men." On that night devout German soldiers sang in their trenches in Flanders and along the Vistula the hymn of Christmas Eve, "_Stille Nacht, heilige Nacht_."

Was this unconscious mockery, an expression of invincible faith, or a reversion from habit to the gentler associations of childhood? The spirit of Christmas was not wholly dead, for it is narrated that these brave men in English and German trenches on this saddest of Christmas Eves declared for a few hours of their own volition a Christmas truce.

"Some say that ever 'gainst that season comes Wherein our Saviour's birth is celebrated The bird of dawning singeth all night long, And then, they say, no spirit dare stir abroad, The nights are wholesome, then no planets strike, So hallowed and so gracious is the time."

There is not between the men in one trench and those in another, each seeking the speediest opportunity to kill the other, any personal quarrel. On occasion they even fraternize, only to resume the work of mutual extermination. They would not have quarreled, if the Berchtolds, the von Bethmann-Hollwegs, and the von Jagows had had sufficient loyalty to civilization to submit any possible grievance, which either had, to the judgment of Europe.

A spectacle more ghastly than this "far-flung battle line" has never been witnessed since the world began, for these soldiers in gray or khaki are not savages but are beings of an advanced civilization. Their fighting can have in method none of the old-time chivalry, such as was witnessed at Fontenoy when the French commander courteously invited his English rival to fire first. The present is a chemical, mechanical war, than which no circle in Dante's _Inferno_ is more horribly repellent.

When was better justified the terrible but beautiful imagery in Milton's poem of _The Nativity_, when he says of Nature:

"Only with speeches fair She woos the gentle air To hide her guilty front with innocent snow, And on her naked shame Pollute with sinful blame The saintly veil of maiden white to throw; _Confounded that her Maker's eyes Should look so near upon her foul deformities._"

The snow cannot hide the horrors of the present conflict. Even night, in other wars more merciful, no longer throws its sable mantle of mercy over the dying and the dead. By the use of powerful searchlights the work of destruction continues. As though the surface of the earth were no longer sufficient for this malignant exercise of the genius of man, the heavens above and the waters under the earth have become at length the battlefields of the nations. Even from the infinite azure falls

".... a ghastly dew From the nations' airy navies, grappling in the central blue."

Can all history afford a parallel in malignity to the submarine, which, having sunk one vessel with all its human lives, calmly awaits, with its periscope projecting above the water like the malignant eye of a devil fish, the arrival of rescuing ships to sink them also?

Was the gracious refrain of "Peace on earth, good will among men," merely a mockery of man's hope, making of his civilization a mere mirage? Will

"Cæsar's spirit ranging for revenge With Ate from his side come hot from Hell"--

forever crucify afresh and put to an open shame the gentle Galilean?

The angelic song of Bethlehem was neither the statement of a fact nor even a prophecy. In its true translation it was the statement of a profound moral truth, upon which in the last analysis the pacification of humanity must depend. The great promise was "Peace on earth _to men of good will_."

_Peace to the pacific_, that was the great message. For all others the great Teacher had but one prediction and that was "the distress of nations, ... men's hearts failing them for fear." Until civilization can grasp the truth that there can be no peace until there is among all nations a spirit of conciliation and a common desire of justice, the cause of peace can be little more than a beautiful dream. Hague conventions, international tribunals, and agreements to arbitrate, while minimizing the causes of war and affording the machinery for the pacific adjustment of justiciable questions, will yet prove altogether ineffectual, irrespective of the size of the parchment, the imposing character of the seals, or the length of the red tape, unless the nations which execute them have sufficient loyalty to civilization to ask only that which seems just and to submit any disputable question to the pacific adjustment of an impartial tribunal.

I appreciate that some questions are not justiciable and cannot be arbitrated. The historic movements of races, like those of glaciers, cannot be stopped by mortal hands, and yet even these slow-moving masses of ice are stayed by an Invisible Hand and melt at length into gentle and fructifying streams. To create the universal state and to develop a spirit of paramount loyalty to it affords the only solution of this seemingly insoluble problem.

History affords no more striking illustration of this fact than the present war. Each of the contending nations was pledged to peace. All of the greater ones were signatories to the Hague Convention, but as the chain can never be stronger than its weakest link, the pacific efforts of England, France, and Russia to adjust a purely justiciable question by negotiation and mediation wholly failed because Austria and Germany had determined to test the mastery of Europe by an appeal to the sword. The fundamental cause of the conflict was their lack of loyalty to civilization, due to a misguided and perverted spirit of excessive nationalism.

Until with the slow-moving progress of mankind the greater unit of the Universal State can be created, it should be the common and equal concern of all nations, not merely to defeat this primitive appeal to brute force but to make impossible the recurrence of such an iniquitous reversion to barbarism. To do this, while any nation unjustly appeals to force, force is unhappily necessary, but there would be few occasions to repel force by force if there were sufficient solidarity in mankind to make it the common concern of the civilized world to suppress promptly and effectually any disturber of its peace.

If the present wanton attack upon the very foundations of civilization had been regarded as the common concern of all nations, it would never have taken place and might never occur again. To prevent such recurrence, thoughtful men of all nations should coöperate, so that when the present titanic struggle is over, an earnest and universal effort can be made to create such a compact between the civilized nations as will insure coöperative effort when any nation attempts to apply the torch of war to the stately edifice of civilization. May not this great war prove the supreme travail of humanity, whereof this nobler era will be born?

It should be the especial duty of the United States to lead in this onward movement. It has been in no small measure the liberator of mankind. Let it now be its pacificator! Can it do so in any better spirit than that voiced by one of the noblest of its Presidents at the close of another gigantic conflict, of which he was to be the last and greatest martyr, when he said:

With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and orphan; _and to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace_.

INDEX

A

Albert, King of the Belgians, conversation of, with Kaiser, 107 ff.; appeal of, to England, 218

Attila, Kaiser's reference to, quoted, 14

Austria, given _carte blanche_, x; refuses peace proposals, xi; underlying causes of her ultimatum to Servia, 19 ff.; annexes Bosnia and Herzegovina, 20; keeps secret diplomatic correspondence, 23; Crown Prince of, assassinated, 20, 31; silence of, proves guilt, 25, 26; refuses England's propositions, 28; Germany's communications to, withheld from public, 28, 29; _Red Book_ of, analyzed, 30; attitude of, false, 34; ignorance of ultimatum of, among diplomatic corps, 33; insists situation will "be cleared up," 35; of necessity supported by Germany before ultimatum, 36, 37; would not have sent ultimatum without Germany's backing, 36 ff.; ultimatum of, examined and characterized, 40, 41; ultimatum of, to Servia quoted in full, 47 _et seq._; population of, 55; Austria-Servian relations, 56; promises to respect Servian territory, 59, 60; effect of ultimatum of, 61; attitude of, towards Servia's reply, 83, 84; most discreditable action of, 86; mobilizes, 86; not urged by Germany to consider peace proposals, 88; does not reply to Russian proposal, 91; claims Servia to be aggressor in first skirmish, 96; refuses discussion of Servian note, 98; again refuses Russia's pleas for peace, 99, 100; suppression of news in, 113; offered reparation by Servia, 114; knew that Servia would refuse demand of "judiciary coöperation," 115; sounds Italy regarding war on Servia, 119; ultimatum designedly withheld from powers, 121; petty finesse of, 123; ultimatum issued when foreign diplomats were out of the way, 123, 124; avoids foreign diplomats, 125; believes its interests require punishment of Servia, 136; national selfishness, 136; bombards Belgrade, 149; insists upon pursuing action against Servia, 170; at last agrees to discuss Servian note with Russia, 173; causes of partial reversal of policy, 175 ff.; offer of July 31, 1914, 190 _et seq._; offer to discuss ultimatum merely nominal, 190; refuses Russia's stipulation concerning mediation, 191; counter suggestions of, to British Government, 191; proposal of, absurd, 192; signs "neutrality of Belgium" treaty, 198; suppression of evidence by, useless, 246; conclusions concerning actions of, 249 _et seq._; see Berchtold, Szápáry, Triple Alliance

B

Balkans, existing status of, upset, 20

Balko-Turkish War, 34

Ballin, 223

Beck, James M., ancestry of, vii

Belgium, invasion of, a crime, vii; German demand on, xi; the proof of Germany's belief in von Bernhardi, 11; publishes _Gray Paper_, 23; Germany's disregard of rights of, 196 ff.; took no part in preliminary war controversy, 197; held no interest in Servian question, 197; treaty of neutrality signed, 198; restricts sale of munitions of war in 1870, 200; Bismarck's letter to, 200; feared invasion by Germany, 201; Germany professes intention of respecting neutrality of, 201 ff.; government fears German invasion, 205, 206; requests further assurance of Germany's intentions to respect neutrality, 206; reassured by France, 208; advised by Germany of intended invasion, 210; reply of, to German ultimatum, 212; hopes that Germany would respect neutrality, 213, 214; offered military support by France, 214; refuses French aid, 214; fined by Germany, 217, 218; compared to Poland, 218; appeal of, to England, 218; effect of German invasion, 229, 230; French officers in, 230; German officers and spies in, 230; Germany claims neutrality of, a sham, 235; anticipating German invasion, 236 ff.; German railroads on frontier of, 237; "guilt of," 238; conclusions concerning actions of, 249 _et seq._; _see_ Albert, Davignon, Von der Elst

Berchtold, Count, removes himself beyond reach of personal parleys, 70, 71; conversation of, with Russian Ambassador, 99, 100; assures Russia that "claim against Servia would be acceptable," 123; contends that British suggestions for peace came too late, 190; offer of, concerning mediation, 191; _see_ Austria

Bernhardi, doctrines of, xvii; opinions of, on war quoted, 7 ff.; influence of, 10, 11; indictment of, 15, 16; failure of, 17; opinion of, concerning England's attitude to America during Civil War, 17, 205

Berthelot, M., prepares _Yellow Book_, 102

Bertie, Sir F., 207

Bethmann-Hollweg, Dr. von, quoted, viii; message of, to Federated Governments of Germany quoted, 44, 45; blunders of, 194; declares Germany will respect Belgian neutrality, 202; attempts to justify Germany's actions toward Belgium, 215, 216; "scrap of paper" speech quoted, 220, 221; speech of, concerning invasion of Belgium, 238; discusses "scrap of paper" remark, 239 ff.; _see_ Germany

Bismarck, and militarism, xix ff.; attitude of, during peace negotiations, xix; and "spread eagleism," xix, xx; respects neutrality of Belgium, 200; 103

Bosnia annexed by Austria, 20

Brussels, secret documents in, 235

Bunsen, Sir M. de, report of, to Sir Edward Grey regarding ignorance of Diplomatic Corps concerning Austria's ultimatum, 32, 33; quoted regarding Germany's knowledge of Austrian ultimatum, 37

Burgess, Prof. John W., supports Germany, 222

C

Cambon, Jules, prepares _Yellow Book_, 102; an estimate of his abilities, 104, 105; advises France of Germany's early mobilization, 120; interviews von Jagow on Austrian ultimatum, 121 ff.; urges peace conference, 133; _see_ France

Cook, Dr., Germany compared to, 232

Crackenthorpe, Mr., British Ambassador at Belgrade, instructions to, 82 ff.

Crown Prince of Germany, the, an adherent of brute force, 13

Czar, "the champion of Christianity," xxii; despatch to, from Kaiser regarding murder of Archduke, 147; reply of, to Kaiser, 148; reply to third message of Kaiser, 151; last message of, to Kaiser, 184, 185; telegram of, to King George, 189; telegram of, to Kaiser, suppressed by German Foreign Office, 189; "not guilty," 189

D

Davignon, M., conversation of, with von Below quoted, 206

"Decent respect to the opinions of mankind," vi

Declaration of Independence cited, 3

Dernberg, Dr., 224; claims France violated Belgian neutrality, 228

Disfurth, Major-General von, on Germany's war policy, quoted, 12, 13

Dryander, Dr., 197, 223

E

England, anticipation of war in, xii; fear of, for Germany, xxi; has also had its "Bernhardis," 15; Bernhardi's opinion of attitude during Civil War, 17; publishes _White Paper_, 22; testimony of British Ambassador at Vienna cited, 32, 33; probability of intervention of, 66; requests time, 70, 71; assured of French and Russian alliance, 77; refuses to align definitely with Russia and France, 79; suggests peace conference in London, 93; assures Germany of her desire for peace, 153; requested to act as mediator, 191; reason for use of word instead of "Great Britain," 195; signs "neutrality of Belgium" treaty, 198; inquires as to German and French intentions toward Belgium, 207; requests Belgium to maintain her neutrality, 207; questions Germany as to intentions concerning Belgium, 208; ultimatum of, to Germany, 218; reply of, to Belgian appeal, 219; anticipating German invasion of Belgium, 236 ff.; entered war because of invasion of Belgium, 245; conclusions concerning actions of, 249 _et seq._; _see_ Bertie, Bunsen, George, King, Goschen, Grey, Triple Entente

F

France, preparation in, for war, xii; fear of Germany for, xxi; publishes _Yellow Book_, 23; French Premier quoted on Austrian Servian troubles, 31, 32; relations of, with Germany, 56; assures Russia and England of her support, 77; refuses Germany's request to influence Russia, 92; urges Germany to join Powers in preventing invasion of Servia, 95; assured that Germany wishes peace, 131; suspicion of, toward Germany, 132; supports England's request for conference, 133; declaration of war on, delayed, 192; ultimatum to, 192; invasion of, 192 _et seq._ reason of, for not assuming aggressive, 193; invasion of, to follow immediately or to precede severance of diplomatic relations, 194; signs "neutrality of Belgium" treaty, 198; respects Belgium neutrality, 200; reaffirms intention of respecting Belgian neutrality, 206; reply of, to England's query regarding Belgian neutrality, 207; declares to Belgium intention of respecting neutrality, 208; cited by Germany as cause for violation of Belgian neutrality, 210, 211; offers military support to Belgium, 214; "overt acts of," 238, 239; first death in war, 253; attitude of people in, 254 ff.; _see_ Berthelot, Cambon, Triple Entente, Viviani

Franco-German War, cause of, 19

Frederick the Great, 2; effect of, on Germany to-day, 10

Fuchs, Dr., on hatred, quoted, 11; on preparedness for war, quoted, 11

_Furor Teutonicus_ directed against England, xxii

G

George, King of England, message of, to Kaiser, 153; telegram of, to Czar, 155; message to, from Kaiser regarding neutrality of France, 187

Germany, confesses its crime, viii; suppression of evidence by, ix; gives Austria _carte blanche_, x; refuses to accept peace proposals, xi; invades Luxemburg, xi; "fears God but nothing else," xix ff.; attitude of, toward rest of world, xix _et seq._; foreign policy of, xxii; real attitude of people, xxiii; German people misled, xxvi; endeavors to gain approval of America, 4; espouses visions of Machiavelli, 5 ff.; attitude of, toward war, 6 ff.; avowed attitude of, towards world, 6 _et seq._; doctrine of, 11 _et seq._; war policies of, shown by quotations, 11 _et seq._; spirit of the ruling classes, 13; domination of Europe established, 19, 20; attitude of, on the Balkans, 19 _et seq._; publishes _White Paper_, 22; suppression of facts by, 27; communications of, to Austria withheld from _White Paper_, 28, 29; advance knowledge of Austria's ultimatum, 32 _et seq._; only power to know of Austria's ultimatum, 33; attitude of, false, 34; Ambassador to England suggests Russia as "mediator with regard to Servia," 35; Ambassador to England denies knowledge of Austria's actions, 35; disclaims knowledge of Austria's ultimatum, 36; guilty of duplicity regarding Austria's ultimatum, 36; unquestionably had previous knowledge of Austria's ultimatum, 37; sincerity of attitude examined, 38 ff.; pacific protestations of, insincere, 38; first statement of Germany's position regarding Austro-Servian problem, 39 ff.; greatest diplomatic blunder, 39, 40; further proof of her knowledge of Austrian ultimatum, 41; supports Austria, 41; anticipates Servia's refusal, 42; instructions to Ambassador, 43; Ambassador to U. S. admits advance knowledge of Austrian ultimatum, 46; takes steps to allay indignation of U. S., 46; warnings of, to Servia, 56; relations of, with France, 56; reason for actions of, 65 ff.; fails to move for peace, 69, 70; excuses for not granting time extension, 71 ff.; refuses Russia's request for time extension, 73 ff.; fear of, for England's, 79; principal fear of, 79; attitude of, toward Servia's reply, 83, 84; withholds from people adequate information on Servia's reply, 85; reply to England's further requests for time, 87; disclaims any responsibility for Austrian ultimatum, 89, 90; willing to have England mediate between Austria and Russia, 89; states that Austria cannot draw back in Servian matter, 89; fatal policy of, 91; declares Russia responsible for war, 92; requests France to influence Russia, 92; refuses to attend peace conference in London, 93; refuses Russia's request to urge conciliation in Austria, 95; refuses France's request to prevent invasion of Servia, 96; insists on "exclusion of all possibility of mediation," 97; claims efforts for mediation came too late, 98; excuse of, for not assenting to peace conference, 100, 101; incapable diplomats of, 103; attitude of people toward Kaiser, 109 ff.; knew that Servia would refuse demand of "judiciary coöperation", 115; further proof of Germany's advance knowledge of Austria's ultimatum, 116; petty finesse of, 123; excuse of, for not getting extension of time, 124; avoids foreign diplomats, 125; diplomats reluctant to leave copies of notes, 127 ff.; Ambassador to France denies agreement with Austria over note to Servia, 129; assures France that she is for peace, 130; refuses France's request for peace conference, 133; "closest interests" of, 136; national selfishness, 136; believes Russia will keep out, 140; believes France "in no position for war," 140; belief of, regarding war preparedness and action of other nations, 140, 141; ultimatum to Russia, 141; preparedness for war, 142; assured of no provocative action on part of Russia, 152; offer of, to England, 159 ff.; advances upon France, 161; French report of army movements, 161, 162; evades England's request for peace suggestion, 169; declaration of war by, quoted, 183, 184; proof of preparedness of, 188, 189; declares war on Russia, 192; ultimatum of, to France, 192; delays declaration of war upon France, 192; awaits French act of aggression, 192; Ambassador leaves Paris, 192; ready for invasion of France, 193; pacific intentions of, false, 193, 194; inconsistency in policies of, 194; diplomats and army not in harmony, 194; disregard of, for rights of Belgium, 196; respected neutrality of Belgium in 1870, 200; professes intention of respecting Belgian neutrality, 201 ff.; recognizes obligations of neutrality treaty, 202; Foreign Office suppresses telegram of Czar, 189; places responsibility for war upon Russia, 192; evades England's question concerning Belgian neutrality, 208; insists she is forced to invade Belgium, 210; declares France will invade Belgium, 210; excuses of, for invasion of Belgium, 210 ff.; declares war upon Belgium, 215; invades Belgium, 215; invasion of Belgium considered and analyzed, 217 ff.; imposes fines upon Belgium, 217 ff.; reply of, to English ultimatum, 220; declares necessity forces invasion of Belgium, 220; defense of, for invasion of Belgium, 224; moral isolation of, 229; compared to Dr. Cook, 232; plea of guilty, 233 ff.; claims discovery of secret documents in Brussels, 235; strategic railroads of, 237; campaign which should have been followed, 245; suppression of evidence by, useless, 246; conclusions concerning actions of, 249 _et seq._; attitude of people in, 256; _see_ Kaiser, Lichnowsky, Prussia, Triple Alliance, von Below, Bethmann-Hollweg, von Heeringen, von Jagow, von Schoen

Gladstone, did not rely on "neutrality of Belgium" treaty, 198; speech of, concerning Belgium, quoted, 199; speech of, cited by Shaw, 199

Goschen, Sir E., on Germany's position in Austro-Servian trouble, quoted, 39; report of, regarding England's request for time, 72; conversation of, with von Jagow preceding England's declaration of war, 220 ff.; instructions to, August 4th, 219

_Gray Paper_ (Belgium), Belgium publishes, 23; quoted, 202, 208, 210, 211, 218

Great Britain, _see_ England

Grey, Sir Edward, compared to Pitt, 22; conversation of, with German Ambassador regarding Austro-Servian trouble, 35 ff.; advised that Germany had knowledge of Austrian ultimatum, 37; report to, from British Ambassador at Berlin, July 22d, 38, 39, 28; did not anticipate Austrian ultimatum; deceived by Germany, 36; conversation of, with Austrian Minister, quoted, 70, 71; restrictions binding actions of, 79, 80; instructions of, to British Ambassador at Belgrade, 82; further plea for time, 86; further proposals of, for peace, 89; suggests peace conference of Powers in London, 93; chief merit of, 105; report of, by France, of German army movements, 161, 162; replies to Germany on neutrality of England, 162; that Germany suggest means of preventing Austro-Servian war, 167; continues his efforts for peace, 172, 173; last attempt of, to preserve peace, 180, 181; conversation of, cited by Germany, 191; inquiry of, concerning results of England's neutrality, 193; conversations of, with German Ambassador concerning Belgian neutrality, 209; instructions to British Ambassador at Berlin, August 4th, 219; refutes statement concerning secret documents, 236; _see_ Bunsen; England; George, King; Goschen

H

Haeckel, Ernst, 197

Hague Tribunal, due to Czar's initiative, 189; Russia desires Austro-Servian problem referred to, 189; actions taken by, in 1907, 204 ff.; 226; 251

_Hamburger Nachrichten_, quoted, 12, 13

Hamilton, Alexander, quoted, 227

Harden, Maximilian, on Germany's war policies, quoted, 12; 243

Harnack, 222

Herzegovina annexed by Austria, 20

I

Italy, not bound by Triple Alliance, x; attitude of, 23 ff.; as affected by Triple Alliance, 24; attitude of, 24, 25; German messages to, suppressed, 29; told that situation would "be cleared up," 35; coöperation of, dependent upon Russia's actions, 65; not advised of intended actions of Germany and Austria, 117; previously sounded by Austria, 119; Germany schemes to acquire support of, 191, 192; _see_ San Giuliano

J

Jefferson, Thomas, quoted, vi

Junkerdom, _see_ Prussia

K

Kaiser, returns to Berlin from Norway, xi; extols the Czar, xxii; spirit of absolutism of, 9; "divine right" of, 9; quoted, 9; fanatic absolutism of, 9; an adherent of brute force, 13; "China speech" of, quoted, 14; "Hun" speech, quoted, 14; Cambon 1913 report concerning, 107; position of, 109 _et seq._; attitude and actions of, in early part of trouble, 138 _et seq._; ultimatum of, to Russia, 141; responsibility of, for war, 141, 142; character of, 142 ff.; does not act in interests of peace, 145 ff.; despatch of, to Czar regarding murder of Archduke, quoted, 147; second message to Czar, 149; fatal error of, 150; third message to Czar, 151; reply of, to King George, 154; message of, to Czar regarding Russia's mobilization, 155; estimate and discussion of actions of, 157; preparing for war, 159; taking steps to alienate England from Allies, 159 ff.; issues ultimatum to Russia, 176; reply of, to last message of Czar, 185, 186; message of, to England regarding neutrality of France, 187; "awful responsibility of," 188; telegram of, to King George, quoted, 193; reason of, for telegram to King George, 193; telegram of, analyzed, 193; blunders of, 194; _see_ Germany

Kudachef, Prince, action of, regarding time extension, 73

L

Lamprecht, 223

Lichnowsky, Prince, affects ignorance, 121; conversation with, cited, 191; query to, regarding results of England's neutrality, 193; conversation of, with Sir Edward Grey concerning Belgian neutrality, 209; 89, 90; _see_ Germany

Liége, French officers at, 230

Luxemburg, invaded, xi; wrong done to, 243

M

Machiavelli, vicious principles of, 4; Bernhardi compared to, 16

Mahan, Admiral, 11

Margerie, M. de, prepares _Yellow Book_, 102

_Militärische Rundschau_, quoted, 114

Moltke, von, opinion of, cited, 6, 7

Morocco controversy, 109 ff.

N

Namur, French officers at, 230

Napoleon III., honor of, 201

Newspapers, American, lack of Austrian dispatches to, before war, 31

Nietzsche, 6

O

_Orange Paper_ (Russia), Russia publishes, 22; quoted regarding Germany's knowledge of Austrian ultimatum, 36; quoted, 36, 68, 69, 73, 74, 85, 91, 92, 95, 97

P

Pachitch, Servian Premier, absent from Belgrade, 32

Penn, William, treaty of, compared to the "scrap of paper," xvi

Poland, compared to Belgium, 218

Prussia, Prussian Junkerdom, 8 ff.; signs "neutrality of Belgium," treaty, 198

R

_Red Book_, analyzed, 30; discloses true Austrian policy, 190; quoted, 190, 191

Reichstag, debate in, quoted, 201, 202, 240, 241

Rumbold, Sir H., letter to, quoted in _White Paper_, 35

Russia, intimidated by Germany, 20; forced to submit in Balkans, 20; publishes _Orange Paper_, 22; suggested by Germany as mediator between Austria and Servia, 35; assured of Germany's ignorance of Austrian ultimatum, 36; assured that Austria will not seize Servian territory, 59, 60; possibility of intervention of, 65; attitude of, 67 ff.; message of, to Austria, quoted, 68, 69; request for time refused, 71; assured that Austria contemplates no acquisition of Servian territory, 74, 75; confers with France and England, 77; suggestions of, to avoid conflict, 77, 78; willing to leave Austro-Servian trouble in hands of the Powers, 80, 81,; proposal of, to Austria, 91; requests Germany to urge conciliation with Austria, 95; proposes its services in keeping Servia quiet, 96; again proposes peace conference, 99; assured that Austria's claims would be acceptable, 123; charge put off until too late, 125; ultimatum of Germany to, 141,; assures Germany of no provocative action upon her part, 152; offers to stop all military preparations, 164 ff; orders general mobilization, 171; refuses to reply to Germany's ultimatum, 178; suggests referring Austro-Servian problem to Hague, 189; "not guilty," 189; offer of, to suspend military preparations, 190; cannot treat direct with Austria, 191; requests England to act as mediator, 191; stipulates suspension of hostilities during mediation, 191; signs "neutrality of Belgium" treaty, 198; _see_ Czar, Kudachef, Sazonof; _see also_ Triple Entente

Russo-Japanese war, xxii

S

San Giuliano, Marquis di, Italian Foreign Minister, quoted, 119

Sazonof, suggestion of, to avoid conflict, 77, 78; good work of, 105; message of, to Austria regarding ultimatum, 126, 28

Schmidt, 223

"Scrap of Paper," vi; xvi; Bethmann-Hollweg's remark, quoted, 220, 221; discusses his remark, 239 ff.; defense for, use of phrase, 239 ff.; "Secret Documents," contents of supposed, 235 ff.

Sedan, battle of, result of Belgium neutrality, 201

Serajevo, murder of Crown Prince of Austria at, 20, 31

Servia, ultimatum to, 19; advised by France, Russia, and Great Britain, 31; formally disclaims responsibility for murder of Archduke, 33; probable effect of humiliation of, 40; refusal of Austrian demands anticipated, 42; reply to Austrian ultimatum quoted in full, 47 _et seq._; population of, 55; warned by Germany, 56; Austro-Servian relations, 56; result of acquiescence to Austria, 60; requested by Triple Entente to make conciliatory reply, 80; reply of, in accord with requests of Triple Entente, 83; offers Austria ample reparation, 114; subjugation of, the "bone of contention," 192

Shaw, George Bernard, opinions of, cited, 14, 15; defense of Germany, 14 ff.; quoted regarding "neutrality of Belgium" treaty, 198; quoted, 248

Siemens, 223

Slav, the, fear of Germany for, xxi

Symonds, John Addington, quoted, 4, 5

Szápáry, Count, 126

T

Tisza, Count, refuses to disclose results of judicial inquiry into murder of Archduke, 113

Treitschke, doctrines of, xvii; _Politik_, cited, 6; doctrines of, based on Machiavelli, 6; influence of, 10

Treaty of 1870, 198 ff.

Treaty of 1839, 198 ff.; 225; 251

Triple Alliance, x; as affecting Italy, 24; terms of, 24; 192; _see_ Austria, Germany, Italy

Triple Entente, proposes peace, xi; lulled into false security, 32 ff.; movements and reports of leading statesmen of, just previous to declaration of war, 32 ff.; ignorant of Austria's ultimatum, 33, 65; still labors for peace, 86; _see also_, France, Great Britain, Russia

Turkey, German officers in, 230

U

United States, supposititious invasion of, by Germany, 225 ff.; position of, 248 ff.

V

Viviani, Premier, quoted regarding Austro-Servian trouble, 31, 32; reply of, to Germany, 192; reply of, to England's query regarding Belgian neutrality, 207; _see_ France

Voltaire, quoted, xvi

Von Below, declares Germany will respect Belgian neutrality, 203; 206; _see_ Germany

Von Bülow, 223

Von der Elst, Baron, 210, 211; _see_ Belgium

Von Gwinner, 223

Von Heeringen, declares Belgian neutrality will be respected, 203; _see_ Germany

Von Jagow, Herr, conversation of, cited, 38, 39; representations of, on Germany's position in Austro-Servian matter, 39; refuses to attend peace conference in London, 93; on Austrian ultimatum, quoted, 94; conversations of, with Cambon, 122 ff.; refuses peace conference, 133; blunders of, 194; declares Germany will respect Belgian neutrality, 202; conversations with Sir Edward Goschen preceding England's declaration of war, 219 ff.; states real purpose of Germany's invasion of Belgium, 222; _see_ Germany

Von Mach, claims France violated Belgian neutrality, 228; on French officers in Belgium, quoted, 231, 232; _What Germany Wants_, 233; arguments of, in defense of Germany, 233 ff.; 197

Von Moltke, General, blunders of, 194

Von Posadowsky, 223

Von Schmoller, 223

Von Schoen, Baron, assures France that Germany is for peace, 130; makes public statement through French Foreign Office, 131 ff.

Von Wilamowitz, 223

W

_What Germany Wants_, cited, 233

_White Paper_ (English), published, 22; analyzed, 27 ff.; quoted, 34 ff.; 36; 37; 38; 39; 41; 56; 76; 82, 83; 86; 93; 94; 97; 99; 159 ff.; 167, 168, 169; 207, 208; 209; 219 _et seq._; _see_ England

_White Paper_ (German), published, 22; suppression of facts in, 27 ff.; suppresses instructions to Ambassador, 191; quoted, 28; 38; 41; 43, 44; 45; 67; 75; 87; 147; 149 ff.; ix; 192; 193; _see_ Germany

Y

_Yellow Book_ (France), published, 23; additional data in, 102 ff.; contents of first chapter of, 106 ff.; throws light on petty finesse of Germany and Austria, 123; cited, 46; quoted, 107 ff.; second chapter of, 113 _et seq._; quoted, 113, 114, 115; 116, 117; 122, 123; 125; 129; 133 ff.; _see_ France

Z

Zabern incident, the, attitude of Crown Prince toward, 14

MYRTLE REED'S NOVELS

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=LAVENDER AND OLD LACE.=

A charming story of a quaint corner of New England where bygone romance finds a modern parallel. The story centers round the coming of love to the young people on the staff of a newspaper--and it is one of the prettiest, sweetest and quaintest of old fashioned love stories, ... a rare book, exquisite in spirit and conception, full of delicate fancy, of tenderness, of delightful humor and spontaneity.

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=THE LAST OF THE PLAINSMEN.=

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=A KNIGHT OF THE CUMBERLAND.=

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=WHITE FANG.= Illustrated by Charles Livingston Bull.

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TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES:

1. Changes have been made to correct obvious typesetters' errors; otherwise, every effort has been made to remain true to the author's words and intent.

2. On some pages in this book, titles were underlined; this has been indicated by the equals sign (=) before and after the title.