CHAPTER XIII

PILGRIMAGES AND RELICS

Pilgrimages and the honour shown to relics are frequently pointed out as, with Indulgences, among the most objectionable features of the pre-Reformation ecclesiastical system. It is assumed that on the eve of the religious changes the abuses in these matters were so patent, that no voice was, or indeed could have been, raised in their defence, and it is asserted that they were swept away without regret or protest as one of the most obvious and necessary items in the general purification of the mediæval church initiated in the reign of Henry VIII. That they had indeed been tolerated at all even up to the time of their final overthrow was in part, if not entirely, due to the clergy, and in particular to the monks who, as they derived much pecuniary benefit from encouraging such practices, did not scruple to inculcate by every means in their power the spiritual advantages to be derived from them. That the objectionable features of these so-called works of piety had long been recognised, is taken for granted, and the examinations of people suspected of entertaining Wycliffite opinions are pointed to as proof that earnest men were alive to these abuses for more than a century before religion was purified from them. As conclusive evidence of this, the names, too, of Chaucer for early times, and of Erasmus for the Reform period, are given as those whose condemnation and even scornful rejection of such practices cannot be doubted. It becomes important, then, for a right understanding of the mental attitude of the people generally to the existing ecclesiastical system at the time of its overthrow, to see how far the outcry against pilgrimages and the devotion to relics was really popular, and what were the precise objections taken to them by the innovators.

It is difficult to exaggerate the importance attached to pilgrimages by our pre-Reformation forefathers. From very early times the practice was followed with eagerness, not to say with devotion, and included not merely visits to the shrines situated within the country itself, but long and often perilous journeys into foreign lands--to Compostella, Rome, and to the Holy Land itself. These foreign pilgrimages of course could be undertaken only by the rich, or by those for whom the requisite money was found by some one unable to undertake the journey in person. Not infrequently the early English wills contain injunctions upon the executors to defray the cost of some poor pilgrim to Spain, to Rome, or to some of the noted shrines on the Continent. The English love for these works of piety in nowise showed any sign of decadence even right up to the period of change. Books furnishing intending pilgrims with necessary information, and vocabularies, even in Greek, were prepared to assist them in their voyages. The itineraries of William Wey, printed by the Roxburghe Club, give a very good idea of what these great religious pilgrimages must have been like at the close of the fifteenth century. In 1462 Wey was in the Holy Land, and describes how joyfully the pilgrims on landing at Jaffa sang the “_Urbs beata Jerusalem_ in faburthyn.” In 1456 he took part in a large English pilgrimage to St. James of Compostella, leaving Plymouth with a shipload of English fellow-pilgrims on May 17. William Wey’s ship was named the _Mary White_, and in company with them six other English ships brought pilgrims from Portsmouth, Bristol, Weymouth, Lymington, and a second from Plymouth. They reached Corunna on May 21st, and Compostella for the great celebration of Trinity Day. Wey was evidently much honoured by being pointed out to the church officials as the chief Englishman of note present, and he was given the post of first bearer of the canopy in the procession of the Blessed Sacrament. Four out of the six poles were carried by his countrymen, whom he names as Austill, Gale, and Fulford.

On their return the pilgrims spent three days at Corunna. They were not allowed to be idle, but religious festivities must have occupied most of their time. On Wednesday, the eve of Corpus Christi day, there was a procession of English pilgrims throughout the city and a mass in honour of the Blessed Virgin. On Corpus Christi itself their procession was in the Franciscan church, and a sermon was preached in English by an English Bachelor in Theology on the theme, _Ecce ego; vocasti me_. “No other nation,” says William Wey, somewhat proudly, “had these special services but the English.” In the first port there were ships belonging to English, Welsh, Irish, Norman, French, and Breton, and the English alone had two and thirty.

Such journeys were not, of course, in those days devoid of danger, especially from sickness brought on, or developed in the course of the travels. Erasmus, in his _Colloquy on Rash Vows_, speaks of losing three in a company. “One dying on the way commissioned us to salute Peter (in Rome) and James (at Compostella) in his name. Another we lost at Rome, and he desired that we should greet his wife and children for him. The third we left behind at Florence, his recovery entirely despaired of, and I imagine he is now in heaven.” That this account of the mortality among pilgrims is not exaggerated is shown in the diary of Sir Richard Torkington, Rector of Mulbarton, in Norfolk. In 1517 he made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and records on “the 25th of August, that was Saynt Bertolmew’s day, deceased Robert Crosse of London, and was buried in the churchyard of Salyus (in the island of Cyprus); and the 27th day of August deceased Sir Thomas Tappe, a priest of the West country, and was cast over the board; as were many more whose souls God assoyl; and then there remained in the ship four English priests more.”[391]

If Englishmen went abroad to the celebrated shrines, foreigners in turn found their way to the no less renowned places of pilgrimage in England. Pilgrims’ inns and places of rest were scattered over the great roads leading to Glastonbury, Walsingham, and Canterbury, and other “holy spots” in this island, and at times these places were thronged with those who came to pay their devotion. At one time we are told that more than a hundred thousand pilgrims were together in the city of Canterbury to celebrate one of the Jubilee celebrations of the martyr St. Thomas; whilst the road to Walsingham was so much frequented, that in the common mind the very “milk way” had been set by Providence in the heaven to point the path to Our Lady’s shrine.

With the very question of pilgrimages, Sir Thomas More actually deals in the first portion of his _Dyalogue_, and it would be difficult to find any authority who should carry greater weight. He first deals with the outcry raised by the followers of Luther against the riches which had been lavished upon the churches, and in particular upon the shrines containing the relics of saints.

Those who so loudly condemn this devotion shown by the church to the saints should know, he says “that the church worships not the saints as God, but as God’s servants, and therefore the honour that is done to them redoundeth principally to the honour of their Master; just as by common custom of people we sometimes, for their master’s sake, reverence and make great cheer for people to whom perhaps except for this we would not have said ‘good morrow.’

“And sure if any benefit or alms, done to one of Christ’s poor folk for his sake, be reputed and accepted by His high goodness, as done unto Himself: and if whosoever receiveth one of His apostles or disciples receives Himself, every wise man may well think that in like manner he who honours His holy saints for His sake, honours Himself, except these heretics think that God were as envious as they are themselves, and that He would be wroth to have any honour done to any other, though it thereby redoundeth unto Himself. In this matter our Saviour Christ clearly declares the contrary, for He shows Himself so well content that His holy saints shall be partakers of His honour that He promises His apostles that at the dreadful doom (when He shall come in His high majesty) they shall have their honourable seats and sit with Himself upon the judgment of the world. Christ also promised that Saint Mary Magdalene should be worshipped through the world and have here an honourable remembrance because she bestowed that precious ointment upon His holy head. When I consider this thing it makes me marvel at the madness of these heretics that bark against the old ancient customs of Christ’s church, mocking at the setting up of candles, and with foolish facetiousness (fallacies) and blasphemous mockery demand whether God and His saints lack light, or whether it be night with them that they cannot see without a candle. They might as well ask what good did that ointment do to Christ’s head? But the heretics grudge the cost now as their brother Judas did then, and say it were better spent on alms upon a poor folk, and thus say many of them who can neither find in their heart to spend on the one nor the other. And some spend sometimes on the one for no other intent, but the more boldly to rebuke against and rail against the other.”

After pointing out how riches were lavished on the temple by God’s special ordinance, Sir Thomas More continues: “If men will say that the money were better spent among poor folk by whom He (_i.e._ God) setteth more store as the living temples of the Holy Ghost made by His own hand than by the temples of stone made by the hand of men, this would perhaps be true if there were so little to do it with that we should be driven by necessity to leave the one undone. But God gives enough for both, and gives divers men divers kinds of devotion, and all to His pleasure. Luther, in a sermon of his, wished that he had in his hand all the pieces of the holy cross, and said if he had he would throw them where the sun should never shine on them. And for what worshipful reason would the wretch do such villainy to the cross of Christ? Because, as he says, there is so much gold now bestowed on the garnishing of the pieces of the cross that there is none left for poor folks. Is not this a high reason? As though all the gold that is now bestowed about the pieces of the holy cross would not have failed to be given to poor men if they had not been bestowed on the garnishing of the cross; and as though there was nothing lost except what is bestowed about Christ’s cross. Take all the gold that is spent about all the pieces of Christ’s cross through Christendom (albeit many a good Christian prince and other godly people have honourably garnished many pieces of it), yet if all the gold were gathered together it would appear a poor portion in comparison with the gold that is bestowed upon cups--what do we speak of cups for? in which the gold, though it is not given to poor men, is saved, and may be given in alms when men will, which they never will; how small a portion, ween we, were the gold about all the pieces of Christ’s cross, if it were compared with the gold that is quite cast away about the gilding of knives, swords, &c.”

Our author then goes on to put in the mouth of the “objector” the chief reasons those who were then the advocates of the religious changes were urging against pilgrimages to the shrines of saints and to special places of devotion to our Blessed Lady. Protesting that he had, of course, no desire to see the images of the saints treated in any way disrespectfully, the objector declares that “yet to go in pilgrimages to them, or to pray to them, not only seemed vain, considering that (if they can do anything) they can do no more for us among them all than Christ can Himself alone who can do all things, nor are they so ready to hear (if they hear us at all) as Christ that is everywhere.”… Moreover, to go a pilgrimage to one place rather than to another “seems to smell of idolatry,” as implying that God was not so powerful in one place as He is in another, and, as it were, making God and His saints “bound to a post, and that post cut out and carved into images. For when we reckon we are better heard by our Lord in Kent than at Cambridge, at the north door of Paul’s than at the south door, at one image of our Lady than at another,” is it not made plain that we “put our trust and confidence in the image itself, and not in God and our Lady,” and think of the image and not of what the image represents.

Further, “men reckon that the clergy gladly favour these ways, and nourish this superstition under the name and colour of devotion, to the peril of people’s souls for the lucre and temporal advantage that they themselves receive from the offerings” (p. 120).

Lest it may be thought that these objections to places of pilgrimage were merely such as Sir Thomas More invented to put into the mouth of the “objector” in order to refute them, the reader may like to have the words of a known advocate of the new ideas. Lancelot Ridley, in his expositions of some of the Epistles, states his views very clearly. “Ignorant people,” he writes, “have preferred the saints before God, and put more trust, more confidence, (look for) more help and succour, in a saint than in God. Yea, I fear me that many have put their help and succour in an image made of stone or of wood by men’s hand, and have done great honour and reverence to the image, believing that great virtue and great holiness was in that image above other images. Therefore that image must have a velvet coat hanged all over with brooches of silver, and much silver hanged about it and on it, with much light burning before it, and with candles always burning before it. I would no man (should put out the light) in contempt of the saint whose image there is, but I would have this evil opinion out of the simple hearts that they should esteem images after the value they are, and put no more holiness in one image than in another, no more virtue in one than in another. It holds the simple people in great blindness, and makes them put great trust and (esteem) great holiness in images, because one image is called our Lady of Grace, another our Lady of Pity, another our Lady of Succour or Comfort; the Holy Rood of such a place, &c.” And this he maintained, though he did not condemn images generally in churches. These he thought useful to remind people of God’s saints and their virtues, and “to stir up our dull hearts and slothful minds to God and to goodness.” What he objected to chiefly was the special places of pilgrimage and special images to which more than ordinary devotion was shown.[392]

In another of his _Expositions_, printed in 1540, Ridley again states his objections to the places of pilgrimage. “Some think,” he writes, “that they have some things of God, and other part of saints, of images, and so divide God’s glory, part to God and part to an image, of wood or of stone made by man’s hand. This some ignorant persons have done in times past, and thanked God for their health and the blessed Lady of Walsingham, of Ipswich, St. Edmund of Bury, Etheldred of Ely, the Lady of Redbourne, the Holy Blood of Hayles, the Holy Rood of Boxley, of Chester, &c., and so other images in this realm to the which have been much pilgrimage and much idolatry, supposing the dead images could have healed them or could have done something for them to God. For this the ignorant have crouched, kneeled, kissed, bobbed and licked the images, giving them coats of cloth, of gold, silver, and of tissue, velvet, damask, and satin, and suffered the living members of Christ to be without a russet coat or a sackcloth to keep them from the cold.”[393]

Again in another place he says that his great objection to images is not that they may not be good in themselves and as a reminder of the holiness of the saints, but that they are used as a means of making money. “Who can tell,” he writes, “half the ways they have found to get, yea to extort money from men by images, by pardons, by pilgrimages, by indulgences, &c. … all invented for money.” The above passages may be taken as fair samples of the outcry against shrines and pilgrimages raised by the English followers of Luther and the advocates of the religious changes generally. It will be noticed that the ground of the objections was in reality only the same as that which induced them to declare against any honour shown to images, whether of Christ or His saints. There is no suggestion of any special abuses connected with particular shrines and places of pilgrimage, such as is often hinted at by those who refer to Chaucer and Erasmus. In addition to the general ground of objection, the only point raised in regard to pilgrimages by the advocates for their suppression was that money was spent upon them which might have been bestowed more profitably on the poor, and that the clergy were enriched by the offerings made at the shrines visited. Sir Thomas More’s reply to the latter suggestion has been already given, and elsewhere his views as to the general question of the danger of people mistaking the nature of the honour shown to images of the saints have been stated at length. With regard to his approval of the principle of pilgrimages there is no room for doubt.

“If the thing were so far from all frame of right religion,” he says, “and so perilous to men’s souls, I cannot perceive why the clergy, for the gain they get thereby, would suffer such abuses to continue. For, first, if it were true that no pilgrimage ought to be used, no image offered to, nor worship done nor prayer offered to any saint, then--if all these things were all undone (if that were the right way, as I wot well it were wrong), then to me there is little question but that Christian people who are in the true faith and in the right way Godward would not thereby in any way slack their good minds towards the ministers of His church, but their devotion towards them would more and more increase. So that if by this way they now get a penny they would not then fail to receive a groat; and so should no lucre be the cause to favour this way if it be wrong, whilst they could not fail to win more by the right.”

“Moreover, look through Christendom and you will find the fruit of those offerings a right small part of the living of the clergy, and such as, though some few places would be glad to retain, yet the whole body might easily forbear without any notable loss. Let us consider our own country, and we shall find that these pilgrimages are for the most part in the hands of such religious persons or of such poor parishes as have no great authority in the convocations. Besides this you will not find, I suppose, that any Bishop in England has the profit of even one groat from any such offering in his diocese. Now, the continuance or breaking of this manner and custom stands them specially in the power of those who take no profit by it. If they believed it to be (as you call it) superstitious and wicked they would never suffer it to continue to the perishing of men’s souls (something whereby they themselves would destroy their own souls and get no commodity either in body or goods). And beyond this, we see that the bishops and prelates themselves visit these holy places and pilgrimages, and make as large offerings and (incur) as great cost in coming and going as other people do, so that they not only take no temporal advantage, but also bestow their own money therein. And surely I believe this devotion so planted by God’s own hand in the hearts of the whole Church, that is to say, not the clergy only, but the whole congregation of all Christian people, that if the spirituality were of the mind to give it up, yet the temporality would not suffer it.”

It would be impossible, without making extensive quotations, to do justice to Sir Thomas More’s argument in favour of the old Catholic practice of pilgrimages. He points out that the whole matter turns upon the question whether or no Almighty God does manifest His power and presence more in one place of His world than in another. That He does so, he thinks cannot be questioned; why He should do so, it is not for us to guess, but the single example of the Angel and the pool of Bethsaida related in St. John’s Gospel is sufficient proof of the fact--at least to Sir Thomas More’s intelligence. Moreover, he thinks also that in many cases the special holiness of a place of pilgrimage has been shown by the graces and favours, and even miracles, which have been granted by God at that particular spot, and on the “objector” waiving this argument aside on the plea that he does not believe in modern miracles, More declares that what is even more than miracles in his estimation is the “common belief in Christ’s Church” in the practice.

As to believing in miracles; they, like every other fact, depend on evidence and proof. It is unreasonable in the highest degree to disbelieve everything which we have not seen or which we do not understand. Miracles, like everything else, must be believed on the evidence of credible witnesses. What in their day, he says, is believed in by all would have been deemed impossible a century or two before; for example, that the earth is round and “sails in mid-air,” and that “men walk on it foot to foot” and ships sail on its seas “bottom to bottom.” Again, “It is not fifty years ago,” he says, “since the first man, as far as men have heard, came to London who ever parted the silver gilt from the silver, consuming shortly the silver into dust with a very fair water.” At first the gold and silver smiths laughed at the suggestion as absurd and impossible. Quite recently also More had been told that it was possible to melt iron and make it “to run as silver or lead doeth, and make it take a print.” More had never, he says, seen this, but he had seen the new invention of drawing out silver into thread-like wires. The “objector” was incredulous, and when More went on to tell him that if a piece of silver had been gilded, it could be drawn out with the gilding into gilt wires, he expressed his disbelief in the possibility of such a thing, and was hardly more satisfied that he was not being deceived when the process was shown to him the next day.

These and such like things, argues More, show us that our knowledge is, after all, very limited, and that while some supposed miracles may be doubted, it is most unreasonable to doubt or deny the possibility of miracles generally. If nature and reason tell us there is a God, the same two prove that miracles are not impossible, and that God can act when He wills against the course of nature. Whether He does in this or that case is plainly a matter of evidence. The importance of Sir Thomas More’s opinion on the matter of Pilgrimage does not, of course, rest upon the nature of his views, which were those naturally of all good Catholic sons of Holy Church, but upon the fact that, in face of the objections which were then made and which were of the kind to which subsequent generations have been accustomed, so learned and liberal a man as he was, did not hesitate to treat them as groundless, and to defend the practice as it was then known in England. That there may have been “abuses” he would have no doubt fully admitted, but that the “abuses” were either so great or so serious as to be any reasonable ground against the “use” he would equally have indignantly denied.

No less clear and definite are his opinions as to “relics” and the honour shown them. The “adversary” in the _Dyalogue_ takes up the usual objections urged against the reverence shown to the remains of the saints, and in particular to the wealth which was lavished upon their shrines. “May the taking up of a man’s bones,” he says, “and setting his carcase in a gay shrine, and then kissing his bare scalp, make a man a saint? And yet are there some unshrined, for no man knoweth where they lie. And men doubt whether some ever had any body at all or not, but to recompense that again some there are who have two bodies, to lend one to some good fellow that lacketh his. For … some one body lies whole in two places asunder, or else the monks of the one be beguiled. For both places plainly affirm that it lieth there, and at either place they show the shrine, and in the shrine they show a body which they say is _the_ body, and boldly allege old writings and miracles also for the proof of it. Now must he confess that either the miracles at the one place be false and done by the devil, or else that the same saint had indeed two bodies. It is therefore likely that a bone worshipped for a relic of some holy saint in some place was peradventure ‘a bone (as Chaucer says) of some holy Jew’s sheep.’” More’s “adversary” then goes on to say that our Lord in reproving the Pharisees for “making fresh the sepulchres of the prophets” condemns the “gay golden shrines made for saints’ bodies, especially when we have no certainty that they are saints at all.”[394]

What all this really amounts to, replies More, is not that your reasons would condemn honour and worship to true relics of the saints, but that “we may be deceived in some that we take for saints--except you would say that if we might by any possibility mistake some, therefore we should worship none.” Few people would say this, and “I see,” says More, “no great peril to us from the danger of a mistake. If there came, for example, a great many of the king’s friends into your country, and for his sake you make them all great cheer; if among them there come unawares to you some spies that were his mortal enemies, wearing his badge and seeming to you and so reported as his familiar friends, would he blame you for the good cheer you made his enemies or thank you for the good cheer you gave his friends?” He then goes on at great length to suggest that, as in the case of the head of St. John the Baptist in which portions only existing in each place are each called “the head,” so, very frequently, only a portion of the body of a saint is called “the body.” He mentions having himself been present at the abbey of Barking thirty years before (_i.e._ in 1498), when a number of relics were discovered hidden in an old image, which must have been put there four or five hundred years since “when the abbey was burned by the infidels.” He thinks that in this way the names of relics are frequently either lost or changed. But he adds, “the name is not so very requisite but that we may mistake it without peril, so that we nevertheless have the relics of holy men in reverence.”

In replying to Tyndale also, More declares that he had never in all his life held views against relics of the saints or the honour due to their holy images. Tyndale had charged him with being compromised by the words used by Erasmus in the _Enconium Moriæ_, which was known to have been composed in More’s house, and was commonly regarded as almost the joint work of the two scholars. If there were anything like this in the _Moriæ_--any words that could mean or seem to mean anything against the true Catholic devotion to relics and images--then More rejects them from his heart. But they are not my words, he adds, “the book being made by another man, though he were my darling never so dear” (p. 422). But the real truth is that in the _Moriæ_ Erasmus never said more or meant more than to “jest upon the abuses of such things.”

In this regard it is of interest to understand what was the real opinion of Erasmus in regard to devotions to particular saints and their images and relics. This is all the more important, as most people regard the account of his two pilgrimages to Walsingham and to Canterbury as full and conclusive evidence of his sentiments. In his tract _Enchiridion Militis Christiani_, published at Louvain in 1518, his views are stated with absolute clearness. “There are some,” he says, “who honour certain saints with some special ceremonies.… One salutes St. Christopher each day, and only in presence of his image. Why does he wish to see it? Simply because he will then feel safe that day from any evil death. Another honours Saint Roch--but why? Because he thinks that he will drive away infection from his body. Others murmur prayers to St. Barbara or St. George, so as not to fall into the hands of any enemy. One man fasts for St. Apollonia, not to have toothache. Some dedicate a certain portion of their gains to the poor so that their merchandise is not destroyed in shipwreck,” &c.[395]

Our author’s point is that in these and such-like things people pray for riches, &c., and do not think much about the right use of them; they pray for health and go on living evil lives. In so far such prayers to the saints are mere superstitions, and do not much differ from the pagan superstitions; the cock to Æsculapius, the tithe to Hercules, the bull to Neptune. “But,” he says, “I praise those who ask from St. Roch a life protected from disease if they would consecrate that life to Christ. I would praise them more if they would pray only for increased detestation of vice and love virtue. I will tolerate infirmity, but with Paul I show the better way.” He would think it, consequently, a more perfect thing to pray only for grace to avoid sin and to please God, and to leave life and death, sickness, health and riches to Him and His will.

“You,” he says farther on, “venerate the saints, you rejoice to possess their relics, but you despise the best thing they have left behind them, namely, the example of a pure life. No devotion is so pleasing to Mary as when you imitate her humility; no religion is so acceptable to the saints and so proper in itself as striving to copy their virtue. Do you wish to merit the patronage of Peter and Paul? Imitate the faith of the one and the charity of the other and you will do more than if you had made ten journeys to Rome. Do you wish to do something to show high honour to St. Francis? You are proud, you are a lover of riches, you are quarrelsome; give these to the saint, rule your soul and be more humble by the example of Francis; despise filthy lucre, and covet rather the good of the soul. Leave contentions aside and overcome evil by good. The saint will receive more honour in this way than if you were to burn a hundred candles to him. You think it a great thing if clothed in the habit of St. Francis you are borne to the grave. This dress will not profit you when you are dead if, when alive, your morals were unlike his.”

“People,” he continues, “honour the relics of St. Paul, and do not trouble to listen to his voice still speaking. They make much of a large portion of one of his bones looked at through a glass, and think little of honouring him really by understanding what he teaches and trying to follow that.” It is the same so often with the honour shown to the crucifix. “You honour,” he says, “the representation of Christ’s face fashioned of stone or of wood or painted in colours, the image of His mind ought to be more religiously honoured, which, by the work of the Holy Spirit, is set forth in the gospels. No Apelles ever sketched the form and figure of a human body in such a perfect way as to compare with the mental image formed in prayer.”

Erasmus then passes on to speak at length of what should lie at the foundation of all true devotion to the saints. The spirit which actuates is that which matters. To put up candles to images of the saints and not to observe God’s laws; to fast and to abstain and not to set a guard on the tongue, to give way to detraction and evil speaking of all kinds; to wear the religious habit and to live the life of a worldling under it; to build churches and not to build up the soul; to keep Sunday observances externally but not to mind what the spirit gives way to--these are the things that really matter. “By your lips you bless and in your heart you curse. Your body is shut up in a narrow cell, and in thought you wander over the whole world. You listen to God’s word with the ears of your body; it would be more to the purpose if you listened inwardly. What doth it profit not to do the evil which you desire to accomplish? What doth it profit to do good outwardly and to do the opposite inwardly? Is it much to go to Jerusalem in the body when in the spirit it is to thee but Sodom and Egypt and Babylon?”[396]

In his tract _De amabili Ecclesiæ concordia_, printed in 1533, Erasmus lays down the same principle. It is, he writes, a pious and good thing to believe that the saints who have worked miracles in the time of their lives on earth, can help us now that they are in heaven. As long as there is no danger of real superstition, it is absurd to try to prevent people invoking the saints. Though superstition in the cultus of the saints is, of course, to be prevented, “the pious and simple affection is sometimes to be allowed even if it be mixed with some error.” As for the representations of the saints in churches, those who disapprove of them should not for that reason “blame those who, without superstition, venerate these images for the love of those they represent, just as a newly-married woman kisses a ring or present left or sent by her absent spouse out of affection for him.” Such affection cannot be displeasing to God, since it comes not from superstition, but from an abundance of affectionate feeling, and exactly the same view should be taken of the true devotion shown to the relics of the saints, provided that it be ever borne in mind that the highest honour that can be paid to them consists in imitation of their lives.

Considering the importance of “indulgences” or “pardons,” as they were frequently called, in the Reformation controversies, it is curious that very little is made of them in the literature of the period preceding the religious changes. If we except the works of professed followers of Luther, there is hardly any trace of serious objection being raised to the fundamental idea of “indulgences” in their true sense. Here and there may be found indications of some objection to certain abuses which had been allowed to creep into the system, but these proceeded from loyal sons of the Church rather than from those ill affected to the existing ecclesiastical authority, or those who desired to see the abolition of all such grants of spiritual favours. The lawyer Saint-German, for instance, may be taken as an example of the acute layman, who, although professing to be a Catholic and an obedient son of the Church, was credited by his contemporaries with holding advanced if not somewhat heterodox views on certain matters of current controversy. What he has to say about “pardons” and “indulgences” is neither very startling nor indeed very different from what all serious-minded churchmen of that day held. He considered that the people generally were shocked at finding “the Pope and other spiritual rulers” granting “pardons” for the payment of money. This, he considered, had been brought prominently into notice at the time he was writing, by the indulgences granted to those who should contribute to the building of St. Peter’s when “it has appeared after, evidently that it has not been disposed to that use. And that has caused many to think that the said pardons were granted rather of covetousness than of charity, or for the health of the souls of the people. And thereupon some have fallen in a manner into despising ‘pardons’ as though pardons granted upon such covetousness would not avail … and verily it were a great pity that any misliking of pardons should grow in the hearts of the people for any misdemeanour in the grantor or otherwise, for they are right necessary. And I suppose that if certain pardons were granted freely without money, for the saying of certain appointed prayers, then all misliking of pardons would shortly cease and vanish away.”[397]

Christopher Saint-German speaks much in the same way as to the evil of connecting payment of money with the granting of indulgences, in the work in connection with which his name is chiefly known, _A Dyaloge in English between a Student and a Doctor of Divinity_. “If it were so ordered by the Pope,” he writes, “that there might be certain general pardons of full remission in diverse parts of the realm, which the people might have for saying certain orisons and prayers without paying any money for it, it is not unlikely that in a short time there would be very few that would find any fault with ‘pardons.’ For verily it is a great comfort to all Christian people to remember that our Lord loved His people so much that to their relief and comfort leave behind Him so great a treasure as is the power to grant pardons, which, as I suppose, next unto the treasure of His precious body in the Sacrament of the altar, may be accounted among the greatest, and therefore he would labour greatly to his own hurt and to the great heaviness of all others also who would endeavour to prove that there was no such power left by God.”[398]

In the literature of the period, it must be remembered, there is nothing to show that the true nature of a “pardon” or indulgence was not fully and commonly understood. There is no evidence that it was in any way interpreted as a remission of sin, still less that any one was foolish enough to regard it as permission to commit this or that offence against God. Tyndale, indeed, had suggested that by purchasing an indulgence “thou mayest quench almost the terrible fire of hell for three halfpence.” But Sir Thomas More meets the point directly. “Nay, surely,” he says, “that fire is not so lightly quenched that folk upon the boldness of pardons should stand out of the fear of purgatory. For though the sacrament of penance is able to put away the eternal (nature) of the pain, yet the party for all that has cause to fear both purgatory and hell too, lest some default on his own part prevented God working such grace in him in the Sacrament as should serve for this. So, though the pardon be able to discharge a man of purgatory, yet there may be such default in the party to whom the pardon is granted that although instead of three halfpence he gives three hundred pounds, still he may receive no pardon at all, and therefore he cannot be out of fear of purgatory, but ever has cause to fear it. For no man without a revelation can be sure whether he be partaker of the pardon or not, though he may have and ought to have both in that and every good thing good hope.”[399]

Bishop Gardiner in 1546, in writing against George Joye, incidentally makes use of some strong expressions about the granting of pardons for the payment of money, and blames the friars as being instrumental in spreading them. He has been asserting that by every means in his power the devil, now in one way and now in another, attempts to prevent men from practising the good works necessary for salvation. “For that purpose,” he says, “he procured out pardons from Rome, wherein heaven was sold for a little money, and to retail that merchandise the devil used friars for his ministers. Now they be all gone with all their trumpery; but the devil is not yet gone, for now the cry is that ‘heaven needs no works at all, but only belief, only, only, and nothing else.’”[400]

This, after all, was very little more than the abuse which previously was pointed out by the cardinal who, conjointly with Cardinal Caraffa, afterwards Pope Paul IV., had been directed to draw up suggestions for improvement of ecclesiastical discipline. The document drawn up by Caraffa himself was submitted to the Pope by his command, and amongst the points which were declared to need correction were the granting of indulgences for money payments and permission given to travelling collectors, such as the Questors of the Holy Spirit, &c., to bestow “pardons” in return for subscriptions. This, in the judgment of the four cardinals, is likely to lead to misunderstandings as to the real nature of the indulgences granted, to deceive rustic minds, and to give rise to all manner of superstitions.[401]

Cardinal Sadolet, one of the four cardinals who formed the Papal Commission just referred to, in an appeal to the German princes makes the same adverse criticism about the money payments received for the granting of indulgences. “The whole of Germany,” he says, “has been convulsed by the indulgences granted by Pope Leo. X. to those who would contribute to the building of St. Peter’s. These indulgences,” he says, “and consequently the agents in distributing them, I do not now defend. And I remember that, as far as my position and honour would then allow, I spoke against them when those decrees were published, and when my opinion had no effect I was greatly grieved.” He did not, he continued, doubt the power of the Pope in granting the indulgences, but held that “in giving them, the manner now insisted on with every care by the supreme Pontiff, Paul III., ought to be maintained, namely, that they should be granted freely, and that there should be no mention of money in regard to them. The loving-kindness and mercy of God should not be sold for money, and if anything be asked for at the time, it should be requested as a work of piety.”[402]

The above will show that earnest-minded men were fully alive to the abuses which might be connected with the granting of indulgences, and no condemnation could have been stronger than that formulated by the Council of Trent. At the same time, it is clear that the abuses of the system were, so far as England at least is concerned, neither widespread nor obvious. The silence of Sir Thomas More on the matter, and the very mild representations of his adversary, Christopher Saint-German, show that this is the case. Saint-German’s objection was not against the system, but against the same kind of abuses against which subsequently the Fathers of Trent legislated. The reformers attacked not the abuses only but the whole system, and their language has quite unjustly been frequently interpreted by subsequent writers as evidence of the existence everywhere of widespread abuses. In this regard it is well to bear in mind that the translation of the works of the German reformers into English cannot be taken as contemporary evidence for England itself.

The cry of the advanced party which would sweep away every vestige of the old religious observances was certainly not popular. One example of a testimony to the general feeling in London is given in a little work printed by one of the reforming party in 1542, when it was found that Henry VIII. did not advance along the path of reformation marked out by the foreign followers of Luther as quickly as his rejection of papal supremacy and the overthrow of the religious houses had caused some people to hope. The tract in question is called _The lamentation of a Christian against the Citie of London, made by Roderigo Mors_,[403] and some quotations from it will show what view an ardent reformer took of the spirit of Londoners towards the new doctrines. “The greater part of these inordinate rich, stiff-necked citizens,” he writes, “will not have in their houses that lively word of our souls[404] nor suffer their servants to have it, neither yet (will they) gladly read it or hear it read, but abhors and disdains all those who would live according to the Gospel, and instead thereof they set up and maintain idolatry and other innumerable wickedness of man’s invention daily committed in the city of London.

“The greatest part of the seniors and aldermen, with the multitude of the inordinate rich … with the greatest multitude of thee, O city of London, take the part and be fully bent with the false prophets, the bishops and other strong, stout, and sturdy priests of Baal, to persecute unto death all and every godly person who either preaches the word or setteth it forth in writing … O Lord! how blind are these citizens who take so good care to provide for the dead which is not commanded of them nor availeth the dead.[405]… When they feel themselves worthily plagued, which comes of Thee only, then they will run a-gadding after their false prophets through the streets once or twice a week, crying and calling to creatures of the Creator, or with _ora pro nobis_, and that in a tongue which the greatest part of them understand not, unto Peter, Paul, James and John, Mary and Martha: and I think within a few years they will (without Thy great mercy) call upon Thomas Wolsey, late Cardinal, and upon the unholy (or as they would say holy) maid of Kent. Why not, as well as upon Thomas Becket? What he was, I need not write. It is well known.[406]

“And think ye not that if the Blessed Virgin Mary were now upon earth and saw her Son and only Redeemer robbed of His glory, which glory, you blind citizens give to her, would she not rend her clothes like as did the Apostles, for offering oblations with their forefathers’ kings’ heads unto the Queen of Heaven? How many queens of Heaven have ye in the Litany? O! dear brethren, be no longer deceived with these false prophets your bishops and their members.”[407]

“The great substance which you bestow upon chantries, obits, and such like dregs of … Rome, which most commonly ye give for three causes, as ye say, first, that you will have the service of God maintained in the church to God’s honour, and yet by the same service is God dishonoured, for the Supper of the Lord is perverted and not used after Christ’s institution … and the holy memory turned into a vain superstitious ceremonial Mass, as they call it, which Mass is an abominable idol, and of all idols the greatest; and never shall idolatry be quenched where that idol is used after antichrist’s institution … which no doubt shall be reformed when the time is come that God hath appointed, even as it is already in divers cities of Germany, as Zurich, Basle, and Strasburg and such other.”

“The second cause is for redeeming your souls and your friends, which is also abominable.… The idolator nowadays, if he set a candle before an image and idol, he says he does not worship the image, but God it represents. For say they, who is so foolish as to worship an image? The third cause of your good intent is that the profit of your goods may come to the priests; as though they were the peculiar people of God and only beloved; as indeed to those who preach the Gospel the people are bound to give sufficient living … but not that their prayers can help the dead no more than a man’s breath blowing a sail can cause a great ship to sail. So is this also become an abomination, for those be not Christ’s ministers, but the ministers of a rabble of dirty traditions and popish ceremonies, and you find a sort of lusty lubbers who are well able to labour for their living and strong to get it with the sweat of their face.”[408]

“… O ye citizens, if ye would turn but even the profits of your chantries and obits to the finding of the poor, what a politic and goodly provision! whereas now London being one of the flowers of the world as touching worldly riches hath so many, yea innumerable poor people, forced to go from door to door and to sit openly in the streets begging, and many not able to do otherwise but lie in their houses in most grievous pains and die for lack of the aid of the rich, to the great shame of thee, oh London!”[409]

After exclaiming against the amount of money spent by the authorities of the city of London on civic entertainments, and railing against the support given to “the Mass of Scala cœli, of the Five wounds, and other such like trumpery,” our author continues: “Have you not slain the servants of the Lord, only for speaking against the authority of the false bishop of Rome, that monstrous beast, whom now you yourselves do, or should, abhor? I mean all his laws being contrary to Christ and not His body, and yet you see that a few years past you burnt for heretics abominable those who preached or wrote against his usurped power, and now it is treason to uphold or maintain any part of his usurped power, and he shall die as a traitor who does so, and well worthy.”[410]

After declaiming against the Mass and confession, and declaring that the bishops and cathedral churches should be despoiled of their wealth as their “companions and brethren in antichrist, the abbots” had been, the author of the tract goes on: “God gave the king a heart to take the wicked mammon from you, as he may rightfully do with the consent of the Commons by Act of Parliament, so that it may be disposed of according to God’s glory and the commonwealth, and to take himself as portion, as (say) eight or ten of every hundred, for an acknowledgment of obedience and for the maintenance of his estate. The rest politically to be put into a commonwealth, first distributed among all the towns in England in sums according to the quantity and number of the occupiers and where most need is, and all the towns to be bound to the king so that he may have the money at his extreme need to serve him, he rendering it again. And also a politic way (should be) taken for provision of the poor in every town, with some part to the marriage of young persons that lack friends.”[411]

The bishops the writer considers to be the greatest obstacles to the reformation of religion in England on the model of what had already taken place in Germany. “You wicked mammon,” he continues, “your inordinate riches was not of your heavenly Father’s planting; therefore it must be plucked up by the roots with the riches of your other brethren of the Romish church or church malignant, which of late were rightfully plucked up. I would to God that the distribution of the same lands and goods had been as godly distributed as the act of the rooting up was; which distribution of the same I dare say all Christian hearts lament. For the fat swine only were greased, but the poor sheep to whom that thing belonged had least or nothing at all. The fault will be laid to those of the Parliament House, especially to those who bear the greatest swing. Well, I touch this matter here, to exhort all that love God’s word unfeignedly to be diligent in prayer only to God to endue the Lords, Knights, and Burgesses of the next Parliament with His spirit, that the lands and goods of these bishops may be put to a better use, as to God’s glory, the wealth of the commonalty and provision for the poor.”[412]

The above lengthy extracts will show what the advanced spirits among the English followers of Luther hoped for from the religious revolution which had already, when the tract was written, been begun. It will also serve to show that even in London, which may be supposed to have been in the forefront of the movement, the religious changes were by no means popular; but the civic authorities and people clung to the old faith and traditions, which the author well and tersely describes as “the Romish religion.”

* * * * *

The readers of the foregoing pages will see that no attempt has been made to draw a definite conclusion from the facts set down, or expound the causes of the ultimate triumph of the Reformation principles in England. It has already been pointed out that the time for a satisfactory synthesis is not yet come; but it may not be unnecessary to deprecate impatience to reach an ultimate judgment.

The necessary assumption which underlies the inherited Protestant history of the Reformation in the sixteenth century is the general corruption of manners and morals no less than of doctrine, and the ignorance of religious truths no less than the neglect of religious precepts on the part of both clergy and people. On such a basis nothing can be easier and simpler than to account for the issue of the English religious changes. The revival of historical studies and the alienation of the minds of many historians from traditional Christianity, whether in its Catholic or Protestant form, has, however, thrown doubt on this great fundamental assumption--a doubt that will be strengthened the more the actual conditions of the case are impartially and thoroughly investigated. Many of the genuine sources of history have only within this generation become really accessible; what was previously known has been more carefully examined and sifted, whilst men have begun to see that if the truth is to be ascertained inquiries must be pursued in detail within local limits, and that it does not suffice to speak in general terms of “the corrupt state of the Church.”

If we are to know the real factors of the problem to be solved, separate investigations have to be pursued which lead to very varying conclusions as to the state of the Church, the ecclesiastical life and the religious practices of the people in different countries. It is already evident that the corruptions or the virtues prevailing in one quarter must not straightway be credited to the account of another; that the reason why one country has become Protestant, or another remained Catholic, has to be sought for in each case, and that it may be safely asserted that the maintenance of Catholicity or the adoption of Protestantism in different regions, had comparatively little to do with prevalence or absence of abuses, or as little depended on the question whether these were more or less grievous.

Unquestionably those who desire to have a ready explanation of great historical movements or revolutions, find themselves increasingly baulked in the particular case of the Reformation by the new turn which modern historical research has given to the consideration of the question. Recent attempts to piece up the new results with the old views afford a warning against precipitation, and have but shown that the explanation of the successful issue of the Reformation in England is a problem less simple or obvious than many popular writers have hitherto assumed. The factors are clearly seen now to be many--sometimes accidental, sometimes strongly personal--whilst aspirations after worldly commodities, though destined not to be realised for the many, were often and in the most influential quarters a stronger determinant to acquiescence or active co-operation in the movement than thirst after pure doctrine, love of the open Bible, or desire for a vernacular liturgy. The first condition for the understanding of the problem at all is the most careful and detailed examination possible of the state of popular religion during the whole of the century which witnessed the change, quite apart from the particular political methods employed to effect the transition from the public teaching of the old faith, as it was professed in the closing years of the reign of Henry VIII., and the new as it was officially practised a dozen years after Elizabeth had held the reins of power.

The interest of the questions discussed in the present volume is by no means exclusively, perhaps to some persons is even by no means predominantly, a religious one. It has been insisted upon in the preceding pages that religion on the eve of the Reformation was intimately bound up with the whole social life of the people, animating it and penetrating it at every point. No one who is acquainted with the history of later centuries in England can doubt for a moment that the religion then professed presented in this respect a contrast to the older faith; or as some writers may put it, religion became restricted to what belongs to the technically “religious” sphere. But this was not confined to England, or even to Protestant countries. Everywhere, it may be said, in the centuries subsequent to the religious revolution of the sixteenth century, religion became less directly social in its action; and if the action and interference of what is now called the State in every department of social life is continually extending, this may not inaptly be said to be due to the fact that it has largely taken up the direct social work and direction from which the Church found herself perhaps compelled to recede, in order to concentrate her efforts more intensely on the promotion of more purely and strictly religious influences. It is impossible to study the available sources of information about the period immediately preceding the change without recognising that, so far from the Church being a merely effete or corrupt agency in the commonwealth, it was an active power for popular good in a very wide sense. At any rate, whatever view we may take of the results of the Reformation, to understand rightly the conditions of religious thought and life on the eve of the religious revolution, is a condition of being able really to read aright our own time and to gauge the extent to which present tendencies find their root or their justification in the past.

FOOTNOTES

[1] _Opera_ (ed. Frankfort), tom. x. p. 56, quoted by Janssen.

[2] J. L. Andre, in _Sussex Archæological Journal_, xxxix. p. 31.

[3] The use of the expression “New Learning” as meaning the revival of letters is now so common that any instance of it may seem superfluous. Green, for example, in his _History of the English People_, vol. ii. constantly speaks of it. Thus (p. 81), “Erasmus embodied for the Teutonic peoples the quickening influence of the New Learning during the long scholar-life which began at Paris and ended amidst sorrow at Basle.” Again (p. 84), “the group of scholars who represented the New Learning in England.” Again (p. 86), “On the universities the influence of the New Learning was like a passing from death to life.” Again (p. 125), “As yet the New Learning, though scared by Luther’s intemperate language, had steadily backed him in his struggle.”

[4] _Sermons._ London: Robert Caly, 1557, p. 36.

[5] _The Praier and Complaynte of the Ploweman unto Christ_, sig. Aij.

[6] R. V. _The olde Faith of Great Brittayne, &c._--The style of the book may be judged by the following passages:--“How say you (O ye popish bishops and priests which maintain Austen’s dampnable ceremonies)--For truly so long as ye say masse and lift the bread and wine above your heads, giving the people to understand your mass to be available for the quick and the dead, ye deny the Lord that bought you; therefore let the mass go again to Rome, with all Austen’s trinkets, and cleave to the Lord’s Supper”.… Again:--“Gentle reader: It is not unknown what an occasion of sclander divers have taken in that the king’s majesty hath with his honourable council gone about to alter and take away the abuse of the communion used in the mass.… The ignorant and unlearned esteem the same abuse, called the mass, to be the principal point of Christianity, to whom the altering thereof appears very strange.… Our popish priests still do abuse the Lord’s Supper or Communion, calling it still a new name of _Missa_ or Mass.” The author strongly objects to those like Bishop Gardiner and Dr. Smythe who have written in defence of the old doctrine of the English Church on the Blessed Sacrament: “Yea, even the mass, which is a derogation of Christ’s blood. For Christ left the sacrament of his body and blood in bread and wine to be eaten and drunk in remembrance of his death, and not to be looked upon as the Israelites did the brazen serpent.… Paul saith not, as often as the priest lifts the bread and wine above his shaven crown, for the papists to gaze at.” All this, as “the New Learning” brought over to England by St. Augustine of Canterbury, the author would send back to Rome from whence it came.

[7] Urbanus Regius, _A comparison betwene the old learnynge and the newe_, translated by William Turner. Southwark: Nicholson, 1537, sig. Aij to Cvij.

[8] _Opera_ (ed. Le Clerc), Ep. 583.

[9] Ibid., Ep. 751.

[10] Remigio Sabbadini, _La Scuola e gli studi di Guarino Guarini Veronese_, pp. 217-18.

[11] R. Sabbadini, _Guarino Veronese et il suo epistolario_, p. 57.

[12] The Earl was a confrater and special friend of the monks of Christchurch, Canterbury. In 1468-69, Prior Goldstone wrote to the Earl, who had been abroad “on pilgrimage” for four years, to try and obtain for Canterbury the usual jubilee privileges of 1470. In his Obit in the Canterbury _Necrology_ (MS. Arund. 68 f. 45d) he is described as “vir undecumque doctissimus, omnium liberalium artium divinarumque simul ac secularium litterarum scientia peritissimus.”

[13] Leland (_De Scriptoribus Britannicis_, 482) calls him Tillœus, and this has been generally translated as Tilly. In the _Canterbury Letter Books_ (Rolls Series, iii. 291) it appears that Prior Selling was greatly interested in a boy named Richard Tyll. In 1475, Thomas Goldstone, the warden of Canterbury Hall, writes to Prior Selling about new clothes and a tunic and other expenses “scolaris tui Ricardi Tyll.” In the same volume, p. 315, is a letter of fraternity given to “Agnes, widow of William Tyll,” and on February 7, 1491, she received permission to be buried where her husband, William Tyll, had been interred, “juxta tumbam sancti Thomæ martyris.”

[14] _Canterbury Letters_ (Camden Soc.), pp. 13, 15.

[15] C. C. C. C. MS. 417 f. 54d: “Item hoc anno videlicet 6 Kal. Oct. D. Willms Selling celebravit primam suam missam et fuit sacerdos summæ missæ per totam illam ebdomadam.”

[16] _Literæ Cantuarr._ (Rolls Series), iii. 239.

[17] Leland, _De Scriptoribus Britannicis_, p. 482. _Cf._ also _Canterbury Letters_ (Camden Soc.), p. xxvii.

[18] Leland, _ut supra_.

[19] Umberto Dallari, _I rotuli dei Lettori, &c., dello studio Bolognese dal 1384 al 1799_, p. 51.

[20] Serafino Mazzetti, _Memorie storiche sopra l’università di Bologna_, p. 308.

[21] Leland, _ut supra_.

[22] B. Mus. Arundel MS. 68, f. 4. The Obit in Christchurch MS. D. 12, says: “Sacræ Theologiæ Doctor. Hic in divinis agendis multum devotus et lingua Græca et Latina valde eruditus.… O quam laudabiliter se habuit opera merito laudanda manifesto declarant.”

[23] In the Canterbury Registers (Reg. R.) there is a record which evidently relates to Selling’s previous stay in Rome as a student. On October 3, 1469, the date of Selling’s second departure for Rome, the Prior and convent of Christchurch granted a letter to Pietro dei Milleni, a citizen of Rome, making him a _confrater_ of the monastery in return for the kindness shown to Dr. William Selling, when in the Eternal City. This letter, doubtless, Selling carried with him in 1469.

[24] _The Old English Bible and other Essays_, p. 306.

[25] B. Mus. Cotton MS. Julius F. vii., f. 118.

[26] One of Prior Selling’s first acts of administration was apparently to procure a master for the grammar school at Canterbury. He writes to the Archbishop: “Also please it your good faderhood to have in knowledge that according to your commandment, I have provided for a schoolmaster for your gramerscole in Canterbury, the which hath lately taught gramer at Wynchester and atte Seynt Antonyes in London. That, as I trust to God, shall so guide him that it shall be worship and pleasure to your Lordship and profit and encreas to them that he shall have in governance.”--_Hist. MSS. Com._ 9th Report, App. p. 105.

[27] I. Noble Johnson, _Life of Linacre_, p. 11. Among the great benefactors to Canterbury College, Oxford, was Doctor Thomas Chaundeler, Warden of New College. In 1473, the year after the election of Prior Selling, the Chapter of Christchurch, Canterbury, passed a resolution that, in memory of his great benefits to them, his name should be mentioned daily in the conventual mass at Canterbury, and that at dinner each day at Oxford he should be named as founder.

[28] Galeni, _De Temperamentis libri tres, Thoma Linacro interpretante_, is dedicated to Pope Leo X., with a letter from Linacre dated 1521. “The widow’s mite was approved by Him whose vicar on earth” Pope Leo is, so this book is only intended to recall common studies, though in itself of little interest to one having the care of the world.

[29] G. Lilii, _Elogia_, ed. P. Jovii, p. 91.

[30] Ibid., lxiii. p. 145.

[31] Sir Thomas More writing to Colet says: “I pass my time here (at Oxford) with Grocyn, Linacre, and our (George) Lilly: the first as you know the only master of my life, when you are absent; the second, the director of my studies; the third, my dearest companion in all the affairs of life” (J. Stapleton, _Tres Thomæ_, p. 165.) Another constant companion of More at Oxford was Cuthbert Tunstall, one of the most learned men of his day, afterwards in succession Bishop of London and Durham. Tunstall dedicated to More his tract _De arte supputandi_, which he printed at Paris in 1529.

[32] Reg. Warham, in Knight’s _Erasmus_, p. 22 _note_.

[33] Encyclop. Brit. _sub nomine_.

[34] Ibid.

[35] Ugo Balzani, _Un’ ambasciata inglese a Roma_, Società Romana di storia patria, iii. p. 175 _seqq._ Of this an epitome is given in Bacon’s _Henry VII._, p. 95. Count Ugo Balzani says: “Il prior di Canterbury sembra essere veramente stato l’anima dell’ ambasciata.” Burchardus, _Rerum Urbanarum Commentarii_ (ed. Thuasne), i. p. 257, gives a full account of the reception of this embassy in Rome and by the Pope.

[36] Harl. MS. 6237, and Add. MS. 15,673.

[37] In the same beautifully written volume is a printed tract addressed to the Venetian Senate in 1471 against princes taking church property. The tract had been sent to the Prior of Christchurch by Christopher Urswick, with a letter, in which, to induce him to read it, he says it is approved by Hermolaus Barbarus and Guarini. Christopher Urswick was almoner to Henry VII., and to him Erasmus dedicated three of his works.

[38] Leland, _De Scriptoribus Britannicis_, 482.

[39] This information I owe to the kindness of Dr. Montague James.

[40] _Canterbury Letters_ (Camden Soc.), p. xxvii.

[41] Ibid., p. 36, a letter in which Dr. Langton asks Prior Selling to “attend to the drawing of it.” The draft sermon is in Cleop. A. iii.

[42] Richard Pace, _De Fructu_, p. 27. The work _De Fructu_ was composed at Constance, where Pace was ambassador, and where he had met his old master, Paul Bombasius. He dedicates the tract to Colet, who had done so much to introduce true classical Latin into England, in place of the barbarous language formerly used. The work was suggested to him by a conversation he had in England two years before, on his return from Rome, with a gentleman he met at dinner, who strongly objected to a literary education for his children, on the ground that he disapproved of certain expressions made use of by Erasmus. The tract shows on what a very intimate footing Pace was with Bombasius.

[43] _De Fructu_, p. 99. Pace published at Venice in 1522, _Plutarchi Cheronei Opuscula_, and dedicated the work to Bishop Tunstall. He reminds the bishop of their old student days, and says the translation has been examined by their “old master, Nicholas Leonicus.”

[44] Ibid.

[45] Ibid.

[46] Ibid., p. 51. “Quas vocant proportionum inductiones … antiquitatem superasse.”

[47] More to the University of Oxford, in Knight’s _Erasmus_, p. 31.

[48] Bishop Fisher’s love and zeal for learning is notorious. He did all in his power to assist in the foundation of schools of sound learning at Cambridge, and especially to encourage the study of Greek. Richard Croke, the protégé of Archbishop Warham and Bishop Fisher, after teaching Greek in 1516 at Leipzig, was sent by Fisher in 1519 to Cambridge to urge the utility of Greek studies at that university. In the _Orationes_ he delivered there, after speaking of the importance of Greek for all Biblical study, he says that Oxford had taken up the work with great avidity, since “they have there as their patrons besides the Cardinal (Wolsey), Canterbury (Warham), and Winchester, all the other English bishops except the one who has always been your great stay and helper, the Bishop of Rochester, and the Bishop of Ely.” It was entirely owing to Bishop Fisher’s generosity, and at his special request, that Croke had gone to Cambridge rather than to Oxford, whither his connection with Warham, More, Linacre, and Grocyn would have led him, in order to carry on the work begun by Erasmus.

[49] Thomas Lupset was educated by Colet, and learnt his Latin and Greek under William Lilly, going afterwards to Oxford. There he made the acquaintance of Ludovico Vives, and at his exhortation went to Italy. He joined Reginald Pole in his studies at Padua, and on his return, after acting as Thomas Winter’s tutor in Paris, he held a position first as a teacher and then in Cardinal Wolsey’s household. In his _Exhortation to Young Men_, persuading them to a good life, “written at More, a place of my Lord Cardinal’s,” in 1529, he gives a charming account of his relation with a former pupil. “It happeneth,” he says, “at this time (my heartily beloved Edmund) that I am in such a place where I have no manner of books with me to pass the time after my manner and custom. And though I had here with me plenty of books, yet the place suffereth me not to spend in them any study. For you shall understand that I lie waiting on my Lord Cardinal, whose hours I must observe, to be always at hand lest I be called when I am not bye, which would be straight taken for a fault of great negligence. I am well satiated with the beholding of these gay hangings that garnish here every wall.” As a relief he turns to address his young friend Edmund. Probably Edmund doesn’t understand his affection, because he had always acted on the principle he has “been taught, that the master never hurteth his scholar more than when he uttereth and sheweth by cherishing and cokering the love he beareth to his scholars.” Edmund is now “of age, and also by the common board of houseling admitted into the number of men, and to be no more in the company of children,” and so now he can make known his affection. “This mind had I to my friend Andrew Smith, whose son Christopher, your fellow, I ever took for my son.… If you will call to your mind all the frays between you and me, or me and Smith, you will find that they were all out of my care for ‘your manners.’ When I saw certain fantasies in you or him that jarred from true opinions, the which true opinions, above all learning, I would have masters ever teach their scholars. Wherefore, my good withipol, take heed of my lesson.”

[50] John Clement, a protégé of Sir Thomas More, was afterwards a doctor of renown not only in medicine but in languages. He had been a member of More’s household, which Erasmus speaks of as “schola et gymnasium Christianæ religionis.” He is named at the beginning of the _Eutopia_, and Sir Thomas, in writing to Erasmus, says that Linacre declared that he had had no pupil at Oxford equal to him. John Clement translated several ancient Greek authors into Latin, amongst others many letters of St. Gregory Nazianzen and the Homilies of Nicephorus Callistus on the Saints of the Greek Calendar. Stapleton, in his _Tres Thomæ_ (p. 250), says he had himself seen and examined with the originals these two voluminous translations at the request of John Clement himself. He had married Margaret, the ward of Sir Thomas More, and in the most difficult places of his translation he was helped by his wife, who, with the daughters of Sir Thomas, had been his disciple and knew Greek well. Mary Roper, More’s granddaughter, and the daughter of Margaret Roper, translated Eusebius’s _History_ from Greek into Latin, but it was never published, because Bishop Christopherson had been at work on a similar translation. On the change of religion in Elizabeth’s reign, John Clement and his wife, with the Ropers, took refuge in the Low Countries. Paulus Jovius, in his _Descriptio Britanniæ_, p. 13, speaks of all three daughters of Sir Thomas More being celebrated for their knowledge of Latin.

[51] Erasmi _Opera_ (ed. 1703), Col. 40.

[52] Ibid., Ep. 241.

[53] Ibid., Ep. 363.

[54] To take one example, Thomas Millyng, who as Bishop of Hereford died in 1492, had studied at Gloucester Hall, Oxford, as a monk of Westminster. During the old age of Abbot Fleet, of Westminster, he governed the monastery, and became its abbot in 1465. He was noted for his love of studies, and especially for his knowledge of Greek. This, says the writer of his brief life in the _National Biographical Dictionary_, was “a rare accomplishment for _monks_ in those days.” He might have added, and for any one else!

[55] Dennistoun, _Memorials of the Dukes of Urbino_, iii., pp. 415 _seqq._

[56] Erasmus to Abbot Bere. _Opera_, Ep. 700.

[57] MS. Bodl. 80. It is the autograph copy of Free, _cf._ J. W. Williams, _Somerset Mediæval Libraries_, p. 87. It was Abbot Bere who, in 1506, presented John Claymond, the learned Greek scholar, to his first benefice of Westmonkton, in the county of Somerset. In 1516 Claymond became first President of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, often after signing himself, _Eucharistiæ servus_. Dr. Claymond procured for his college several Greek manuscripts which had belonged to Grocyn and Linacre, which are still possessed by it. At the end of MS. XXIII., which is a volume containing ninety homilies of St. John Chrysostom in Greek, is an inscription stating that this, and MS. XXIV., were copied in the years 1499 and 1500 by a Greek from Constantinople, named John Serbopylas, then living and working at Reading.

[58] Ludovico Vives had been invited over to England by Cardinal Wolsey to lecture on rhetoric at Oxford. He lived at Corpus Christi College, then ruled by Dr. John Claymond, whom in his tract _De conscribendis Epistolis_ he calls his “father.” The fame of this Spanish master of eloquence drew crowds to his lectures at the university, and amongst the audience Henry and Queen Katherine might sometimes be seen. For a time he acted also as tutor to the Princess Mary, and dedicated several works to the queen, to whose generosity he says he owed much. He took her side in the “divorce” question, and was thrown into prison for some weeks for expressing his views on the matter. Fisher, More, and Tunstall were his constant friends in England, and of Margaret Roper he writes, “from the time I first made her acquaintance I have loved her as a sister.” Among his pupils at Louvain, besides the above-named Canterbury monk, John Digon, he mentions with great affection Nicholas Wotton, whom the antiquary Twyne speaks of as returning to England with Digon and Jerome Ruffaldus, who calls Vives his “Jonathan,” and who subsequently became abbot of St. Vaast, Arras.

[59] J. Venn, _Gonville and Caius College_ (1349-1897), Vol. I.

[60] Ibid., p. xvi.

[61] Ibid., p. 18.

[62] Ibid., p. 23.

[63] Ibid., p. 21.

[64] Ibid., p. xviii.

[65] _Sermons_ (1557), f. 54.

[66] A. Chalmers, _History of the Colleges, &c. of Oxford_, ii. p. 351.

[67] Hearne, _John of Glastonbury_, ii. p. 490; from MS. Cott. Vitellius c. vii.

[68] Saint-German was born 1460. He was employed by Thomas Cromwell on some business of the State, and died in 1540. The _Dyalogue_ was printed apparently first in Latin, but subsequently in English. It consisted of three parts (1) published by Robert Wyer, (2) by Peter Treveris, 1531, and (3) by Thomas Berthalet, also in 1531.

[69] _Dyalogue_, _ut sup._, 3rd part, f. 2.

[70] One of the first Acts of King Henry VII. on his accession, was to obtain from the Pope a Bull agreeing to some changes in the Sanctuary customs. Prior Selling of Canterbury was despatched as King’s Orator to Rome with others to Pope Innocent VIII. in 1487, and brought back the Pope’s approval of three points in which the king proposed to change these laws. _First_, that if any person in Sanctuary went out at night and committed mischief and trespass, and then got back again, he should forfeit his privilege of Sanctuary. _Secondly_, that though the person of a debtor might be protected in Sanctuary, yet his goods out of the precincts were not so protected from his creditors. _Thirdly_, that where a person took Sanctuary for treason, the king might appoint him keepers within the Sanctuary.

[71] Robert Keilway, _Relationes quorundam casuum_, f. 188, _seqq._

[72] _Dyalogue_, _ut sup._, f. 12.

[73] _Dyalogue_, f. 23.

[74] Ibid.

[75] Ibid., f. 23.

[76] Ibid., f. 21.

[77] Ibid., f. 21.

[78] _A treatyse concerning the power of the clergie and the laws of the realme._ London, J. Godfray.

[79] _A treatyse_, &c., _ut supra_, cap. 4.

[80] _A treatyse_, &c., _ut supra_, cap. xii.

[81] _A treatyse_, &c., _ut supra_, cap. xii.

[82] Ibid., cap. xiii.

[83] Ibid., cap. vi.

[84] _English Works_ (ed. 1557), p. 1017.

[85] _A treatyse_, &c., _ut sup._, cap. vi., sig. E. i.

[86] _Salem and Bizance, a dialogue betwixte two Englishmen, whereof one was called Salem and the other Bizance_ (Berthelet, 1533), f. 76.

[87] Ibid., f. 84.

[88] _English Works_, p. 892.

[89] Ibid.

[90] _A Dialogue_, &c., _ut sup._, f. 8.

[91] Ibid., f. 11.

[92] Ibid., f. 14.

[93] _A Dialogue_, &c., _ut sup._, p. 17.

[94] _History of English Law_, i., p. 93-4. Mr. James Gairdner, in a letter to _The Guardian_, March 1, 1899, says: “There were, in the Middle Ages, in every kingdom of Europe that owned the Pope’s jurisdiction, two authorities, the one temporal and the other spiritual, and the head of the spiritual jurisdiction was at Rome. The bishops had the rule over their clergy, even in criminal matters, and over the laity as well in matters of faith. Even a bishop’s decision, it is true, might be disputed, and there was an appeal to the Pope; nay, the Pope’s decision might be disputed, and there was an appeal to a general council. Thus there was, in every kingdom, an _imperium in imperio_, but nobody objected to such a state of matters, not even kings, seeing that they could, as a rule, get anything they wanted out of the Popes--even some things, occasionally, that the Popes ought not to have conceded.”

[95] William Bond, _The Pilgrymage of perfeccyon_, 1531, f. 223.

[96] Roger Edgworth, _Sermons_, 1557, fol. 102

[97] Edward Powell, _Propugnaculum summi sacerdotii, &c., adversus M. Lutherum_, 1523, fol. 22 and fol. 35.

[98] _English Works_, p. 171.

[99] Ibid. p. 185.

[100] Ibid., p. 528.

[101] Ibid., p. 538.

[102] _English Works_, p. 616.

[103] Ibid., p. 798.

[104] _Henry VIII. and the English Monasteries_ (popular edition), p. 367.

[105] In his work against Luther, Bishop Fisher teaches the supremacy of the Pope without any ambiguity. In the _Sermon had at Paulis_ against Luther and his followers, he also put his position perfectly clearly. The Church that has a right to the name _Catholic_ has derived the right from its communion with the See of Peter. Our Lord called Cephas, Peter, or rock, to signify that upon him as a rock He would build His church. Unto Peter He committed His flock, and “the true Christian people which we have at this day was derived by a continual succession from the See of Peter” (fol. e. 4. d.).

[106] Simon Matthew, _Sermon made in the Cathedrall Church of Saynt-Paule, 27 June 1535_ (Berthelet, 1535).

[107] Joannis Longlondi _Tres conciones_ (R. Pynson), f. 45.

[108] _Assertion of the Seven Sacraments against Luther_ (translation by J. W., 1687), f. a. i.

[109] _A treatise of the donation or gift and endowment of possessions given_ (by Constantine) _with the judgement of certain great men_, 1517, Thomas Godfray.

[110] London, Thomas Berthelet.

[111] _A dyalogue_, _ut sup._, ff. 3-7.

[112] f. A. ii.; c. i.; c. iiij. The author recommends those who would understand the Pope’s power to “resort unto _The glasse of truth_ or to the book named the _Determinations of the universities_.” The book named here _A glasse of truth_ is written in favour of the divorce. “Some lawyers,” the author says, “attribute too much to the Pope--at length there shall be no law, but only his will.” The work was published by Berthelet anonymously, but Richard Croke, in a letter written at this period (Ellis, _Historical Letters_, 3rd series, ii. 195), says that the book was written by King Henry himself. It was generally said that Henry had written a defence of his divorce; but Strype did not think it was more than a State paper. Croke (p. 198) says that people at Oxford, “Mr. John Roper and others,” did not believe that the king was really the author. He says that the tract has done more than anything else to get people to take the king’s side.

[113] _Of the olde God and the new_, B. 1. As another sample of what was at this time said about the Popes, we may take the following: Rome, says the author, “was by Justinian restored from ruin and decay, from whence also came the riches of the Church. At the coming of these riches, forthwith the book of the gospel was shut up, and the Bishops of Rome, instead of evangelical poverty, began to put forth their heads garnished with three crowns.” This is taken from the preface of Hartman Dulechin, who claims to have “taught the book to speak Latin.” It was originally printed and published in German. The English version is a translation of the Latin.

[114] _The Defence of Peace, written in Latin more than 200 years ago, and set forth in the English tongue by Wyllyam Marshall._ R. Wyer, 1535, folio.

[115] _The Defence of Peace_, f. 42. The well-known anti-papal opinions of Marsilius of Padua are, of course, of no interest in themselves, but their publication at this time in English shows the methods by which it was hoped to undermine the Papal authority in the country.

[116] _Exposition_, &c., _ut supra_, f. i.

[117] Johann Sturmius, _Epistle sent to the cardinals and prelates that were appointed by the Bishop of Rome to search out the abuses of the Church_. Translated by Richard Morysine. Berthelet, 1538.

A later copy of the _Concilium de emendanda Ecclesia_, printed by Sturmius with his letter in 1538, in the British Museum, formerly belonged to Cecil. The title-page has his signature, “Gulielmus Cecilius, 1540,” and there are marks and words underlined, and some few observations from his pen in the margin. It is interesting to note that what struck the statesman as a youth were just the points which could be turned against the temporal claims of the Roman See.

The special evils needing correction which the committee of cardinals note, and which they call _abuses_, are collected under 22 headings, some of which are the following:--

(1) Ordination of priests without cure of souls, not learned, of lower order in life, and too young and of doubtful morals: They suggest that each diocese should have a _magistrum_ to see that candidates are properly instructed--none to be ordained except by their own bishop.

(2) Benefices, and in particular, episcopal sees, are given to people with interest, and not because their elevation would be good for the church. They suggest that the best man should be chosen, and residence should be insisted on, and consequently “non Italo conferendum est beneficium in Hispania aut in Britannia aut ex contra.”

(3) _Pensions_ reserved from Benefices. Though the Pope, “who is the universal dispenser of the goods of the church,” may reserve a part for a pious use, _e.g._ for the poor, &c., still not to reserve sufficient for the proper purpose of the beneficiary, and still more to give a pension out of a benefice to one rich enough without, is wrong.

(4) Change of benefices for the sake of gain, and handing on benefices by arrangement or always assigning episcopal sees to coadjutors, is the cause of outcry against the clergy, and is in reality making private property out of what is public.

(5) Permission to clergy to hold more than one benefice.

(6) Cardinals being allowed to hold sees. They ought to be counsellors to the Pope in Rome, and when holding sees they are more or less dependent on the will of the kings, and so cannot give independent advice and speak their minds.

(7) Absence of bishops from their sees.

(8) Such religious houses as needed correction should be forbidden to profess members, and when they die out, their places should be taken by fervent religious. Confessors for convents must be approved by the ordinaries of the place.

(9) The use of the keys ought never, under any pretext, to be granted for money.

(10) Questors of the Holy Spirit, St. Anthony, &c., who foster superstition among the poor people, should be prohibited.

(11) Confessional privileges and use of portable altars to be very rarely allowed.

(12) No indulgences to be granted except once a year, and in the great cities only.

Finally they say of Rome: “Hæc Romana civitas et ecclesia mater est et magistra aliarum ecclesiarum,” and hence it should be a model to all. Foreigners, however, who come to St. Peter’s find that priests “sordidi, ignari, induti paramentis et vestibus quibus nec in sordidis ædibus honeste uti possent, missas celebrant.”

Cardinal Sadolet, on receiving a copy of Sturmius’s letter, replied in kindly terms. He had, he declared, a high opinion of “Sturmius, Melanchthon, and Bucer, looking on them as most learned men, kindly disposed, and cordially friendly to him. He looked upon it as the peculiar characteristic of Luther to try and overwhelm all his opponents with shouts and attacks.” He speaks of the great piety of Pope Clement from personal knowledge. His wars were, he said, rather the work of his adversaries than his own (_De consilio_, ed. J. G. Schelhorn, 1748, p. 91).

He also, in 1539, penned the _De Christiana Ecclesia_ (in _Specilegium Romanum_, ii. p. 101 _seqq._), sending it to Cardinal Salicati, and asking him to pass it on to Cardinal Contarini. It was the outcome of conversations about the troubles of the Church, and the result of the movement was the Council of Trent, to restore, as Sadolet says, ecclesiastical discipline “quæ nunc tota pæne nobis e manibus elapsa est.”

[118] _Sermon on Palm Sunday_, Berthelet, 1539.

[119] Lancelot Ridley, _Commentary in Englyshe on Sayncte Paule’s Epystle to the Ephesians_, L. 4.

[120] This important paper was printed for the first time in the _Dublin Review_, April 1894, pp. 390-420.

[121] _A treatise concerning the division between the spiritualtie and temporaltie._ London: Robert Redman, f. 2.

[122] _English Works_, p. 871. In the quotations made from the works of Sir Thomas More and other old writings, for the sake of the general reader the modern form of spelling has been adopted, and at times the words transposed to ensure greater clearness.

[123] Ibid., p. 875.

[124] Ibid., p. 882.

[125] _Salem and Bizance. A dialogue betwixte two Englishmen, whereof one was called Salem and the other Bizance._ London: Berthelet, 1533, f. 5.

[126] _English Works_, p. 934.

[127] Ibid., p. 870.

[128] Ibid., p. 877.

[129] Ibid., p. 877.

[130] Ibid., p. 878.

[131] Ibid., pp. 937, 938.

[132] _A treatise concerning the division_, f. 8.

[133] _English Works_, p. 880.

[134] Ibid., p. 951.

[135] _A treatise concerning the division_, f. 3.

[136] _A treatise concerning the division_, f. 41.

[137] _English Works_, p. 884.

[138] Ibid., p. 895.

[139] Ibid.

[140] Ibid., p. 896.

[141] Ibid., p. 885.

[142] Bishop Fisher gives much the same testimony to the moral character of the religious generally in his sermon against Luther. After praising the state of virginity, he continues: “And it is not to be doubted but that there is in Christendom at this day many thousands of religious men and women that full truly keep their religion and their chastity unto Christ.… If Almighty God did reserve in that little portion of Jewry so great a multitude beyond the estimation of the prophet, what number suppose ye doth yet remain in Christendom of religious men and women, notwithstanding this great persecution of religious monasteries, both of men and women, done by these heretics by this most execrable doctrine? It is not to be doubted but in all Christendom be left many thousands who at this hour live chaste, and truly keep their virginity unto Christ.” (_A Sermon had at Paulis_, Berthelet, f. g. ii.)

[143] Ibid., p. 735. Sir Thomas More, in his _Dyalogue_, thinks that the number of priests without very definite work had tended to diminish the respect paid to them by the laity. “But were I Pope,” he says, … “I could not well devise better provisions than by the laws of the Church are provided already, if they were as well kept as they are well made. But as for the number, I would surely see such a way therein that we should not have such a rabble that every mean man must have a priest in his house to wait upon his wife. This no mean man lacketh now, to the contempt of the priesthood, (placed) in as vile an office as his horsekeeper. That is truth indeed, quod he, and in worse, too, for they keep hawks and dogs.” If the laws of the Church were kept, there would not be the excessive number of priests for fit and proper positions, so that “the whole order is rebuked by the priests’ begging and lewd living who are either obliged to walk as rovers, and live upon trentals or worse, or serve in a secular man’s house” (_English Works_, p. 223).

[144] _A treatise concerning the division_, ff. 14-16.

[145] _Dyalogue_, &c., f. 2.

[146] _A treatise concerning the division_, f. 23.

[147] Ibid., f. 25.

[148] Ibid., f. 26.

[149] _English Works_, p. 936.

[150] _English Works_, p. 620.

[151] _A Sermonde … made in 1538._ By John Longlande, Bishop of Lincolne. London: f. 2.

[152] _Henry VIII._, vol. ii. pp. 50-1.

[153] Ibid., vol. i. p. 600.

[154] Ibid., ii. p. 470.

[155] Wilkins, _Concilia_, iii. 717.

[156] _Sermo Exhortatorius_, W. de Worde.

[157] Gairdner, _Calendar of Papers Foreign and Domestic_, v., preface, ix.

[158] Froude’s translation.

[159] _Opera_, ed. Leclerc, iii. col. 102.

[160] Ibid., Ep. 144.

[161] In one of his works Erasmus gives the highest praise to English ecclesiastics for their single-minded devotion to their clerical duties. He contrasts them with clerics of other nations in regard to worldly ambitions, &c. “Those who are nearest to Christ,” he writes, “should keep themselves free from the baser things of this world. How ill the word ‘general’ sounds when connected with that of ‘Cardinal,’ or ‘duke’ with that of ‘bishop,’ ‘earl’ with that of ‘abbot,’ or ‘commander’ with that of ‘priest.’ In England the ecclesiastical dignity is the highest, and the revenues of churchmen abundant. In that country, however, no one who is a bishop or abbot has even a semblance of temporal dominion, or possesses castles or musicians or bands of retainers, nor does any of them coin his own money, excepting only the Archbishop of Canterbury, as a mark of dignity and honour, which has been conferred on him on account of the death of Saint Thomas; he is, however, never concerned in matters of war, but is occupied only in the care of the churches.” (_Consultatio de Bello Turcico._ _Opera_, ed. Leclerc, tom. v. p. 363.)

[162] _Opera_, &c., _ut sup._, Ep. 149.

[163] Ibid., Ep. 175.

[164] Ibid., Ep. 216.

[165] Ibid., Ep. 272.

[166] Ibid., Ep. 474.

[167] Thomas More, _Epigrammata_ (ed. Frankfort, 1689), p. 284 _seqq._

[168] Ibid., Ep. 148.

[169] _Erasmus_, p. 63.

[170] _Quarterly Review_, January 1895, p. 23.

[171] The question about Erasmus’s translation of this word came up in the discussion between Sir Thomas More and Tyndale about the use made by the latter of the word _congregatio_ for Church in his version of the New Testament. More writes: “Then he asketh me why I have not contended with Erasmus, whom he calls my darling, all this long time, for translating this word _ecclesia_ into this word _congregatio_, and then he cometh forth with his proper taunt, that I favour him of likelihood for making of his book of _Moriæ_ in my house.… Now for his translation of _ecclesia_ by _congregatio_ his deed is nothing like Tyndale’s. For the Latin tongue had no Latin word used before for the Church but the Greek word _ecclesia_, therefore Erasmus in his new translation gave it a Latin word.… Erasmus also meant no heresy therein, as appears by his writings against the heretics.” (_English Works_, pp. 421, 422.)

[172] Ep. 384.

[173] Ep. 423.

[174] Ep. 531. Lee’s account of his quarrel with Erasmus is given in his _Apologia_, which he addressed to the University of Louvain. He states that Erasmus had come to his house at that place, and had asked him to aid in the corrected version of his New Testament which he was then projecting. At first Lee refused, but finally, on being pressed by Erasmus, he consented, and began the work of revision, but Erasmus quickly became angry at so many suggested changes. Reports about the annotations and corrections proposed by Lee began to be spread abroad, and Erasmus hearing of them, suspected some secret design, and came from Basle to try and get a copy of the proposed criticism. Lee wished that it should be considered rather a matter of _theology_ than of _letters_. Bishop Fisher wrote, on hearing rumours of the quarrel, urging Lee to try and make his peace with Erasmus, and in deference to this, Lee informed Erasmus that he would leave the matter entirely in the hands of the bishop, and had forwarded to him the book of his proposed criticisms. Erasmus, however, did not wait, but published the _Dialogus Domini Jacobi Latomi_, which all regarded as an attack upon Lee. The latter would have published a reply had he not received letters from England from Fisher, Colet, Pace, and More, begging him to keep his temper. Lee agreed to stop, and only asked Fisher to decide the matter quickly. On returning to Louvain, Lee found that Erasmus had published his _Dialogus bilingium et trilingium_, in which Lee was plainly indicated as a man hostile to the study of letters in general. This Lee denied altogether, and in brief, he does not, he says, condemn Erasmus’s notes on the New Testament so much as the copy he had taken as the basis for his corrections of the later text. “Politian,” says Lee, at the end of his _Apologia_, “Politian declares that there are two great pests of literature--ignorance and envy. To these I will add a third--‘adulation’--for I have no belief in any one who, having made a mistake, is not willing to acknowledge it.”

Lee’s criticism of Erasmus’s translation appeared at Louvain in January 1520. It produced an immediate reply from Erasmus, published at Antwerp in May 1520--a reply “all nose, teeth, nails, and stomach.” In this Erasmus says that 1200 copies of the New Testament had been printed by Froben. In the collation he had been much assisted by Bishop Tunstall, who had, in fact, supplied the exemplar on which he had worked. Erasmus then gives what he thinks is the correct version of the differences between Lee and himself. Lee, he says, was only just beginning Greek, and Erasmus, who had been working at the correction of his version of the Testament, showed him what he was doing. The margins of the book were then full of notes, and here and there whole pages of paper were added. Lee said that he had a few notes that might be useful, and Erasmus expressed his pleasure at receiving help and asked for them. Lee thereupon gave him some miscellaneous jottings, and of these, according to Erasmus’s version of the facts, he made use of hardly anything. Soon, however, reports were spread about that out of some three hundred places in which Lee had corrected the first edition of the translation, Erasmus had adopted two hundred. Bishop Fisher tried to make peace, and to prevent two men who both meant well to the cause of religion from quarrelling in public. His intervention was, however, too late, as already the letter of Erasmus to Thomas Lupset had appeared and thus rendered reconciliation impossible.

[175] Ep. 231.

[176] Ep. 380. This bishop must have been the Spaniard, George de Athegua, who was appointed to the see of Llandaff in 1517, and held it for twenty years.

[177] Ep. 380.

[178] Ep. 453.

[179] Ep. 416.

[180] Ep. 547.

[181] Ep. 529. Erasmus wrote strongly against anything that seemed to favour the idea of national churches. After declaring that national dislikes and enmities were unmeaning and unchristian, he continues: “As an Englishman you wish evil fortune to a Frenchman. Why not rather do your wishes come as a man to a fellow-man? Why not as a Christian to a Christian? Why do these frivolous things have greater weight than such natural ties, such bonds of Christ? Places separate bodies, not souls. In old days the Rhine divided a Frenchman from a German, but the Rhine cannot divide one Christian from another. The Pyrenees cut off Spain from France, but these mountains do not destroy the communion of the Church. The sea divides the English and French peoples, but it cannot cut off the society of religion.…” The world is the fatherland of all people; all men are sprung from a common stock. “The Church is but one family, common to all.” (_Opera._, tom. iv. col. 638.)

[182] Ep. 715.

[183] Ep. 723.

[184] Ep. 477.

[185] Ep. 528.

[186] Ep. 656.

[187] Ep. 334 (second series.)

[188] _Spongia_ (Basle, Froben, 1523), c. 5.

[189] Ibid., sig. d. 4.

[190] Ibid., sig. e. 2.

[191] Ibid., sig. e. 2. The supreme authority of the Pope is asserted by Erasmus in numberless places in his works. For example, in the tract _Pacis Querimonia_, after saying that he cannot understand how Christians, who understand Christ’s teaching and say their _Pater noster_ with intelligence, can always be at strife, he proceeds: “The authority of the Roman Pontiff is supreme. But when peoples and princes wage impious wars, and that for years, where then is the authority of the Pontiffs, where then is the power next to Christ’s power?” &c. (_Opera._, tom. iv. p. 635). So too in his _Precatio pro Pace Ecclesiæ_, after praying that God would turn the eyes of His mercy upon the Church, over which “Peter was made Supreme Pastor,” he declares that there is but “one Church, out of which there is no salvation.”

[192] Ep. 478.

[193] Ep. 501.

[194] Ep. 563.

[195] Ep. 600.

[196] Ep. 563.

[197] Ep. 667.

[198] Ep. 501 (Mr. Froude’s translation).

[199] Ep. 793.

[200] Ep. 823.

[201] Ep. 751.

[202] The Pope himself read the _Enconium Moriæ_ and understood the spirit of the author; at least so Erasmus was told. He wrote at the time “the Supreme Pontiff has read through _Moriæ_ and laughed; all he said was, ‘I am glad to see that friend Erasmus is in the _Moriæ_,’ and this though I have touched no others so sharply as the Pontiffs” (Ep. p. 1667). What Sir Thomas More thought about it may be given in his own words, written some years later. “As touching _Moriæ_, in which Erasmus, under the name and person of _Moria_, which word in Greek signifies ‘folly,’ merely touches and reproves such faults and follies as he found in any kind of people pursuing every state and condition, spiritual and temporal, leaving almost none untouched. By this book, says Tyndale, if it were in English, every man should then well see that I was then far otherwise minded than I now write. If this be true, then the more cause have I to thank God for the amendment. God be thanked I never had that mind in my life to have holy saints’ images or their holy relics out of reverence. Nor if there were any such thing in _Moriæ_ this could not make any man see that I were myself of that mind, the book being made by another man though he were my darling never so dear. Howbeit, that book of _Moriæ_ doth indeed but jest upon abuses of such things.… But in these days, in which men by their own default misconstrue and take harm from the very Scripture of God, until men better amend, if any man would now translate _Moriæ_ into English, or some work either that I have myself written ere this, albeit there be no harm therein, folks being (as they be) given to take harm of what is good, I would not only my darling’s books, but my own also, help to burn them both with my own hands, rather than folk should (though through their own fault) take any harm of them.” (_English Works_, pp. 422-3.)

[203] _Opera Omnia_ (Froben’s ed., 1540), i. p. 831.

[204] Pp. 832-33.

[205] P. 837.

[206] A case in point was the finding of the celebrated statue of the Laocöon on January 14, 1506. This discovery was accidentally made in a vineyard, near Santa Maria Maggiore, and no statue ever produced so general and so profound an emotion as the uncovering of this work of art did upon the learned world of Rome. The whole city flocked out to see it, and the road to the vineyard was blocked day and night by the crowds of cardinals and people waiting to look at it. “One would have said,” writes a contemporary, “that it was a Jubilee.” And even to-day the visitor to the Ara Cœli may read on the tomb of Felice de Fredis, the happy owner of the vineyard, the promise of “immortality,” _ob proprias virtutes et repertum Laocohontis divinum simulachrum_ (I. Klaczki, _Jules II._, p. 115). It is not at all improbable that in the above passage Erasmus was actually thinking of the delirium caused by the finding of this statue.

[207] Ibid., p. 838.

[208] For example, the Rev. W. H. Hutton states in the _Guardian_, January 25, 1899, as the result of his mature studies upon the Reformation period, that “the so-called divorce question had very little indeed to do with the Reformation.” Mr. James Gairdner, who speaks with all the authority of a full and complete knowledge of the State papers of this period, in a letter to a subsequent number of the _Guardian_, says, “When a gentleman of Mr. Hutton’s attainments is able seriously to tell us this, I think it is really time to ask people to put two and two together, and say whether the sum can be anything but four. It may be disagreeable to trace the Reformation to such a very ignoble origin, but facts, as the Scottish poet says, are fellows you can’t coerce … and won’t bear to be disputed.” What “we call _the_ Reformation in England … was the result of Henry VIII.’s quarrel with the Court of Rome on the subject of his divorce, and _the same_ results could not possibly have come about in any other way.” When “Henry VIII. found himself disappointed in the expectation, which he had ardently cherished for a while, that he could manage, by hook or by crook, to obtain from the See of Rome something like an ecclesiastical licence for bigamy,” he took matters into his own hands, “and self-willed as he was, never did self-will lead him into such a tremendous and dangerous undertaking as in throwing off the Pope. How much this was resented among the people, what secret communications there were between leading noblemen with the imperial ambassador, strongly urging the emperor to invade England, and deliver the people from a tyranny from which they were unable to free themselves, we know in these days as we did not know before.”

[209] Camden Society, p. 163.

[210] The same high authority, in a letter to the _Guardian_, March 1, 1899, says, “People will tell you, of course, that the seeds of the Reformation were sown before Henry VIII.’s days, and particularly that it was Wycliffe who brought the great movement on. I should be sorry to depreciate Wycliffe, who did undoubtedly bring about a great movement in his day, though a careful estimate of that movement is still a _desideratum_. Even in theology the cardinal doctrine of the Reformation--justification by faith--is in Wycliffe, I should say, conspicuous by its absence. But, whatever may be the theological debt of England to Wycliffe at the present day, twenty Wycliffes, all highly popular, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries would not have brought about a Reformation like that under which we have lived during the last centuries. That was a thing which could only have been effected by royal power--as in England, or by a subversion of royal authority through the medium of successful rebellion--as in Scotland.”

[211] _Henry VIII._, i. p. 51.

[212] Roger Edgworth, _Sermons_ (London: Robert Caly, 1557), preface.

[213] _English Works_, p. 339.

[214] Strype, _Eccl. Mem._ (ed. 1822), I. i. p. 254.

[215] This book was apparently condemned for reflecting on the king’s divorce rather than for its Lutheran tendencies. “The Soul’s Garden,” as Bishop Tunstall calls it, was printed abroad, and “very many lately brought into the realm, chiefly into London and into other haven towns.” The objectionable portion was contained in “a declaration made in the kalendar of the said book, about the end of the month of August, upon the day of the decollation of St. John Baptist, to show the cause of why he was beheaded.” (Strype, _ut supra_, ii. p. 274.)

[216] Wilkins, _Concilia_, iii. p. 737.

[217] Ibid., 720.

[218] Wilkins, _Concilia_, iii. p. 727.

[219] Richard Smythe, D.D., _The assertion and defence of the Sacrament of the Altar_, 1546, f. 3.

[220] _English Works_, p. 940.

[221] _English Works_, p. 921.

[222] _English Works_, pp. 341-344.

[223] Ibid., p. 346.

[224] Ibid., p. 351.

[225] Germen Gardynare, _A letter of a yonge gentylman_, &c. London: W. Rastell, 1534.

[226] _English Works_, pp. 257-259.

[227] Ibid., p. 1035.

[228] Ibid., p. 409.

[229] _The Werke for Householders._ London: John Waylande, 1537.

[230] Richard Whitford, _Dyvers holy instructions_. London: W. Mydylton, 1541.

[231] _Sermons_, sig. h. vij.

[232] _English Works_ (ed. 1557), pp. 233-4. This positive declaration of Sir Thomas More is generally ignored by modern writers. In a recently published work, for example (_England in the Age of Wycliffe_, by George Macaulay Trevelyan), it is stated that “we have positive proof that the bishops denounced the dissemination of the English Bible among classes and persons prone to heresy, burnt copies of it, and cruelly persecuted Lollards on the charge of reading it” (p. 131). In proof of this statement the author refers his readers to a later page (p. 342) of his volume. Here he culls from Foxe (_Acts and Monuments_) the depositions of certain witnesses against people suspected of teaching heresy. Amongst these depositions it is said by a few of the witnesses that some of these teachers were possessed of portions of the Scriptures in English. Mr. Trevelyan assumes, because witnesses speak to this fact, that it was for this they were condemned, or, as he puts it, “cruelly persecuted,” by the ecclesiastical authorities. Had he examined his authority, Foxe, more carefully, he would have found the actual list of _articles_ formulated against these teachers of heresy. These alone are, of course, the _charges_ actually made against them; and the mere deposition of witnesses in those days were, no more than they are in ours, the charges upon which the accused were condemned. In the _articles_ or charges we find no mention whatever of the English Bible, and, according to the ordinary rules of interpretation of documents, this absence of any mention of Bible-reading in the indictment, formulated after the hearing of the evidence, and when witnesses had testified to the fact, should be taken to show that the mere possession of the vernacular Scriptures, &c., was not accounted an offence by the Church authorities. The real charge in these cases, as in others, was of teaching what was then held to be false and heretical, teaching founded upon false interpretations of the Scripture text, or upon false translations.

[233] Ibid., p. 235.

[234] Ibid., p. 240.

[235] Ibid., p. 241.

[236] Ibid., p. 240.

[237] Ibid., p. 241.

[238] Ibid., p. 245.

[239] Ibid., p. 510.

[240] Ibid., p. 678.

[241] Roger Edgworth, _Sermons_, London, Caly, 1557, f. 31.

[242] Sir Thomas More, _English Works_, p. 108.

[243] Thomas Lupset, _Collected Works_, 1546. _Gathered Counsails_, f. 202.

[244] Ibid. _An Exhortation to young men_, written 1529. He insists much on the obligation of following the teaching of the Church.

[245] John Standish, _A discourse wherein is debated whether it be expedient that the Scripture should be in English for all men to read that wyll_ (1555), A. iij.

[246] _English Works_, p. 850.

[247] J. S. Brewer, _Henry VIII._, vol. ii. p. 468.

[248] Dore, _Old Bibles_, p. 13.

[249] P. 15.

[250] Ellis, _Historical Letters_, 3rd Series, ii. p. 71.

[251] Johannes Cochlæus, _An expediat laicis legere Novi Testamenti libros lingua vernacula_, 1533, A. i. The warning of Cochlæus was addressed to the Scotch king, and as a result of this letter, pointing out the Lutheran character of the English version of Tyndale, the Scotch bishops in the Synod of St. Andrews in 1529 forbade the importation of Bibles into Scotland.

[252] Ibid., L. iij.

[253] Wilkins, _Concilia_, iii. p. 727.

[254] _Cf._ Parker Soc. Tyndale’s _Doctrinal treatises_, &c., preface xxx.

[255] Probably on Sunday, February 11, when Cardinal Wolsey, with six and thirty bishops and other ecclesiastics, were present at the burning of Lutheran books before the great crucifix at the north gate. Amongst the books, according to Tyndale, were copies of his translated Testament.

[256] Dore, _Old Bibles_, p. 26.

[257] Dore, _ut sup._, 32.

[258] _English Works_, p. 422.

[259] Dore, 35.

[260] _English Works_, p. 849.

[261] _English Works_, p. 341.

[262] Ibid., p. 410.

[263] Ibid., p. 416.

[264] Ibid., p. 417.

[265] Ibid., p. 419.

[266] Ibid., p. 422.

[267] Ibid., p. 424.

[268] Ibid., p. 425.

[269] Ibid., p. 427.

[270] Ibid., p. 435.

[271] Ibid., p. 437.

[272] Ibid., p. 493.

[273] Ibid., p. 422. For examples of other false translations, see also p. 449.

[274] Standish, _A discourse_, &c., _ut supra_, sig. A. iiij.

[275] _English Works_, p. 223.

[276] Ibid., p. 223.

[277] Standish, _ut supra_, sig. E. iiij.

[278] Roger Edgworth, _Sermons_, f. 31.

[279] _The assertion and defence of the Sacrament of the Altar_ (1546), f. 3. The amateur theologians and teachers who sprung up so plentifully with the growth of Lutheran ideas in England seem to have been a source of trouble to the clergy. There was no difficulty in Scripture so hard which these “barkers, gnawers, and railers,” as Roger Edgworth calls them, were not ready to explain, and even women were ready to become teachers of God’s Word, “and openly to dispute with men.” Speaking in Bristol, in Mary’s reign, he advises his audience to stick to their own occupations and leave theology and Scripture alone, “for when a tailor forsaking his own occupation will be a merchant venturer, or a shoemaker will become a grocer, God send him help. I have known,” he says, “many in this town that studying divinity has killed a merchant, and some of other occupations by their busy labours in the Scripture hath shut up the shop windows, and were fain to take sanctuary, or else for mercery and grocery hath been fain to sell godderds, steaves, pitchers, and such other trumpery.”

[280] _A Commentary in Englyshe upon Sayncte Paule’s Epistle to the Ephesians_, 1540.

[281] _An Exposition in Englysh upon the Epistle of St. Paule to the Colossians_, 1548.

[282] _An Exposition_, &c., _upon the Philippians_, 1545.

[283] As an example of the open way in which the reading of the Bible was advocated, take the following instance. Caxton’s translation of the _Vitæ Patrum_, published by Wynkyn de Worde in 1495, contained an exhortation to all his readers to study the Holy Scripture. “To read them is in part to know the felicity eternal, for in them a man may see what he ought to do in conversation … oft to read purgeth the soul from sin, it engendereth dread of God, and it keeps the soul from eternal damnation.” As food nourishes the body, “in like wise as touching the soul we be nourished by the lecture and reading of Scripture.… Be diligent and busy to read the Scriptures, for in reading them the natural wit and understanding are augmented in so much that men find that which ought to be left (undone) and take that whereof may ensue profit infinite” (p. 345).

[284] B. Mus. Harl. MS. 172, f. 12b.

[285] Harl. MS. 115, f. 51.

[286] Ibid., f. 53.

[287] In speaking of the third Commandment, _The art of good lyvyng and good deyng_ (1503) warns people of their obligation to “Layr the holy prechyngys, that ys the word of God et the good techyngys, and shoold not go from the seyd prechyngs” (fol. 8. 2).

[288] Ibid., f. 1.

[289] _The Myrrour of the Church_ (1527), Sig. B4.

[290] _Exornatorium Curatorum._ W. de Worde. In 1518 the Synod of Ely ordered that all having the cure of souls should have a copy of this book, and four times a year should explain it in English to their people. (Wilkins, _Concilia_, III., p. 712.)

[291] _The Prymer of Salisbury Use._ Rouen: Nicholas le Rour, f. b. vij.

[292] _The art of good lyvyng and good deyng._ Paris, 1503, f. g. 2.

[293] _English Works_, p. 116.

[294] _English Works_, p. 117.

[295] Ibid., p. 121.

[296] Ibid., p. 420.

[297] _Sermons_, fol. 40.

[298] _English Works_, pp. 196-7.

[299] Ibid., p. 198.

[300] Ibid., p. 199.

[301] Ed. W. de Worde, 1496.

[302] William Bond, _The Pilgrymage of Perfeccyon_, Wynkyn de Worde, 1531, fol. 192.

[303] Ibid., fol. 196.

[304] Ibid.

[305] _English Works_, p. 408.

[306] The full title of this book is: _Pupilla oculi omnibus presbyteris precipue Anglicanis necessaria_. It is clear from the letter that W. Bretton had already had other works printed in the same way, and it is known that amongst those works were copies of Lynwode’s _Provinciale_ (1505), _Psalterium et Hymni_ (1506), _Horæ_, &c. (1506), _Speculum Spiritualium_, and Hampole, _De Emendatione Vitæ_ (1510), (cf. _Ames_, Ed. Herbert, iii. p. 16). Pepwell the London publisher, at “the sign of the Holy Trinity,” was the same who published many books printed abroad, and had dealings with Bishops Stokesley and Tunstall.

[307] For further information upon popular religious instruction in England, see an essay upon the teaching in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in my _The old English Bible, and other Essays_. The Rev. J. Fisher, in his tract on _The Private Devotions of the Welsh_ (1898), speaking of the vernacular prayer-books, says, “they continued to be published down to the end of Henry’s reign, and, in a modified form, even at a later date. Besides these prymers and the oral instruction in the principal formulæ of the Church, the scriptorium of the monastery was not behind in supplying, especially the poor, with horn-books, on which were, as a rule, written in the vulgar tongue the Lord’s Prayer, the Creed, and the Hail Mary.” In 1546 appeared a prymer in Welsh in which, amongst other things, the seven capital or deadly sins and their opposite virtues are given and analysed. This book, consequently, besides being a prayer-book afforded popular instruction to the people using it. The prymers in Welsh, we are told, were usually called “Matins’ Books,” and continued to be published long after the change of religion. A copy published in 1618 is called the fifth edition, and copies of it are recorded under the years 1633 and 1783. “It is rather a curious fact,” writes Mr. Fisher, “that nearly all the Welsh manuals of devotion and instruction, of any size, published in the second half of the sixteenth and the first half of the seventeenth century, were the productions of Welsh Roman Catholics, and published on the Continent. In Dr. Gruffydd Roberts’s Welsh Grammar, published at Milan in 1567, will be found poetical versions of the Apostles’ Creed, the Lord’s Prayer, the Hail Mary, the Ten Commandments and the Seven Sacraments. This work was followed by the _Athravaeth Gristnogavl_, a short catechism of religious doctrine, translated or compiled by Morys Clynog, the first Rector of the English College in Rome. It was published at Milan in 1568, and contains the Creed, the Lord’s Prayer, the Hail Mary, the Ten Commandments, &c., in Welsh, with expositions.”

The above, with the prayer-books of 1567, 1586, 1599, were all the works of religious instruction and devotion (private and public) that appeared in Welsh down to the end of the sixteenth century. I might add that there is in the Earl of Macclesfield’s collection a large folio volume of _Miscellanea_ (Shirburn MS. 113, D. 30), written between 1540 and 1560, which contains a prymer occupying several pages. There is also in the Swansea Public Library a Welsh-Latin MS. of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, written in different hands and in the South Walian dialect, which forms a manual of Roman Catholic devotion, containing in Welsh devotions for Mass, the usual meditations and prayers for various occasions, instructions, &c.

With the seventeenth century there is a good crop of manuals of devotion and instruction, such as the catechisms of Dr. Rosier Smith (1609-1611) and Father John Salisbury (1618 _tacito nomine_), both Welsh Roman Catholics (pp. 24-26).

[308] _A Werke for Housholders._ London, R. Redman, 1537, sig. A. 8.

[309] Ibid., sig. B. i.

[310] Ibid., sig. C. 8.

[311] Ibid., sig. D. 5.

[312] B. Mus. Harl. MS. 2125, f. 272.

[313] _Penny Cyclopædia._ Art., “English Drama.”

[314] _A Relation of the Island of England_ (Camden Society), p. 20.

[315] Ibid., p. 23.

[316] _Venetian Calendar_, ii. p. 91.

[317] _Works on the Supper_ (Parker Society), p. 229.

[318] To take one instance: the church of St. Neots possessed many stained glass windows placed in their present positions between the years 1480 and 1530. Almost all of them were put in by individuals, as the inscriptions below testify. In the case of three of the lights it appears that groups of people joined together to beautify their parish church. Thus below one of the windows in the north aisle is the following: “_Ex sumptibus juvenum hujus parochiæ Sancti Neoti qui istam fenestram fecerunt anno domini millessimo quingentessimo vicessimo octavo_.” Another window states that it was made in 1529, “_Ex sumptibus sororum hujus parochiæ_”; and a third in 1530, “_Ex sumptibus uxorum_.”

[319] _History of Modern Architecture_, pp. 37, 87.

[320] _Archæologia_, vol. xli. p. 355.

[321] _Parish Life in England before the Great Pillage_ (“Nineteenth Century,” March 1898), p. 433.

[322] _Churchwardens’ Accounts_ (Somerset Record Soc.), ed. Bishop Hobhouse, p. 200, _seqq._

[323] Ibid., p. xxi.

[324] Ibid., p. xii.

[325] _Archæologia_, vol. xli., p. 333 _seqq._

[326] _Somerset Record Soc._, preface, p. xi.

[327] J. W. Cowper, _Accounts of the Churchwardens of St. Dunstan’s, Canterbury_ (_Archæologia Cantiana_, 1885).

[328] Siméon Luce, _Histoire de Bertrand du Guesclin_, p. 19.

[329] The words of Pope Leo XIII. as to the Catholic teaching most accurately describe the practical doctrine of the English pre-Reformation Church on this matter: “The chiefest and most excellent rule for the right use of money,” he says, “rests on the principle that it is one thing to have a right to the possession of money and another to have the right to use money as one pleases.… If the question be asked, How must one’s possessions be used? the Church replies, without hesitation, in the words of the same holy doctor (St. Thomas), _Man should not consider his outward possessions as his own, but as common to all_, so as to share _them without difficulty when others are in need_. When necessity has been supplied and one’s position fairly considered, it is a duty to give to the indigent out of that which is over. It is a duty, not of justice (except in extreme cases) but of Christian charity … (and) to sum up what has been said, Whoever has received from the Divine bounty a large share of blessings … has received them for the purpose of using them for the perfecting of his own nature, and, at the same time, that he may employ them, as the minister of God’s Providence, for the benefit of others.”

[330] _The Economic Interpretation of History_, p. 63.

[331] _Churchwardens’ Accounts_ (Somerset Record Soc.), p. xxiv.

[332] Roger Edgworth, _Sermons_, London, R. Caly, 1557, p. 309.

[333] _Parish Life in England before the Great Pillage_ (“Nineteenth Century,” March 1898), p. 432.

[334] _English Gilds_ (Early English Text-Society), pp. lxxx.-civ.

[335] Ibid., p. xiv.

[336] _The Economic Interpretation of History_, p. 306.

[337] _English Gilds_ (Early English Text-Society), p. 3.

[338] Ibid., p. 6.

[339] Ibid., p. 8.

[340] Ibid., p. 48.

[341] Egerton MS., 142.

[342] The existence of which I know from Mr. Francis Joseph Baigent, who with his usual generosity allowed me to examine and take my notes from the copies which he has among his great collection of materials for the history of Hampshire.

[343] One example of this latter, or as I might call it, ordinary expense of the society, is worth recording. In 1411, and subsequent years, an annual payment of 13s. 4d. is entered on the accounts as made to one Thomas Deverosse, a tailor, and apparently a member of the fraternity. The history of this man’s poverty is curious. When Bishop William of Wykeham, desiring to build Winchester College, purchased certain lands for the purpose, amongst the rest was a field which a tailor of Winchester, this Thomas Deverosse, subsequently claimed; and to make good his contention, brought a suit of ejectment against the Bishop. The case was tried in the King’s Bench, and the tailor not only lost, but was cast in costs and so ruined. With some writers, William of Wykeham’s good name had been allowed to suffer most unjustly for his share in the misfortunes of the unlucky tailor; for the Bishop not only undertook to pay the costs of the suit himself, but agreed that the college should make the unfortunate claimant a yearly allowance of 8d. to assist him in his poverty. The Tailors’ Guild secured to him a pension of 13s. 4d.

[344] Here is the bill for the annual feast in the Guild of Tailors of Winchester in 1411. The association was under the patronage of St. John the Baptist, and they kept their feast on the Day of the beheading of the Saint, August 29. In this year, 1411, the 29th of August fell upon a Saturday, which in mediæval times, as all know, was a day of abstinence from flesh-meat. It is to be noticed, consequently, that provision is made for a fish dinner: “6 bushels of wheat at 8½d. the bushel; for grinding of the same, 3d.; for baking the same, 6d.; ready-made bread purchased, 12d.; beer, 7s. 1d.; salt fish bought of Walter Oakfield, 6s. 8d.; mullet, bass, ray, and fresh conger bought of the same Walter, 6s. 8d.; fresh salmon of the same, 8s.; eels, 10½d.; fresh fish bought of John Wheller, ‘fisher,’ 2s.; ditto, of Adam Frost, 9s.; ditto, bought of a stranger, 2s. 8d.; beans purchased, 9d.; divers spices, _i.e._ saffron, cinnamon, sanders, 12½d.; salt, 2d.; mustard, 2½d.; vinegar, 1d.; tallow, 2d.; wood, 18d.; coals, 3½d.; paid to Philip the cook, 2s.; to four labourers, 2s. 6d.; to three minstrels, 3s. 4d.; for rushes to strew the hall, 4d.; three gallons and one pint of wine, 19d.; cheese, 8d.” Making in all a total of £3, 4s. 3½d. This, no doubt, represented a large sum in those days, but it is as well to remember that at this time the guild consisted of 170 men and women, and the cost of the feast was not one-sixth part of the annual income.

[345] Harl. MS. 4626, f. 26.

[346] Ibid., f. 29. This was confiscated to the Crown on the dissolution of the Guilds and Fraternities under Edward VI.

[347] _Introduction to English Economic History_ (2nd ed.), i. pp. 100-101.

[348] _Old Crown House_, p. 36, cf. pp. 37-39.

[349] See the remarks in regard to France of M. Charles de Ribbe, _La Société Provençale à la fin du moyen age_, 1898, p. 60. Speaking of the fifteenth-century wills, he says: “Nous en avons lu un grand nombre, et nous avons été frappé de la haute inspiration, parfois meme du talent, avec lesquels des notaires de village savaient traduire les élans de foi et de piété dont ils étaient les interprètes chez leurs clients.… Cette foi et cette piété; trouvé d’abord leur expression dans le vénérable signe de la sainte croix (lequel est plus d’une fois figuré graphiquement). Suit la recommandation de l’âme à Dieu Créateur du ciel et de la terre, au Christ rédempteur, à la Vierge Marie,” &c. (p. 91).

[350] _Testamenta Eboracensia_ (Surtees Society), vol. iv. p. 21.

[351] Ibid., p. 127.

[352] Ibid., p. 127.

[353] Ibid., p. 170.

[354] Ibid., p. 27.

[355] Ibid., p. 60.

[356] Ibid., p. 335.

[357] Ibid., p. 277.

[358] Ibid., p. 139, _seqq._

[359] Ibid., p. 61 and _note_.

[360] Ibid., p. 69.

[361] Ibid., p. 89.

[362] Ibid., p. 132.

[363] Ibid., p. 149.

[364] Ibid., p. 208.

[365] Ibid., p. 215.

[366] Ibid., p. 230.

[367] Ibid., p. 119.

[368] Ibid., p. 160.

[369] B. Mus. Harl. MS. 670, f. 77 b.

[370] _Yorkshire Chantry Surveys_ (Surtees Soc.), ii., preface, p. xiv.

[371] _The Economic Interpretation of History_, p. 306.

[372] J. S. Burn, _History of Henley on Thames_, pp. 173-175.

[373] R. O. Chantry Certificate, No. 13 (account for year 37 H. VIII.), No. 17.

[374] Ibid., No. 30 and No. 95, M. 6.

[375] Ibid., No. 37, M. 12; also No. 95, M. 7; and No. 13 (38) Mins. Accts. 2, 3, Ed. VI., shows that the king received £11, 19s. 8d. for the property of this chapel, which was granted to Robert Swift and his brother.

[376] R. O. Chantry Certificate, No. 45 (m. i. d.).

[377] Ibid.

[378] Ibid.

[379] Ibid. (18).

[380] Ibid. (20).

[381] This was owing to the recent dissolution of the Abbey.

[382] In one case it is said: “_Mem._: The decay of rent is caused by the fact that most came from lands in possession of the abbey; since the dissolution these have been sold, and the purchasers do not allow that they are liable to pay.” The hospital called St. Parvell’s, without the south gate, also had been dissolved by Henry VIII., and the property granted to Sir George Somerset (6th July, 37 H. VIII.). It had produced £16, 13s. 4d. a year, with £5, 10s. “paid out of the late abbey of Bury to the sustentation of the poor.” The whole charity, of course, by the dissolution of the abbey and the grant of the remaining property as above, had come to an end.

[383] Ibid. (No. 44).

[384] _Yorkshire Chantry Surveys_ (Surtees Soc.), p. 213.

[385] Ibid., p. 214.

[386] Ibid., p. 215.

[387] Ibid., p. 216.

[388] Ibid., p. 11.

[389] Ibid., p. 12.

[390] Ibid., p. 13.

[391] _Gentleman’s Magazine_, vol. lxxxii., ii. 318. Quoted in J. Gough Nichol’s _Pilgrimages_, &c. Introduction, xcv.

[392] Lancelot Rydley. _Exposition in the Epistell of Jude._ London, Thomas Gybson, 1538, sig. B. v. In sermons and writings, pre-Reformation ecclesiastics strove to impress upon the minds of the people the true principles of devotion to shrines and relics of the saints. To take one example beyond what is given above. In _The Art of Good Lyvyng and Good Deyng_, printed in 1503, the writer says: “We should also honour the places that are holy, and the relics of holy bodies of saints and their images, not for themselves, but for that in seeing them we show honour to what it represents, the dread reverence, honour and love of God, after the intention of Holy Church, otherwise it were idolatry” (fol. 6).

[393] _A Commentary in Englyshe upon the Ephesians_, 1540, sig. A. ii.

[394] P. 190.

[395] _Opera omnia_ (ed. Leclerc), tom. v., col. 26.

[396] Col. 37.

[397] _A treatise concerning the division between the spiritualitie and the temporalitie._ London, R. Redman (1532?), fol. 27.

[398] _Dyaloge in Englyshe_, 1531. Part 3, fol. 23.

[399] English Works, p. 476.

[400] Stephen Gardiner. _A declaration of such true articles as George Joye hath gone about to confute as false._ 1546, f. 2.

[401] _Consilium de emendanda ecclesia_ (Ed. 1538), sig. B. 4.

[402] Jacobi Sadoletti, _Opera Omnia_, Verona (1737). Tom ii., p. 437.

[403] It is said to be “printed at Jericho in the land of Promes, by Thomas Treuth.”

[404] The English Testament.

[405] Sig. A. 3.

[406] Ibid., sig. A. 4.

[407] Ibid., sigs. A. 5 d., A. 6 d.

[408] Ibid., sig. B. i.

[409] Ibid., sig. B. ii.

[410] Ibid., sig. B. viii.

[411] Sig. D. vii.

[412] Ibid., sig. D. viii.

INDEX

Abbots, display in elections of, 129

Abraham, religious play, 320

Adrian VI., Pope, 157

Aggeus, Augustine, 310

Aldine press, at Venice, 160

Aldus, printer, 160, 166

Alexander VI., Pope, 102

Alms, 132

Alton, foundation for obits at, 403-404

Amberbach, printer, 166

Amyas Chantry, 401-402

Angels, devotion to, 308

Anti-clerical spirit, 114, 119

Antoninus, St., Archbishop of Florence, 96

“Apology” of Sir Thomas More, 71, 73, 115, 122, 144

Archæology, pagan and Christian, 206

Architecture, pre-Reformation activity in, 9-10, 328 _et seq._; decline of the art, 329

Aretino, 23

Art, great activity of, prior to Reformation, 10-12

Arundel, Archbishop, 236

Ashley, Mr. W. J., cited, 379

Augmentation, Court of, 384

Badsworth, chantry foundation at, 401

Baigent, Mr. F. T., 372, _note_

Baker, mediæval fresco painter, 11

Baptism, 225

Barbarus, Hermolaus, 29

Barnes, Friar, 88, 118, 119, 136, 223

Basle, printing-press at, 165

Baynard’s Castle, meeting at, 68

Beccles, foundation at, 408

Becket, Thomas, 441

Bede-roll, 335, 341

Benedict XII., 103

Benedictine Order, average of graduates at Oxford, 42

Benefices, 55, 106, 108, _note_, 353

Benefit of clergy, 55

Bequests, mediæval, 389 _et seq._

Bere, Abbot, of Glastonbury, 39, 40, _note_

Berthelet, publisher, 72, _note_, 73, 98, _note_, 102, _note_, 107, _note_, 110, 137, _note_, 298

Bible, the Bishops’, 247

Bible, Erasmus’s translation, 168 _et seq._

Bible, English, hostility to, 236; evidence of Catholic acceptance, 237, 242, 247; supposed early Catholic version, 237, 242, 247; persecutions for possession examined, 240, and _note_, 241; translations authorised, 242-243, 247-249; not prohibited, 247, 275-276; absence of popular demand for, 250-251; Tyndale’s version and Luther’s share in it, 252 _et seq._; useless without interpretation, 275

Bishops, and ordination, 148; and spiritual jurisdiction, 154; obstacles to Reformation, 444

Blackfriars, meetings at, 67, 68

Bombasius, Paul, 33, _note_, 34

Bond, William, 83, 305

Boniface VIII., Pope, 99

Books, heretical, prohibited, 213-216; More on heretical, 218 _et seq._; earliest printed largely religious, 315

Bourbon, Duke of, 230

Boyer, Sebastian, Court physician, 160

Brentano, Mr., cited, 362-363

Brethren of St. John’s, 374; and Hospital, 375

Bretton, William, 310, and _note_

Brewer, Mr., cited, 147, 211-212, 250, 279

Brotherhoods, Parish, 347

Brunfels, Otto, 194

Brygott, Richard, prior of Westacre, 44

Bucer, 214

Burials, 54

Burnet, historian, cited, 4

Bury St. Edmunds, chantries at, 409

Butley, Priory of, 43

Calendar of papers, domestic and foreign, of reign of Henry VIII., 4

Cambray, Bishop of, 159

Cambridge, portions of Prior Selling’s library at, 32; monastic students at, 43; petition of scholars to the king, 47

Campeggio, Cardinal, 179, 180, 181

Canterbury, Archbishop of, on clerical immunity, 69

Canterbury, entertainment of Emperor Manuel at Christchurch, 22; Selling and Hadley, monks of Christchurch, 24 _et seq._; Canterbury College at Oxford, 27, 28, _note_; St. Augustine’s and the literary movement, 40

Caraffa, Cardinal, afterwards Paul IV., 105, 107, 438

Carmelites, origin, 117; responsibility for Lutheranism, 197

Caxton, 275, _note_

Chalcocondylas, Demetrius, 29

Chantries, 123, 124, 399, 401

Chapels of ease, 413

Chaplains, evil effects of their position, 138-139

Charnock, Prior, 39

Chaucer, cited, 415

Children, and idols, 292; religious instruction of, 312, 313-314

Christchurch, _see_ Canterbury

Christianity and the classical revival, 203-206

Chrysoloras, Manuel, Greek scholar, 23, and _note_

Chrysostom, St., cited, 122

Church, position of, prior to Reformation, 1, 147, 211; need of reform in, 5 _et seq._; attitude to learning, 15, 21, 35-38, 41; hostility to “New Learning” explained, 15 _et seq._, 19; limits of jurisdiction, 51; and disputations entailed, _ibid._; State right to regulate temporalities of, 53 _et seq._; king as supreme head, 65, 111; rights, 65; what constitutes, 70; riches coveted, 75; Pope as head, 83 _et seq._; Papal Commission appointed to save, 105; evils in, and how caused, 105-106; abuses pointed out by Commission, 107, _note_, 108, _note_; limitations of king’s Headship, 111-112; controversy on riches of, 123; Erasmus’s attitude to, 167 _et seq._, 199-200; Erasmus regarded as an enemy to, 175-176; Lutheran tenets concerning, 194; need of reform obscured by Reformation, 198; attack on, 216; attitude to vernacular Bibles, 236 _et seq._, 245-248; but hostility to denied, 242-243, 246-247, 251; religious teaching prior to Reformation, 278 _et seq._; charges against on points of worship, 293, 302-305; bequests to, 390 _et seq._; suggested disposal of wealth of, 444; abuses in, 415

Church of Christ, sermon on, 91

Church-building, activity of, 326; contributions of people towards bequests for, 327, and _note_, 390; decoration, 328, 332

Church House, 341

Churchyards, trees and grass in, 60

Cicero, and the classical revival, 203-206

_Ciceroniana_ of Erasmus, 203

Clark, Dr. John, English ambassador, 94

Classical revival, Erasmus on, 203; absurdities of, 203-204

Claymond, John, Greek scholar, 40, _note_, 41, _note_

Clement, John, 37, _note_

Clement, Pope, 109, _note_

Clergy, alleged encouragement of ignorance, 2, 278; mortuary dues, 53, 140-144; “benefit,” 55; rights and duties, 61, 65-70; ordinations, 63, 148-153; exemptions, 63; immunity, 66 _et seq._; not the Church, 70; position as individuals, 72; attack on their temporalities, 103; laity’s grievance against, 114 _et seq._; and its causes, 119, 138; defended by More, 120-121; alleged mercenary spirit, 123; and idle laxity of living, 127; prayers, 131; alms, 132-133; fasting and mortification, 134; charges of corruption, 136; lack of definite work, 137, _note_; in households of laity, 138; tithe exactions, 142; faults, 143-145; alleged immorality, 145-146; charge of simony, 146; Mr. Brewer cited on, 147; ignorance of, 151; hostility to vernacular scriptures examined, 236 _et seq._, 243, 246; and reasons for not encouraging, 242, 244; extent and character of their religious teaching, 280 _et seq._; books used by for teaching, 309 _et seq._; chantry clergy, 400, 405-409, 413; pilgrimages and relics maintained by, 415; and motives for, 422, 425

“Clericus,” 74

Cloth, clerical, State’s right to legislate on, 60

Cochlæus, John, 253, 254, _note_

Colet, Dean, 7, 19, 29, and _note_, 33, _note_, 149, 160, 164, 168

Commerce, progress not due to Reformation, 8

Commissioners, royal, 380, 384

Compostella, pilgrimages to, 416, 417

Concordat, between Leo X. and Francis I., 76

Concubines, alleged licences for, 145

Confession, 225, 282, 287

Congregation, denoting church, 173, _note_, 262-266

Conscience, examinations of, 286

Constantine, donation to Pope, 95

Constantine, George, 222

Constantinople, effect of fall of, 23

Constitution, Provincial, 237-239, 242, 280

Contarini, Cardinal, 107, 109, _note_

Convocation, grant of headship of Church to the king, 111; enactment regarding ordination, 148-149; powers of legislation transferred to Crown, 153; draws up list of heretical books, 215

Corpus Christi, feast of, 373; procession of guilds, 374; at Corunna, 217

Council of Trent, 5, 109, _note_, 440

Courts, ecclesiastical, subject to Pope, 80-81

Coverdale, Myles, 102, 258

Cranmer and English Bible, 236, 247; on hearing mass, 326

Creeping to the Cross, 302

Criticism in the Church, 155, 171

Croke, Richard, 36, _note_, 102, _note_

Cromwell, Thomas, 112, 153

Cross, honour to on Good Friday, 302

Crowley, quoted, 382

Crucifix, reverence of image of, 126, 289-290, 300, 307; not an idol, 293

Curates and mortuaries, 140-141; and tithes, 142

Cuthbert, Bishop, 219

Dalton, John, of Hull, will of, 391

Dead, prayers for, 387, 399

De Athegua, George, Bishop, 178, and _note_

De Burgo, John, 309

Dee, Dr., supplication to Queen Mary, 48

_Defence of Peace_, 103, and _note_, 104, _note_

Degree, advantage of to religious, 44

De Melton, William, Chancellor of York, 149

De Ribbe, M. Charles, on wills, 389, _note_

_Determinations of the Universities_, 102, _note_

Deventer, school, 157

De Worde, Wynkyn, 83, 149, 275, _note_, 280, and _note_, 298, 312

Digon, John, Canterbury monk, 41, and _note_

Dislike of clergy, alleged, 114; reasons for, 127, 138

Dispensations, 106

_Dives et Pauper_, 284, 298, 353, 354

Division between spirituality and temporality, Saint-German’s work on, 115 _et seq._, 122, 127, 140

Divorce question, the, and its share in Reformation, 208, and _note_

Doctors of divinity, Erasmus’s satire on, 201

Döllinger, Dr., cited, 21

Dominicans, the, and Erasmus, 187; responsibility for Lutheranism, 197

Dorpius, Marten, 169-170

Dues of clergy, 53

Dunstan’s, St., Canterbury, 346; parish accounts, 347

_Dyalogue_ of Saint-German, 53 _et seq._, 115, 140; of More, 262, 269, 289

Ecclesiastical authority, alleged discontent of laity under, 1, 114, 208 _et seq._, 416; limits of, 51

Ecclesiastical discipline, inquiry into, 438

Ecclesiastics, attitude to revival of learning, 36-38, 41; resistance to encroachment, 51, 53; Erasmus’s satire on, 201 _et seq._; attitude to English Bible, 236 _et seq._; alleged encouragement of ignorance, 2, 278

Edgworth, Roger, preacher, 16, 46, 212, 244, 272, 273, _note_, 292, 359

Education, fostered by monasteries, 45

_Enconium Moriæ_, of Erasmus, 161-162, 201 _et seq._

Erasmus, attitude to Reformation, 7, 20; made responsible for “New Learning,” 16, _note_; but attitude to defined, 19, 20; his chief support in England, 38; position and views, 155; considered a Reformer, 156, 178, 180-181; birth and education, 156-157; joins order of St. Augustine, 157; ordained, _ibid._; unfitness for religious life, 157; hostility to religious orders, 158, 180, 187, 200; denounces enticing of youths into cloister, _ibid._; leaves the religious life, 159; takes pupils, _ibid._; at Oxford, 159-160; in London, 160; visits Italy, _ibid._; his _Adagia_, _ibid._; visits Venice, _ibid._; returns to London, 161; his _Enconium Moriæ_, 161-162, 201 _et seq._, 431; at Cambridge, 161-162; testimony to Archbishop Warham’s kindness, 162-163; praise of English ecclesiastics, 163, _note_; amounts received from English friends, 164; again leaves England, 165; settles at Basle, _ibid._; superintends Froben’s press, 166; death, 167; attitude to Church, 167 _et seq._, 199-200; translation of New Testament, 168 _et seq._; attacks on, 173 _et seq._; regarded as an enemy to the Church, 175-176; opposition to his revival of Greek, 177-178; defends himself to the Pope, 179, 181-182; disclaims connection with Luther, 180-182, 185, 195-198; opposition to national churches, 182, _note_; attitude to Luther, 185, 195, 196-198; attacks Luther, 186; replies to von Hutten’s attacks, 187 _et seq._; attitude to the Pope, 189-190, and _note_, 193, 194-195, 197; attacks Lutheran motives, 191-192; letter to Bishop Marlianus on attitude to Luther, 197; general attitude to religious movement of his age, 200 _et seq._; and to the classical revival, 203; on pilgrimages and relics, 415, 418, 431; on devotion to saints, 431 _et seq._

Eton College Chapel, wall paintings of, 11

Evensong, said before noon, 134

Exemptions of clergy, 63, 76

Fairs, 378 _et seq._; at Winchester, 379

_Faith, The Olde, of Great Brittayne and the New Learning of England_, 17, and _note_

Fasting, 134

Ferguson, Mr., quoted on architectural art, 329

Fineux, Chief-Justice, tries John Savage, 57 _et seq._; opinion on spiritual courts, 69

Fisher, Bishop, love of learning, 36, _note_; object in studying Greek, 38; views on Papal supremacy, 90, and _note_; books against Luther, 90, _note_, 192; execution, 91; sermon on, 92; on moral character of religious, 137, _note_; invitation to Erasmus, 161; on Erasmus’s New Testament, 169, 175, _note_; supports study of Greek, 177

Fisher, Rev. J., 311, _note_

Fleming, Robert, 23

Foxe, cited, 240, _note_, 251

Francis I., 76

Francis, Order of St., 117

Free, John, 40, and _note_

Frith, 215, 222, 223, 227

Froben, printer, 165, 182

Froude, on Erasmus’s New Testament, 172

Funerals, 54

Gairdner, James, cited on jurisdiction of Pope, 81, _note_; on the divorce question, 208, _note_; on Reformation influences, 210, 211, _note_

Gardiner, Bishop, 438

Gardynare, Germen, 227

Garlekhithe, St. James, 366

German reformers, books prohibited, 214-215

Gibbon, cited, 22

_Glasse of Truth_, 101-102, _note_

Glastonbury monastery, 39

Gloucester, Humphrey, Duke of, 23

God, love of, 299; worship of, 304

Goldstone, Reginald, monk, companion of Selling, 26

Goldstone, Thomas, Prior of Christchurch, 24

Gonville Hall, Cambridge, 43, 44

Good Friday observances, 302-303

Government, true principle of, 106

Grace at meals, 314

Graduates at Oxford, register of, 41-42

Greek emperors, journeys to courts of Western Europe, 22

Greek, influence in revival of learning, 14, 21 _et seq._; first schools of the revival, 23; effect of fall of Constantinople, 23-24; decline in study of after Reformation, 47; Erasmus and the Greek Testament, 168 _et seq._; outcry against studies in, 177

Green, historian, cited, 16, _note_

Gregory VII., Pope, 101

Grocyn, William, 29, and _note_, 160

Grudge of laity against ecclesiastics, 114

Guardian angel, prayer to, 309

Guarini, pupil of Chrysoloras, 23

Guilds, 351; founded upon principle of Christian brotherhood, 352 _et seq._; trade, and religious, 361; benefit societies, 363; their work, 365, 385; constitution, 366 _et seq._; “Pinners’” Guild, 368; accounts, 369-370; fees, 371; Guild of Tailors, 371; members, 371; expenditure, 372, and _note_; their part in Corpus Christi processions, 373-374; brethren of St. John’s, 374; feasts, 376, and _note_; Candlemas Guild of Bury St. Edmunds, 377; bequests, 377-378; connection with fairs, 378; final destruction, 380

Hadley, William, companion of Prior Selling, 24; studies at foreign universities, 25; returns to Christchurch, 26

Hair shirts, 131, 134

Headship of the Church, the king’s, 56

Hegius, Alexander, 157

Henley on Thames, chantries at, 405

Henry IV., 136

Henry VII. obtains Bull from Innocent VIII., 56; purchases pardon for Westminster and Savoy, 124

Henry VIII., calendar of papers of reign, 4; exerts his influence on behalf of learning, 36, 177; determined to maintain rights of Crown, 69; book against Luther, 90, 94; defends Church, 94, 226; reputed book, 102, _note_; petition of Commons, &c., against spirituality, 153; quarrel with Rome on divorce question, 208, and _note_; forbids Lutheran books, 214, 259; authorises English Bibles, 273; destroys the guilds, 380; the reformers and, 440

Heresy, spread by books, 213, 218

Hobhouse, Bishop, cited, 346, 357

Holidays, determined by ecclesiastical law, 71

Holy Land, pilgrimages to, 416

_Hortulus Animæ_, the, 214, and _note_

Huchin, William, _see_ Tyndale

Hunn, Richard, 240

Hunting, by priests, 138, 139, 151

Hutton, Rev. W. H., cited, 208, _note_

Hytton, Sir Thomas, 224, 225

Idolatry, charges of, 293, 303, 305

Idols, distinguished from images, 265, 289 _et seq._, 305-306

Ignorance, alleged prevalence of, 2, 278

Images, confused with idols, 265, 292; veneration of, 289 _et seq._, 423 _et seq._

Immunity of clergy, 63, 66 _et seq._

Indulgences, 108, _note_, 435 _et seq._

Innocent VIII. grants Bull to Henry VII., 56, _note_

Janssen, historian, cited, 6, 7, 279, 354

Jerome, St., corrections in Testament, 170; cited on Papal supremacy, 197

Jessop, Dr., cited, 43; on popular gifts to churches, 336; on poverty, 360

Jesus, bowing at name of, 283

Joye, George, or Clarke, 221, 224, 253, 257-258, 438

Judges, English prelates as, 81

Julius II., Pope, 96, 102, 109, 204

Jurisdiction, limits of ecclesiastical and lay, 51, 65 _et seq._, 176; leading factor in Reformation, 52; Papal, 78 _et seq._; Roman curia as court of appeal, 80

Katherine, Queen, 178

Kent, Holy Maid of, 441

King’s power, 75; his headship of Church, 65, 111

Knowledge, result of increase of, 2

Laity, Reformation opposed to convictions of, 1; alleged disaffection to Church, _ibid._; and reasons advanced, _ibid._; attitude to Church’s jurisdiction, 51; absence of enthusiasm among in doctrinal disputes, 52; grudge against ecclesiastics, 114 _et seq._; charge clergy with mercenary spirit, 123; dislike of clergy, and reasons for, 127; “mortuaries” a great offence to, 140

Langton, Thomas, Bishop of Winchester, 33, and _note_

Languages, battle of, 176-179

Laocöon, the, statue of, 206, _note_

Latimer, William, Bishop, 34, 38, 47; lawsuits, 348 _et seq._

“Latria,” 294-304, 306-307

Lawyers, ecclesiastical, 95

Learning, revival not due to Reformation, 7-8, 15; adverse effects of Reformation on, 9, 198-199; “New Learning” applied only to religious teaching, 15 _et seq._; Church’s attitude to learning, 15, 19, 38; Erasmus on Reformation’s effect on, 20; general aspect of revival, 21; Greek influence in, 14, 21 _et seq._; subsequent progress, 35; occasional pulpit denunciations, _ibid._; slight nature of opposition, 36; laymen associated with revival, 37; fostered by monasteries, 39; condition of things at universities, 41-44; education assisted by religious houses, 45; decay of after Reformation, 45-48; revival of, associated with Lutheranism, 178; but without cause, 180-181; Erasmus’s attitude to revival of letters, 203-207

Lee, Edward, afterwards Archbishop of York, 173-174, and _note_, 252

Leeds, chantries at, 411-412

Leland, cited, 24, _note_, 25

Leo X., Pope, 28, and _note_, 76, 94, 96, 173, 179, 181, 185, 439

Leo XIII., Pope, cited, 355, _note_

Leonicenus, 34

Leonicus, 34, and _note_

Leverton, parish of, 339; Church accounts, 343 _et seq._

Lewes, Cluniac House at, 43

Liberty advocated by Luther, 227

Libraries, destruction of, 48; Dr. Dee’s supplication to Queen Mary, 48; national library suggested, 49

Life, daily rules of, 286-287, 313

Lilly, George, 29, _note_

Linacre, pupil of Selling, sketch of early life, 27; accompanies Selling to Italy, 28; becomes pupil of Politian, 28; at Rome, 29; returns to Oxford, 30; appointed Court physician, _ibid._; receives priest’s orders, _ibid._; friend of Erasmus, 160, 164

Liveries for chaplains, 138

Lollards, the, 209 _et seq._, 214, 240

London, Mors’s Lamentation against, 440

Longland, Bishop, 93, 146, 147, _note_

Louvain, University of, 160, 174, _note_, 176, 178, 179, 180

Love of God, 299

Luce, M. Siméon, cited, 351

Lupset, Thomas, sketch of, 36, _note_; on study of Bible, 248

Luther, Martin, aims of, 7; cited on pre-Reformation progress, 8; “New Learning” inculcated by, 16, and _note_; books against, 84-85, 90, 94; sermon against, 93; Henry VIII. opposes, 94; method of, 108-109, _note_; More and Lutherans, 120; considered disciple of Erasmus, 156, 178, 180; revival of letters not connected with his movement, 180-181; Erasmus’s repudiation of, 180-182, 195-198; efforts to win over Erasmus, 183-184; attacked by Erasmus, 186, 191-192; supported by von Hutten, 186 _et seq._; tenets of Lutheranism, 194; methods of attacking condemned, 196; who responsible for his movement, 197; effects of Lutheranism, 198; and spread of, 212-213; books prohibited, 213-215; disciples, 216; his book, 222; “New Learning” and, 225; advocacy of liberty, 227; evils of Lutheranism, 228-230; and of Lutheran literature, 244; Tyndale’s connection with, 252; share in Tyndale’s Testament, 252-255; direction of his remonstrances, 279

Lutheranism, tenets of, 194; responsibility for, 197; effects of, 198; evils of, 228-230; expectations of English Lutherans, 440, 445

Lyndwood, cited, 247, 353

Mace, George, canon of Westacre, 44

Maitland, Professor, quoted on pre-Reformation position of the Pope, 80

Manuel, Greek Emperor, arrival at Canterbury, 22

Mary Magdalene, religious play, 320

Marlianus, Bishop, 197

Marshall, William, 103

Marsilius of Padua, 103, 104, _note_

Mary, Queen, attempt to restore learning under, 48

Mass, the, 225, 271, 283, 285

Matrimony, State regulation of, 62; Hytton’s view of, 225

Matthew, Simon, preacher, 91

Medici, Lorenzo de, 28

Mentz, Cardinal Archbishop of, 181, 184

Metal-working, inventions in, 428

“Miles,” mouthpiece of Saint-German, 74

Miracles, 62, 427

Monasteries, scholarship in, 39, and _note_; members of at universities, 42 _et seq._

Monks, hostile to Erasmus, 176, 180; Erasmus quoted on, 202; pilgrimages and relics maintained by, 415

Morality, of clergy, 145-146

More, Sir Thomas, attitude to Reformation, 7; and to learning, 19, 35-37; connection with Christchurch, 28; at Oxford, 29, and _note_; on immunity of clergy, 70; his “Apology,” 71, 73, 115, 122, 144; on spiritual authority, 73; on Papal supremacy, 85 _et seq._, 88; on nature of the Church, 86 _et seq._; against Friar Barnes, 88; book against Luther, 90; death, 91; sermon on, 92; controversy on clergy and laity, 115 _et seq._; on quarrels between religious, 116-117; defends clergy, 120; and replies to allegation of their mercenary spirit, 124; and of their idle laxity of life, 127; on abuses in religious life, 130; on prayers and alms of clergy, 131-135; defends clergy from charges of corruption, 136; on faults of clergy, 143-145; and on their morality, 145-146; visited by Erasmus, 160-161; share in Erasmus’s _Enconium Moriæ_, 161-162, 201; defends Erasmus’s translation of New Testament, 169-170, 173, _note_; defends Greek studies, 177; urges Erasmus against Luther, 186; opinion of Erasmus’s _Enconium Moriæ_, 202, _note_; on spread of heresy, 213, 218; on “New Learning” and Lutheranism, 225; on Luther’s advocacy of liberty, 227; on evils of Lutheranism, 228-230; on English Bible, 237 _et seq._; on case of Richard Hunn, 241; on Church’s acceptance of vernacular Bibles, 242-243, 247-249; and on false translations, 243; and reasons for condemnation of Tyndale’s version, 243, 260-270; on reverence of images, 289-291, 293-298; on prayer, 307; on pilgrimages, 419 _et seq._, 425 _et seq._; on relics, 429; on indulgences, 437

Morebath, village of, well-supported church, 337

Mors, Roderigo, his “Lamentation,” 440

Mortality among pilgrims, 418

Mortmain, lands in, 54

Mortuaries, 53, 140

Morysine, Richard, 105, 107, _note_

Mountjoy, Lord, 159, 161, 164

Music, pre-Reformation progress in, 12-13; Richard Pace quoted on, 35

Mystery plays, 316 _et seq._

National churches, opposed by Erasmus, 182, _note_

National feeling and the Papacy, 82 _et seq._

National library, suggested, 49

Nevill, Archbishop, 281

“New Learning” defined, 15 _et seq._; its purely religious application, 16 _et seq._; result of, 50; founded on Luther’s teaching, 225

New Testament, Erasmus’s translation, 168 _et seq._; English versions destroyed, 236; Tyndale version, and Luther’s share in it, 252 _et seq._

Nicholas V., Pope, 96

Nicholas of Cusa, reforms in Germany, 6; opinion on Constantine’s gift to Pope, 96

“Noah and his Sons,” religious play, 320

Nobility, attitude to clergy, 136

Norwich, Visitations of Diocese of, 43; Benedictine Cathedral Priory of, _ibid._

Nottinghamshire, chantries in, 401-402, 406

Obits, 399 _et seq._

Œcolampadius, 184, 214

“Open Bible,” 236, 246, 273, 275

Orders, religious, their graduates at Oxford, 42; suggested alterations in constitutions, 129; hostility of Erasmus, 158

Ordinations, proposed prohibition regarding, 63; abuses in, 107, 148; action by Convocation, 148-149; William de Melton on, 149-153, _note_; reformers on, 225, 232

Oxford, Register of Graduates at, 41-42; refounding of Durham College at, 48; heresy at, 227; Constitution or Synod of, 238, 247, 280

Pace, Richard, befriended by Bishop Langton, 33; his _De Fructu_, 33, _note_; at foreign universities, 34; the Pope’s library, _ibid._; remarks on music, 35; indebtedness to Abbot Bere, 40; supports Greek studies, 177

Pagula, Walter, 309

Papal Commissions, 105, 439

Papal jurisdiction, meaning of renunciation, 78; general acceptance, 79; books against, 101

Papal prerogatives, in England, 52, 107-108; in France, 77

Papal supremacy, 83 et seq.; rejection of, 90; English belief in, 93-95; rejection defended by Bishop Tunstall, 109; Erasmus on, 190, and _note_, 194-195

Pardons, 124, 435 _et seq._

Parish churches, sanctuary privileges, 57; religious teaching in, 280 _et seq._

Parish life, 323 _et seq._; devotion of people, 325; care of the churches, 328; raising of money, 340; brotherhoods, 347

Parliament, legislation on mortuaries, 53, 141; and on immunity of clergy, 66; need for settlement of religious divisions, 60; suggested legislation, 55, 62, 71; right of legislation, 141; transfers powers of Convocation to Crown, 153; petition of Commons against spirituality, _ibid._; authorises destruction of guilds, 380

Paul III., Pope, 105, 439

Paul IV., Pope, 438

Payment for “Pardons,” 435 _et seq._

Peckham, or Pecham, Archbishop, 280, 286

Penance, 282

Pensions, 108, _note_

Pensioners, university, 43

Pepwell, publisher, 310, _note_

Petition of House of Commons against spirituality, 153

_Pilgrimage of Perfection_, quoted, 83

Pilgrimages, State supervision urged, 62; objections to, 184, 293, 415; importance, 416; foreign, 416; to England, 418

Pincern, Bartolomeo, 96

Pinners, Guild of, 368-369

Plays, mystery, 316 _et seq._, 342

Pocket, the people’s, a clue to religious changes, 52

Pole, Cardinal, 48, 107

Politian, Angelo, 25, 28

Pomeranus, 214

Poor, right to benefices, 55; injury to by confiscations, 382, 402 _et seq._; bequests to, 397-398

Pope, Sir Thomas, 48

Pope, the, and Sanctuary, 55 _et seq._; pre-Reformation loyalty to, 79; powers in England before Reformation, 80 _et seq._; spiritual and temporal power in conflict, 82; position as head of Church, 83 _et seq._; rejection of his supremacy, 90; imprisoned, 94; English acceptance of his supremacy, 93-95; Constantine’s gift to, 95; wars of, 97; temporal power of, 97-100, 103-104; authority as Peter’s successor, 90, 99-100, 103; works against character of, 101-104; commission appointed by, 105; how deceived, _ibid._; recommendations of commission, 107; sermon against, 109; object of attacks on, 110; Erasmus’s attitude to, 189-190, 193-195, 197; Erasmus’s satire on, 202, and _note_; refuses to grant Henry’s divorce, 208, and _note_

Powell, Edward, theologian, quoted on papal supremacy, 85

Power, spiritual and temporal, 70, 72-73, 82; dialogue on, 73 _et seq._, 98; the king’s, 75

_Praier and Complaynte of the Ploweman_, 17, and _note_, 223

Prayers, for Pope, 110; of clergy and religious, 131; Sir Thos. More on, 307; daily, 313; for the dead, 399

Preaching at St Paul’s Cross, 67, 69; style of against Pope condemned, 92; in parish churches, 281, 283; more important than mass, 284-285

“Prick song,” or part music, 12, 13

“Primer,” the, 216, 223-224, 286

Printing, responsible for spread of heresy, 213; religious works predominate in earliest, 315-316

Psalter, the, 223-224

Purgatory, 61, 225, 231, 387, 399, 405, 437

Pynson, printer, 298

Reformation, impossibility of writing history of, 3; revival of letters not due to, 7-8, 15; adverse effect on learning, 9, 20, 41 _et seq._; English attitude to Pope prior to, 78-79; share of divorce question in, 208, and _note_; similar in England to Luther’s principles, 231; meaning, 82, 279; share of Wycliffe and Lollards in, 209 _et seq._; effect upon church art, 331; and poverty, 358

Relics, honour of, 415 _et seq._, 429 _et seq._

Religious, at universities, 42 _et seq._; State interference, 61; abuses among, 108, _note_; reputed quarrels between, 116-117; evils in constitutions, 129; testimony to moral character, 137, _note_; Mr. Brewer cited on, 147; Erasmus on, 202

Religious teaching, alleged neglect of, 278; Reformation not directly connected with, 279; extent and character, 280 _et seq._; nature and effect, 288 _et seq._; books used by clergy in, 309 _et seq._; religious plays, 316 _et seq._

Renaissance, definition of, 14; in England, _ibid._; earlier than generally supposed, 15

Restitution, argued, 125; a case involving, 140

Reuchlin, 180-181, 184, 186, 187

Reverence of images, 289 _et seq._

Ridley, Lancelot, commentaries on Scriptures, 104, 111, and _note_, 273-274; on devotion to saints, 422-423; on pilgrimages and images, 424

Roberts, John, his _Mustre of scismatyke bysshops of Rome_, 101, and _note_

Rogers, Mr. Thorold, cited, 356 _et seq._, 360-361, 364, 403

Rome, classical revival in, 203-206; sack of, 230; pilgrimages to, 416

Roper, John, 102, _note_

Roper, Mary and Margaret, 37, _note_, 41, _note_

Roy, Friar, 215, 222

Rule of life, daily, 286-287

Rules of religious orders, suggested examination, 129

Sacrament of the Altar, Dr. Richard Smythe on, 216-217, 273, _note_; Hytton on, 226

Sacraments, English reformers on, 225, 231; attack on, 271

Sadolet, Cardinal, 107, 108, _note_, 439

Saint-German, Christopher, lawyer, 53, and _note_; attitude to Church, 53, 115; cited on mortuaries, 53, 140; on lands in mortmain and benefices, 54-55; on sanctuary and benefit, 55; on churchyards, 60; on clerical duties, _ibid._; on need for State interference, _ibid._; on Purgatory, 61; on State regulation of religious life, 61; and of matrimony, 62; on miracles, _ibid._; on other debateable questions, 63; on tithes, _ibid._, 142; on power of clergy, 65; on king’s headship, _ibid._; on clerical immunity, 69; on holidays, 71; his _Salem and Bizance_, 71, 115, 118; on position of clergy as individuals, 72; controversy with More, 115 _et seq._; attacks on clergy, 119 _et seq._; alleged mercenary spirit among clergy, 123; on election of abbots, 129; on constitutions of religious orders, _ibid._; on causes of dislike of clergy by laity, 138; on indulgences, 435, 440

Saints, reverence of images of, 289 _et seq._; amount of honour due to, 304, 306, 308; devotion to, 423, and _note_, 431 _et seq._

_Salem and Bizance_, Saint-German’s _Dyalogue of_, 71, 115, 118, _note_, 122, 144

Sanctuary, difficulty of the subject, 55; a danger to the State, _ibid._; case of John Savage, 56 _et seq._; Papal Bull granted to Henry VII., 56, _note_; the subject examined by Star Chamber, 58

Savage, John, his plea of sanctuary, 56

Scaliger, cited, 166

Scholars, poor, bequests to, 396

Screens, excellence of pre-Reformation work, 12

Scripture, Holy, key of position of English reformers, 231; translations of, 234, 236 _et seq._; study of advocated by Church, 244, 248, 275, _note_

See of Rome, supremacy of, 79 _et seq._

Selby, chantries at, 411

Selling, Prior William, birth and education, 24; real name, 24, and _note_; studies at foreign universities, 25; takes his degree in theology, 25; industrious book collector, 25; good work at Christchurch, 26; returns to Rome, 26, and _note_; establishes Greek at Christchurch, 27; as prior, 27, and _note_; member of an embassy to the Pope, 31, and _note_, 56, _note_; continued interest in literary revival, 31; Greek translation, 31; fate of his library, 32; influence, 33

_Sermo Exhortatorius_, 149

Sermons, Church, more important than the Mass, 283, 284-285

Sharpe, Dr., 359

Shrines, pilgrimages to, 416 _et seq._

Simony, clergy charged with, 146

Slander and libel, jurisdiction pertaining to, 65

Smith, Mr. Toulmin, on guilds, 364, 366, 381

Smythe or Smith, Dr. Richard, 216, 272, 273, and _note_

Social conditions before Reformation, 351 _et seq._; case of the poor, 353

_Soul’s Garden_, the, 214, _note_

Sovereignty of the Pope, 97-100, 103-104, 107

Spiritual power, temporal derived from, 70

Spongia, the, of Erasmus, 187 _et seq._

Standish, Dr. Henry, on immunity of clergy, 67; charged before convocation, 67; on lesser orders, 68

Standish, John, archdeacon, 234, 248, 249, _note_, 270, 271

St. Giorgio, Venice, abbot of, 105

St. John of Jerusalem, priory of, 56

St. John the Baptist, head of, 430

St. Paul’s Cross, preaching at, 67, 91; testaments burnt at, 245, 256, and _note_

St. Peter, Catholic succession from, 90, _note_; vicarship, 99-100

Star chamber, 58

State, jurisdiction of, 51; right of interference in temporalities, 53, 60-64, 72; legislates concerning mortuaries, 53, 140; limits to State interference, 54; power claimed for, 55, 60-64; punishment by for spiritual offences, 65; protecting power of, 75; destruction of guilds by, 380-381

Stokesley, William, 34

Stubbs, Bishop, 354, 356

Students, distress of at university, 46

Sturmius, John, 105, 106, 107, _note_

Suffolk, chantries in, 407

Sunday, legal status of, 71

Superstition, in devotion, 293, 297, 302; condemned, 314

_Supplication of Beggars_, the, 213, 221

Surtees Society, publications, 319

Tailors, Guild of, 371

Taverns, frequented by clergy, 151

Teaching, religious. _See_ Religious teaching

Temporalities, right of State interference in, 53 _et seq._; difference between and spiritual jurisdiction, 72; clearly defined in Spain, 76

Temporal power, derived from spiritual, 70; of the Pope, 97-100, 103-104, 107

Theologians, Erasmus’s satire on, 201

Tithes, the lay and ecclesiastical cases, 63-64; Saint-German quoted on, 142

Torkington, Sir Richard, rector of Mulbarton, 418

_Towneley Mysteries_, the, 319

Tradition and English Reformers, 231

Translations, of Holy Scripture, 236 _et seq._

Trentals, 123, 124, 138, _note_

Trevelyan, George Macaulay, cited, 240, _note_

Trinity, feast of at Compostella, 217

Trojans, opponents of Greek study, 35

Tunstall, Bishop, 29, _note_, 34, and _note_, 109, 169, 175, _note_, 185, 198-199, 213, 214, _note_, 255, 256

Tyll. _See_ Selling

Tyndale, More’s confutation of, 87-88, 118, 119, 136; charges clergy with immorality, 145; use of word congregation for church, 173, _note_; attribution of _Enconium Moriæ_ to More, 202, _note_; books prohibited, 213; English Testament, 220; and other books, 220-223; advocates liberty, 228; influence, 231; English Testament condemned, 236, 243, 251, 255 _et seq._, 276; demand for his works, 250; birth and early life, 252; joins Luther, 252; Luther’s share in his Testament, 252 _et seq._; his revised Testament, 260; More’s examination of his Testament, 260-270; on indulgences, 437

Unity of pre-Reformation belief, 324

Universities, effect of Reformation on, 9, 41 _et seq._; monastic students at, 42 _et seq._; poverty of students at after Reformation, 46

Urban III., Pope, sanctuary grant of, 56

Urbanus Regius, cited, 18, 19, _note_

Urswick, Christopher, 32, _note_

Valla, Laurence, 96

Veneration of relics, 415, 429 _et seq._; of saints, 431-432

Venetian, a, cited on attitude of ecclesiastics to learning, 37; on religious condition of the English, 324; on beauty of English churches, 332

Venice, Aldine press at, 160

Venn, J., historian of Gonville College, quoted, 43-45

Vicarages, appropriations of cancelled, 55

Vives, Ludovico, scholar, 36, _note_, 37, 41, _note_

Von Hutten, Ulrich, tract on Constantine’s donation to the Pope, 96; attacks on Erasmus, 186 _et seq._

Warham, Archbishop, 36, and _note_, 69, 112, 160, 161, 162, 168, 215, 258

Waylande, John, printer, 232

Welsh, vernacular devotional books for, 311, _note_

Wesselius, 214

Westacre, Augustinian priory of, 43

Westminster, the abbot of, 58-59; pardon purchased for, 124; doles at, 132

Wey, William, itineraries of, 416

Whitford, Richard, 83, 232-233, 283, 305, 312

Wills, ecclesiastical administration of, 65; pre-Reformation, 387 _et seq._; bequests for pilgrimages, 416

Winchcombe, abbot of, 67

Winchester, wall paintings of Lady Chapel at, 11; fair at, 379

Wolffgang, printer, 309

Wolsey, Cardinal, attitude to revival of learning, 36; hears the Savage sanctuary case, 58; upholds rights of Crown, 68; opposes temporal punishments of clergy, _ibid._; present at burning of books, 256, _note_

Worcester, Tiptoft, Earl of, 23, and _note_

Worcester, William, antiquary, 26, 27

Work, definite, lack of among clergy, 137, _note_

_Worke entytled of the olde God and the new_, 102, and _note_

Wycliffe, share in Reformation, 209 _et seq._; books prohibited, 214; origin of Wycliffite Scriptures, 237, 247

Wyer, Robert, printer, 285

Yorkshire, chantries in, 411

Zwingle, books of prohibited, 213-214

Printed by BALLANTYNE, HANSON & CO. Edinburgh & London

_A Popular Edition._

In One Volume, Demy 8vo, Cloth, Gilt Top, price 10s. 6d. Net, pp. 528.

A NEW REVISED AND CORRECTED EDITION OF

FRANCIS AIDAN GASQUET’S

Henry the Eighth and the English Monasteries.

(Of which Six Editions at 24s. have already been sold.)

Contents.

CHAP.

I. The Dawn of Difficulties. II. Cardinal Wolsey and the Monasteries. III. The Holy Maid of Kent. IV. The Friars Observant and the Carthusians. V. The Visitation of Monasteries in 1535-36. VI. The Parliament of 1536 and the suppression of the Lesser Monasteries. VII. The “Comperta Monastica” and other charges against the Monks. VIII. Thomas Cromwell, the King’s Vicar-General. IX. The chief accusers of the Monks--Layton, Legh, Ap Rice, and London. X. The Dissolution of the Lesser Monasteries. XI. The Rising in Lincolnshire. XII. The Pilgrimage of Grace. XIII. The Second Northern Rising. XIV. Dissolution by Attainder. XV. The Suppression of Convents. XVI. Fall of the Friars. XVII. Progress of the General Suppression. XVIII. The Three Benedictine Abbots. XIX. The Monastic Spoils. XX. The Spending of the Spoils. XXI. The Ejected Monks and their Pensions. XXII. Some Results of the Suppression.

APPENDIX: Accounts of the Augmentation Office, &c. GENERAL INDEX.

_=Some Press Notices.=_

=Dublin Review.=--“The recognised authority on the subject upon which it treats.”

=Tablet.=--“Produced in excellent style, we welcome and recommend this new edition of an old work by such a pioneer of historical truth as Dr. Gasquet with renewed confidence, for the next best thing to a new work from such a hand is a carefully revised and cheaper edition of an old one.”

=Church Times.=--“Dr. Gasquet’s work has won for itself so secure a position that it is superfluous to point out its merits afresh, but the author in the preface to the new edition calls attention to certain alterations necessitated by the publication by Dr. James Gairdner of the Calendar of Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII. These documents have now been arranged in volumes, consequently a very considerable re-arrangement of references has been rendered necessary, in order to facilitate the consultation of the original documents. This popular edition will be greatly appreciated by the students of this period of England’s ecclesiastical history.”

=Catholic Book Notes.=--“A standard authority, if not a classic … we congratulate author and publisher on its production in one handsome volume. We anticipate a large sale … and would especially recommend it as a suitable volume for prizes in the higher classes of our schools.”

* * * * *

_New Work on English Monastic History._

In Two Volumes, Demy 8vo, Cloth, price 21s. Net.

The English Black Monks of St. Benedict

A Sketch of their history from the coming of St. Augustine to the Present Day.

BY THE REV. ETHELRED L. TAUNTON.

Contents.

_VOLUME THE FIRST._

CHAP.

I. The Coming of the Monks. II. The Norman Lanfranc. III. The Benedictine Constitution. IV. The Monk in the World. V. The Monk in his Monastery. VI. Women under the Rule. VII. Chronicles of the Congregation. I. VIII. The Downfall. IX. John Fecknam, Abbot. X. The State of English Catholics, 1559-1601. APPENDIX: The Consuetudinary of St. Augustine’s, Canterbury.

_VOLUME THE SECOND._

CHAP.

XI. The Benedictine Mission. XII. Douai and Dieuleward. XIII. The Renewal of the English Congregation. XIV. Dom Leander and his Mission. XV. Chronicles of the Congregation. II. XVI. St. Gregory’s Monastery. XVII. St. Lawrence’s Monastery. XVIII. St. Edmund’s Monastery. XIX. St. Malo, Lambspring, and Cambrai. XX. Other Benedictine Houses. Denizen and Alien.

_=Some Press Notices.=_

=Saturday Review.=--“On the whole, it would be difficult within the limits that the author has set for himself to write a more interesting book. We recommend, more especially to the general reader, the three chapters on the life of a monk in the world and in his monastery, and that describing the life of women under the rule.”

=Literature.=--“We are struck with the skill with which he has mastered the details of a somewhat complicated story, and the clear way he has set it down for the benefit of his readers.”

=English Historical Review.=--“Here, for the first time, the story of the Benedictine mission of 1603 is fully told in English; in this story the central figure is Dom Augustine Baker, the true author of the ‘Apostolatus,’ who, being professed by the aged Buckley, the last survivor of Westminster, claimed the inheritance of the rights and privileges of the original congregation, and the power, by professing others, to hand on the inheritance to posterity. The story of the English Benedictine congregation in its settlements abroad, and finally in its settlements at home, is very skilfully told, in a pleasant, popular style.”

=Literary World.=--“The story of the English Benedictines is one that will be read with sympathy and even admiration by the instructed Protestant. Curiously enough the history of the Order--not the exact word, but no better offers--has a striking affinity with the principles of Congregationalism. The strength of the Order was that it consisted of independent homes, and was not like most fraternities, a great whole subdivided into communities. Upon this Father Taunton again and again insists, and his view is indisputable. Of the two volumes before us the first will be more generally interesting to Englishmen, but it may be well to prepare our readers for its perusal by saying that the almost patronising style of the beginning is not long continued. We feared at first that the author was going to talk down to us in pity for our ignorance, and were accordingly prepared to resent his impertinence. A very few pages onward and we yielded ourselves willingly to his pleasant instruction.… A good book, which we can heartily recommend to the open-minded reader.”

=Liverpool Post.=--“Two large and well-printed volumes contain what the writer modestly describes as a ‘sketch’ of the Benedictine Order in England from the coming of Augustine in the sixth century up to the present time. The work is something more than a theological history. It is in one aspect a history of English society during fifteen hundred years, for the Benedictines were ever closely in touch with the people among whom they laboured. Mr. Taunton is not an ecclesiastical zealot, and he writes with admirable impartiality, as witness his outspoken condemnation of the intrigues of Rome and the machinations of the Jesuits in England during the reigns of Elizabeth and James. Hence his opinions on such a question as the social consequences to England of the closing of the monasteries is deserving of greater weight.”

=Glasgow Herald.=--“In these two portly volumes Mr. Taunton furnishes us with a very full history of the English Benedictines, describing it as ‘a tribute of the affection and esteem which I, an outsider, have for the English monks.’ There is doubtless room for such a work, and it must be said that Mr. Taunton has brought to his task abundant enthusiasm and much painstaking research. … We cordially welcome it for its accumulation of valuable historical materials, and for the author’s industry we have nothing but praise.”

* * * * *

_Also by F. A. GASQUET, D. D._

In One Volume, Demy 8vo, 408 Pages, Cloth, price 12s. Net.

The Old English Bible, and other Essays.

_Contents._

CHAP. I. Notes on Mediæval Monastic Libraries. II. The Monastic Scriptorium. III. A Forgotten English Preacher. IV. The Pre-Reformation English Bible(1). V. The Pre-Reformation English Bible(2). VI. Religious Instruction in England during the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries. VII. A Royal Christmas in the Fifteenth Century. VIII. The Canterbury Claustral School in the Fifteenth Century. IX. The Note-books of William Worcester, a Fifteenth-Century Antiquary. X. Hampshire Recusants. With a complete Index.

_=Some Press Notices.=_

=Times.=--“Full of the learning and research which Dr. Gasquet has made so peculiarly his own.”

=Athenæum.=--“Whatever Dr. Gasquet writes is of interest, and thanks are due to him for these essays.… Full of rare information, and real contributions to history.”

* * * * *

_By the late MISS MANNING._

In Crown 8vo, with an Introduction by the Rev. W. H. HUTTON, B.D., and Twenty-five Illustrations by JOHN JELLICOE and HERBERT RAILTON, price 6s. Cloth Elegant, Gilt Top.

The Household of Sir Thos. More.

_=Some Press Notices.=_

=Spectator.=--“A delightful book.… Twenty-five illustrations by John Jellicoe and Herbert Railton show off the book to the best advantage.”

=Graphic.=--“A picture, not merely of great charm, but of infinite value in helping the many to understand a famous Englishman and the times in which he lived.”

=Literary World.=--“A charming reprint.… Every feature of the pictorial work is in keeping with the spirit of the whole.”

=Scotsman.=--“This clever work of the historical imagination has gone through several editions, and is one of the most successful artistic creations of its kind.”

=Glasgow Herald.=--“An extremely beautiful reprint of the late Miss Manning’s quaint and charming work.”

=Sketch.=--“In the front rank of the gift-books of the season is this beautiful and very cleverly illustrated reprint of a work which has lasting claims to popularity.”

=Magazine of Art.=--“The grace and beauty of the late Miss Manning’s charming work, ‘The Household of Sir Thomas More,’ has been greatly enhanced by the new edition now put forth by Mr. John C. Nimmo.… This remarkable work is not to be read without keen delight.”

=Academy.=--“It is illustrated cleverly and prettily, and tastefully bound, so as to make an attractive gift-book.”

=Liverpool Post.=--“We welcome the tasteful reprint with its artistic illustrations by John Jellicoe and Herbert Railton, and its helpful introduction by the Rev. W. H. Hutton.”

* * * * *

_NEW ILLUSTRATED EDITION IN SIXTEEN VOLUMES._

Extra Crown 8vo, Brown Cloth, Gilt Top, price 5s. per Volume Net; also in Special Binding, Ruby Cloth, Flat Back, Gilt Top, price £4 Net, the Set of 16 Vols. only.

THE REV. S. BARING-GOULD’S

Lives of the Saints.

With a Calendar for Every Day in the Year.

New Edition, Revised, with Introduction and Additional Lives of English Martyrs, Cornish and Welsh Saints, and Full Indices to the Entire Work. Illustrated by over 400 Engravings.

_Contents of the Volumes._

JANUARY: 170 Biographies, with 45 Illustrations (Vol. 1). FEBRUARY: 174 Biographies, with 29 Illustrations (Vol. 2). MARCH: 187 Biographies, with 42 Illustrations (Vol. 3). APRIL: 141 Biographies, with 24 Illustrations (Vol. 4). MAY: 153 Biographies, with 26 Illustrations (Vol. 5). JUNE: 200 Biographies, with 39 Illustrations (Vol. 6). JULY: 223 Biographies, with 34 Illustrations (Vols. 7 and 8). AUGUST: 215 Biographies, with 39 Illustrations (Vol. 9). SEPTEMBER: 210 Biographies, with 34 Illustrations (Vol. 10). OCTOBER: 220 Biographies, with 28 Illustrations (Vols. 11 and 12). NOVEMBER: 185 Biographies, with 47 Illustrations (Vols. 13 and 14). DECEMBER: 146 Biographies, with 22 Illustrations (Vol. 15).

APPENDIX VOLUME.

Additional Biographies of English Martyrs, Cornish and Welsh Saints, Genealogies of Saintly Families, and two Indices to the entire work (Vol. 16).

_=Some Press Notices.=_

=Daily Chronicle.=--“When it is remembered that in these two volumes (January and February) the biographies of more than four hundred saints are to be found, and that in every case the authorities from which they are derived are set forth; that in the Introduction the reader is furnished with a succinct account of the literature of the subject which is the best _résumé_ that we have in English; that errors in the previous edition are not left uncorrected--it will be seen how much is to be expected from this new issue of Mr. Baring-Gould’s wonderful work, and how much will be found in the sixteen volumes which will be required to complete it.… No student of history--to go no further--can dispense with such a valuable book of reference. There is nothing like it in our language.”

=Standard.=--“The earlier volumes of the new edition are before us, and even a cursory examination is enough to show that the work has been thoroughly revised.… The book is of real value, since it is written with scholarly care, imaginative vision, and a happy union of charity and courage.”

=Guardian.=--“Whoever reads the more important lives in the sixteen volumes of which this new edition is to consist, will be introduced to a region of which historians for the most part tell him little, and yet one that throws constant light upon some of the obscurest points of ordinary histories. For this, and for the pleasure and profit thence derived, he will have to thank Mr. Baring-Gould.”

=Scotsman.=--“Mr. Baring-Gould, Anglican priest though he be, fulfils the promise of his original edition in so far as he does not obtrude either prejudice or sectarianism into his record of these Saints.”

=British Review and National Observer.=--“The new edition of Mr. Baring-Gould’s familiar work may well be called monumental, both on account of its size, and the variety and completeness of the information to be found in it.”

=Notes and Queries.=--“It is impossible to mention the various sources whence have been drawn the illustrations, which will render this work, to those to whom the subject appeals, the most acceptable, as it is certainly the handsomest, of existing editions.”

=Weekly Sun.=--“We unhesitatingly commend it as well to the lover of mediævalism as the student who must have at hand encyclopædic volumes of reference. No library that aims at being comprehensive can afford to be without it. No student of ecclesiastical and cathedral antiquities can neglect it if he wishes to make a successful study of his particular subject.”

=Christian World.=--“The new edition is tastefully got up, and is a worthy setting of a great literary enterprise. The ‘Lives of the Saints’ is a human story of unfading interest.”

London: 14 King William Street, Strand

John C. Nimmo’s New & Recent Publications

For the Autumn of 1899

_=New Work by the Rev. F. A. GASQUET, D.D., O.S.B.=_

IMPORTANT TO STUDENTS OF THE REFORMATION PERIOD.

In One Volume, Demy 8vo, Cloth, Gilt Top, price 12s. 6d. Net.

The Eve of the Reformation.

Studies in the Religious Life and Thought of the English People in the Period preceding the Rejection of the Roman Jurisdiction by Henry VIII. By FRANCIS AIDAN GASQUET, D.D., O.S.B., Author of “Henry VIII. and the English Monasteries,” “The Old English Bible, and other Essays,” &c.

NOTE.--This is not a controversial work, but a study chiefly of the literature, &c., of the period in order to see what people were doing, saying, and thinking about before the change of religion. As touching upon rather new ground, and at the same time widening the field of view in the Reformation question, it should be of great interest at the present moment.

* * * * *

_=New Illustrated Work on Palestine.=_

In One Volume, Demy 8vo, Cloth, Gilt Top, with 16 Illustrations reproduced in Colours in facsimile of the Original Paintings by the Author, price 12s. 6d. Net.

Two Years in Palestine and Syria.

BY MARGARET THOMAS,

Author of

“A Scamper through Spain and Tangier,” “A Hero of the Workshop,” &c.

With 16 Illustrations reproduced in Colours in facsimile of the Original Paintings by the Author.

NOTE.--This book is being looked forward to with great interest by travellers, so many people have in one out-of-the-way corner or another of Europe, Asia, Africa, and Australia met this versatile lady. A Royal Academy Silver Medallist, she has had many pictures and pieces of sculpture exhibited in the Royal Academy. This (her new book) will be illustrated with sixteen reproductions in colours of her oil paintings. The subjects of these were painted on the spot, and the reproductions are by a new process not as yet employed for book illustration.

* * * * *

_An Artist in Spain._

In One Volume, Super Royal 8vo, Cloth, Gilt Top, with Photogravure Portrait, after the Painting by JAN VETH, and 39 Illustrations, price 12s. 6d. Net.

Spain: The Story of a Journey.

BY JOZEF ISRAËLS.

With a Portrait in Photogravure, and 39 reproductions of Sketches by the Author. Translated from the Dutch by ALEXANDER TEIXEIRA DE MATTOS.

NOTE.--The author and illustrator of this book (Jozef Israëls) has long been acknowledged the most popular painter of the day, in this, the best sense, that his work claims the admiration not only of the critics, the collectors, and the _dilettanti_, but also of those uncultured people who, understanding nothing of painting, having no care for artisticity or virtuosity, cannot fail to be penetrated by the poetry that fills each of the veteran’s canvases.

* * * * *

_A History of Steeple-Chasing._

In Super Royal 8vo, uniform with “The Quorn Hunt and its Masters,” VYNER’S “Notitia Venatica,” and RADCLIFFE’S “Noble Science of Fox-Hunting.” With 12 Illustrations, chiefly drawn by HENRY ALKEN, and all coloured by hand, also 16 Head and Tail Pieces, drawn by HENRY ALKEN and others. Cloth, Gilt Top, price 21s. net.

A History of Steeple-Chasing.

BY WILLIAM C. A. BLEW, M.A.,

Author of “The Quorn Hunt and its Masters,” Editor of VYNER’S “Notitia Venatica,” and RADCLIFFE’S “Noble Science of Fox-Hunting.”

With 12 Illustrations, chiefly drawn by HENRY ALKEN, and all coloured by hand, also 16 Head and Tail Pieces, drawn by HENRY ALKEN and others.

* * * * *

_New Volume, being the Fifth of the Works of the late Miss Manning_,

Author of “Mary Powell,” &c. &c.

In Crown 8vo, with Illustrations by JOHN JELLICOE and HERBERT RAILTON, price 6s., Cloth Elegant, Gilt Top.

The Colloquies of Edward Osborne.

Citizen and Cloth-Worker of London.

With 10 Illustrations by JOHN JELLICOE.

_Uniform in Size and Price, by the same Author._

The Household of Sir Thos. More.

Cherry and Violet. A Tale of the Great Plague.

The Maiden and Married Life of Mary Powell (AFTERWARDS MISTRESS MILTON);

And the Sequel thereto, Deborah’s Diary.

The Old Chelsea Bun-Shop. A Tale of the Last Century.

_=Some Press Notices.=_

=Athenæum.=--“The late Miss Manning’s delicate and fanciful little cameos of historical romance possess a flavour of their own.… The numerous Illustrations by Mr. Jellicoe and Mr. Railton are particularly happy.”

=Public Opinion.=--“It is an example of a pure and beautiful style of literature.”

=Spectator.=--“A delightful book.… Twenty-five illustrations by John Jellicoe and Herbert Railton show off the book to the best advantage.”

=Graphic.=--“A picture, not merely of great charm, but of infinite value in helping the many to understand a famous Englishman and the times in which he lived.”

=Literary World.=--“A charming reprint.… Every feature of the pictorial work is in keeping with the spirit of the whole.”

=Scotsman.=--“This clever work of the historical imagination has gone through several editions, and is one of the most successful artistic creations of its kind.”

=Glasgow Herald.=--“An extremely beautiful reprint of the late Miss Manning’s quaint and charming work.”

=Sketch.=--“In the front rank of the gift-books of the season is this beautiful and very cleverly illustrated reprint of a work which has lasting claims to popularity.”

=Magazine of Art.=--“The grace and beauty of the late Miss Manning’s charming work, ‘The Household of Sir Thomas More,’ has been greatly enhanced by the new edition now put forth by Mr. John C. Nimmo.… This remarkable work is not to be read without keen delight.”

=Academy.=--“It is illustrated cleverly and prettily, and tastefully bound, so as to make an attractive gift-book.”

* * * * *

_A Cheaper Edition._

In Two Volumes, Extra Crown 8vo, Cloth, Gilt Top, with Portrait and 32 Illustrations from Contemporary Sources, price 12s. Net.

The Reminiscences and Recollections of Captain Gronow.

Being Anecdotes of the Camp, Court, Clubs, and Society, 1810-1860. With Portrait and 32 Illustrations from Contemporary Sources by JOSEPH GREGO.

⁂ This is a remarkably cheap edition of this favourite and popular book.

* * * * *

In One Volume, Demy 8vo, Cloth, Gilt Top, with 6 Photogravure Portraits and 30 other Illustrations from Contemporary Sources, price 7s. 6d. Net.

Words on Wellington.

The Duke--Waterloo--The Ball.

BY SIR WILLIAM FRASER, BARONET,

M.A., Christ Church, Oxford.

With 6 Photogravure Portraits, and 30 other Illustrations from Contemporary Sources.

⁂ This book was published in 1889, and the whole of the edition printed was immediately absorbed. The present new edition is illustrated with Photogravure Portraits and other illustrations reproduced especially for this edition from rare and contemporary engravings selected by Mr. Joseph Grego.

* * * * *

_New Volume of Poems by Violet Fane._

One Volume, Small 4to, printed on Arnold’s Hand-Made Paper, and bound in Half-Calf, Gilt Top. Two hundred and sixty copies printed for England and America on Arnold’s Hand-Made Paper, each numbered, type distributed, price 10s. 6d. net. Uniform with previous volumes by the same author, viz., “Poems” and “Under Cross and Crescent.”

Betwixt Two Seas. Poems and Ballads.

BY VIOLET FANE.

Written at Constantinople and Therapia.

* * * * *

_New Library Edition of_

_STEELE AND ADDISON’S “SPECTATOR.”_

In Eight Volumes, Extra Crown 8vo, with Original Engraved Portraits and Vignettes, Cloth, price 7s. Net per Volume. Sold only in Sets, £2, 16s. Net.

The Spectator.

EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES

BY GEORGE A. AITKEN, Author of “The Life of Richard Steele,” &c.

_From the Editor’s Preface._

“The present edition of the ‘Spectator’ has been printed from a copy of the original collected and revised edition published in 1712-15, with the exception that modern rules of spelling have been followed. The principal variations between the text as corrected by the authors and the original version in the folio numbers have at the same time been indicated in the notes; it has not been thought necessary to point out slight differences of no importance. In the notes I have aimed at the greatest conciseness compatible with the satisfactory explanation of the less obvious allusions to literary or social matters. I have acknowledged my principal obligations to more recent editors, but in some cases notes have been handed down from one editor to another, and cannot be traced to their original author. Many of the older notes, moreover, were obsolete, or needed correction in the light of subsequent knowledge. I have endeavoured to preserve what is of value, without burdening the pages with the contradictions and inaccuracies which are inevitable in a _variorum_ edition.”

_Some Press Notices._

=Pall Mall Gazette.=--“Undoubtedly the best library reprint of this famous periodical that has been published.”

=Daily News.=--“If handsome print, paper, and binding, together with careful annotation, have attractions in the eyes of lovers of standard books, there ought to be a good demand for this new edition.”

=Scotsman.=--“An edition in which it is a pleasure to read, and one which would adorn any library.”

=Notes and Queries.=--“We congratulate the publisher and the editor on the termination of a useful task, and we commend to the public this eminently desirable edition of our English masterpiece--the most attractive and serviceable yet printed.”

=Birmingham Post.=--“An edition of the ‘Spectator’ which, as a book for the library, has no equal, whether we consider the stately and appropriate form, the typographical excellence, or the erudite and finished editing. Added to these is the crowning grace of a full and complete index. It is a luxury to read the early eighteenth century classic in such an edition as this.”

=Glasgow Herald.=--“All that the most fastidious lover of books could desire. Its size--extra crown octavo--is stately, without being cumbersome. The buckram cloth binding is neat, substantial, and serviceable--exactly what is required for a library of which the contents are intended for use as well as for show. The notes supplied by Mr. George A. Aitken, as might be expected from his exceptional acquaintance with the period, enable the reader to understand and appreciate the numerous allusions to literary and social matters which occur in most of the papers.”

* * * * *

_NEW ILLUSTRATED EDITION IN SIXTEEN VOLUMES._

Extra Crown 8vo, Cloth, Gilt Top, price 5s. per Volume Net. Also in Ruby Coloured Cloth. Gilt Top, Flat Back, Elegant, Sold in Sets only, price £4 Net.

THE REV. S. BARING-GOULD’S

Lives of the Saints.

With a Calendar for Every Day in the Year.

New Edition, Revised, with Introduction and Additional Lives of English Martyrs Cornish and Welsh Saints, and Full Indices to the Entire Work. Illustrated by over 400 Engravings.

_Contents of the Volumes._

JANUARY: 170 Biographies, with 45 Illustrations (Vol. 1). FEBRUARY: 174 Biographies, with 29 Illustrations (Vol. 2). MARCH: 187 Biographies, with 42 Illustrations (Vol. 3). APRIL: 141 Biographies, with 24 Illustrations (Vol. 4). MAY: 153 Biographies, with 26 Illustrations (Vol. 5). JUNE: 200 Biographies, with 39 Illustrations (Vol. 6). JULY: 223 Biographies, with 34 Illustrations (Vols. 7 and 8). AUGUST: 215 Biographies, with 39 Illustrations (Vol. 9). SEPTEMBER: 210 Biographies, with 34 Illustrations (Vol. 10). OCTOBER: 220 Biographies, with 28 Illustrations (Vols. 11 and 12). NOVEMBER: 185 Biographies, with 47 Illustrations (Vols. 13 and 14). DECEMBER: 146 Biographies, with 22 Illustrations (Vol. 15).

APPENDIX VOLUME.

Additional Biographies of English Martyrs, Cornish and Welsh Saints, Genealogies of Saintly Families, and two Indices to the entire work (Vol. 16).

_Some Press Notices._

=Daily Chronicle.=--“When it is remembered that in these two volumes (January and February) the biographies of more than four hundred saints are to be found, and that in every case the authorities from which they are derived are set forth; that in the Introduction the reader is furnished with a succinct account of the literature of the subject which is the best _résumé_ that we have in English; that errors in the previous edition are not left uncorrected--it will be seen how much is to be expected from this new issue of Mr. Baring-Gould’s wonderful work, and how much will be found in the sixteen volumes which will be required to complete it.… No student of history--to go no further--can dispense with such a valuable book of reference. There is nothing like it in our language.”

=Standard.=--“The earlier volumes of the new edition are before us, and even a cursory examination is enough to show that the work has been thoroughly revised.… The book is of real value, since it is written with scholarly care, imaginative vision, and a happy union of charity and courage.”

=Guardian.=--“Whoever reads the more important lives in the sixteen volumes of which this new edition is to consist, will be introduced to a region of which historians for the most part tell him little, and yet one that throws constant light upon some of the obscurest points of ordinary histories. For this, and for the pleasure and profit thence derived, he will have to thank Mr. Baring-Gould.”

=Scotsman.=--“Mr. Baring-Gould, Anglican priest though he be, fulfils the promise of his original edition in so far as he does not obtrude either prejudice or sectarianism into his record of these Saints.”

=British Review and National Observer.=--“The new edition of Mr. Baring-Gould’s familiar work may well be called monumental, both on account of its size, and the variety and completeness of the information to be found in it.”

=Notes and Queries.=--“It is impossible to mention the various sources whence have been drawn the illustrations, which will render this work, to those to whom the subject appeals, the most acceptable, as it is certainly the handsomest, of existing editions.”

=Weekly Sun.=--“We unhesitatingly commend it as well to the lover of mediævalism as the student who must have at hand encyclopædic volumes of reference. No library that aims at being comprehensive can afford to be without it. No student of ecclesiastical and cathedral antiquities can neglect it if he wishes to make a successful study of his particular subject.”

=Christian World.=--“The new edition is tastefully got up, and is a worthy setting of a great literary enterprise. The ‘Lives of the Saints’ is a human story of unfading interest.”

* * * * *

_Works by FRANCIS AIDAN GASQUET, D.D._

In One Volume, Demy 8vo, Cloth, Gilt Top, price 10s. 6d. Net, pp. 528.

A NEW REVISED AND CORRECTED EDITION OF

FRANCIS AIDAN GASQUET’S

Henry the Eighth, and the English monasteries.

Of which Six Editions at 24s. have already been sold.

_Extracts from Press Notices._

=Athenæum.=--“We may say in brief, if what we have already said is not sufficient to show it, that a very important chapter of English history is here treated with a fulness, minuteness, and lucidity which will not be found in previous accounts, and we sincerely congratulate Dr. Gasquet on having made such an important contribution to English historical literature.”

=Guardian.=--“A learned, careful, and successful vindication of the personal character of the monks.… In Dr. Gasquet’s skilful hands the dissolution of the monasteries assumes the proportions of a Greek tragedy.”

* * * * *

In One Volume, Demy 8vo, 408 Pages, Cloth, price 12s. Net.

The Old English Bible, and other Essays.

_Contents._

CHAP. I. Notes on Mediæval Monastic Libraries. II. The Monastic Scriptorium. III. A Forgotten English Preacher. IV. The Pre-Reformation English Bible(1). V. The Pre-Reformation English Bible(2). VI. Religious Instruction in England during the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries. VII. A Royal Christmas in the Fifteenth Century. VIII. The Canterbury Claustral School in the Fifteenth Century. IX. The Note-books of William Worcester, a Fifteenth-Century Antiquary. X. Hampshire Recusants. With a complete Index.

_Some Press Notices._

=Times.=--“Full of the learning and research which Dr. Gasquet has made so peculiarly his own.”

=Athenæum.=--“Whatever Dr. Gasquet writes is of interest, and thanks are due to him for these essays.… Full of rare information, and real contributions to history.”

=British Review and National Observer.=--“Dr. Gasquet has started a very curious controversy, which will entertain even those whom it does not seriously interest, and will familiarise them incidentally with many facts of history.… The remaining essays are also rich in quaint, curious information.”

=Scotsman.=--“He has thrown much light on obscure passages and features of later mediæval history in our country.”

=Notes and Queries.=--“Dr. Gasquet writes clearly and forcibly, and when touching on controversial points, as he frequently has to do, he manifests a studied moderation, and liberality.”

* * * * *

_Cheap Illustrated Edition now Completed in 24 Volumes._

Crown 8vo, tastefully bound in Green Cloth, Gilt, in which binding any of the Novels may be bought separately, price 3s. 6d. each. Also in Special Cloth Binding, Flat Backs, Gilt Tops, supplied in Sets only of 24 Volumes, price £4, 4s.

THE LARGE TYPE BORDER EDITION OF THE WAVERLEY NOVELS.

Edited with Introductory Essays and Notes to each Novel (supplementing those of the Author) by ANDREW LANG. With 250 Original Illustrations from Drawings and Paintings specially executed by eminent Artists.

⁂ This is generally conceded to be the best edition of the Waverley Novels, not only as regards editing and illustrations, but also in point of type, printing and paper, and is complete in 24 volumes instead of 25 as in other editions.

_List of the Volumes._

1. Waverley. 2. Guy Mannering. 3. The Antiquary. 4. Rob Roy. 5. Old Mortality. 6. The Heart of Midlothian. 7. A Legend of Montrose, and The Black Dwarf. 8. The Bride of Lammermoor. 9. Ivanhoe. 10. The Monastery. 11. The Abbot. 12. Kenilworth. 13. The Pirate. 14. The Fortunes of Nigel. 15. Peveril of the Peak. 16. Quentin Durward. 17. St. Ronan’s Well. 18. Redgauntlet. 19. The Betrothed, and The Talisman. 20. Woodstock. 21. The Fair Maid of Perth. 22. Anne of Geierstein. 23. Count Robert of Paris, and The Surgeon’s Daughter. 24. Castle Dangerous, Chronicles of the Canongate, &c.

_Some of the Artists contributing to the “Border Edition,”_

Sir J. E. Millais, Bart., P.R.A. Lockhart Bogle. Gordon Browne. D. Y. Cameron. Frank Dadd, R.I. R. de Los Rios. Herbert Dicksee. M. L. Gow, R.I. W. B. Hole, R.S.A. John Pettie, R.A. Sir James D. Linton, P.R.I. Ad. Lalauze. J. E. Lauder, R.S.A. W. Hatherell, R.I. Sam Bough, R.S.A. W. E. Lockhart, R.S.A. R. W. Macbeth, A.R.A. H. Macbeth-Raeburn. J. Macwhirter, A.R.A., R.S.A. W. Q. Orchardson, R.A. James Orrock, R.I. Walter Paget. Sir George Reid, P.R.S.A. Frank Short. W. Strang. Sir Henry Raeburn, R.A., P.R.S.A. Arthur Hopkins, A.R.W.S. R. Herdman, R.S.A. D. Herdman. Hugh Cameron, R.S.A.

_Some Press Notices of the Large Type Border Edition of the Waverley Novels._

=The Spectator.=--“We trust that this fine edition of our greatest and most poetical of novelists will attain, if it has not already done so, the high popularity it deserves. To all Scott’s lovers it is a pleasure to know that, despite the daily and weekly inrush of ephemeral fiction, the sale of his works is said by the booksellers to rank next below Tennyson’s in poetry, and above that of everybody else in prose.”

=The Times.=--“It would be difficult to find in these days a more competent and sympathetic editor of Scott than his countryman, the brilliant and versatile man of letters who has undertaken the task; and if any proof were wanted either of his qualifications or of his skill and discretion in displaying them, Mr. Lang has furnished it abundantly in his charming Introduction to ‘Waverley.’ The editor’s own notes are judiciously sparing, but conspicuously to the point, and they are very discreetly separated from those of the author, Mr. Lang’s laudable purpose being to illustrate and explain Scott, not to make the notes a pretext for displaying his own critical faculty and literary erudition. The illustrations by various competent hands are beautiful in themselves and beautifully executed, and, altogether, the ‘Border Edition’ of the Waverley Novels bids fair to become the classical edition of the great Scottish classic.”

=The Athenæum.=-“The handsome ‘Border Edition’ has been brought by Mr. Nimmo to a successful conclusion. Mr. Nimmo deserves to be complimented on the manner in which the Edition has been printed and illustrated, and Mr. Lang on the way in which he has performed his portion of the work. His Introductions have been tasteful and readable; he has not overdone his part; and, while he has supplied much useful information, he has by no means overburdened the volumes with notes.”

=Notes and Queries.=--“Mr. Nimmo’s spirited and ambitious enterprise has been conducted to a safe termination, and the most ideal edition of the Waverley Novels in existence is now completed.”

=Saturday Review.=--“Of all the many collections of the Waverley Novels, Mr. Nimmo’s ‘Border Edition’ is incomparably the most handsome and the most desirable.… Type, paper, illustrations are altogether admirable.”

=Daily Chronicle.=--“There is absolutely no fault to be found with it, as to paper, type, or arrangement.”

=Magazine of Art.=--“Size, type, paper, and printing, to say nothing of the excessively liberal and charming introduction or of the illustrations, make this perhaps the most desirable edition of Scott ever issued on this side of the border.”

* * * * *

Two-Volume edition of The Border Waverley.

In 48 Volumes, Large Crown 8vo, Cloth, Gilt Top, with the 250 Etchings printed on Japanese Paper, price 6s. per Volume.

Purchasers of this beautiful edition are recommended to complete their sets at once, as many of the Volumes are out of print, and those still remaining will soon be.

* * * * *

_Two Important Ornithological Works by Henry Seebohm._

THE STANDARD WORK ON BRITISH BIRDS.

In Four Volumes, Royal 8vo, Cloth, with numerous Wood Engravings and Sixty-eight Coloured Plates, price £6, 6s., now £5, 5s. Net.

A History or British Birds.

To which is added the Author’s Notes on their Classification and Geographical Distribution; also Sixty-eight Coloured Plates of their Eggs. By HENRY SEEBOHM, Author of “Siberia in Europe,” “Siberia in Asia,” &c. &c.

=Saturday Review.=--“The illustrations are as nearly perfect as the most careful colour-printing can produce, rivalling--and it is no slight praise--the admirable egg-pictures of Hewitson, some of which might almost have been executed by hand; and the book is written in an easy, pleasant style, redolent of the field rather than of the study.”

=Zoologist.=--“The text contains not only a description of each egg and its varieties, but also a very full account of the life-history of each bird.… If we may conceive the works of Yarrell and Hewitson rolled into one, with corrections, emendations, and important additions, and with woodcuts as well as coloured plates, such a work is Mr. Seebohm’s.”

=Nature.=--“We unhesitatingly express our opinion that since the time of Macgillivray no such original book as Mr. Seebohm’s has been published on British ornithology; we think that the figures of the eggs are by far the best that have yet been given.”

* * * * *

In One Volume, 4to, Cloth, with numerous Wood Engravings and Twenty-one Plates of Birds, Coloured by Hand, price £5, 5s., now £2, 12s. 6d. Net.

_ONLY FIVE HUNDRED COPIES PRINTED._

The Geographical Distribution or the Charadriidæ;

Or, The Plovers, Sandpipers, Snipes, and their Allies.

By HENRY SEEBOHM, Author of “Siberia in Europe,” “Siberia in Asia,” “A History of British Birds, with Coloured Illustrations of their Eggs,” &c.

=Nature.=--“This is a handsome volume of more than 500 pages, and is illustrated by twenty-one coloured plates, drawn in Mr. Keulemans’s best style. The book is profusely illustrated by woodcuts, showing the specific characters of the different species, and these will be invaluable to the student of these difficult birds. In fact, no work has ever been so remarkably treated in this respect, and it will be the book of reference for the _Charadriidæ_ for many years to come.”

* * * * *

One Volume, Super-royal 8vo, Cloth, with Two Photogravure Plates, One Plate in Colour, and Fifty-nine other Illustrations, price 7s. 6d. Net.

Fern Growing: Fifty Years’ Experience in Crossing and Cultivation.

With a List of the most important Varieties and a History of the Discovery of Multiple Parentage. By E. J. LOWE, F.R.S., F.L.S.

=Athenæum.=--“In some respects the most important treatise on British ferns that has hitherto appeared.”

* * * * *

Third Edition, with Seventy-four Coloured Plates, Super-royal 8vo, Cloth, price £1, 1s.; now 10s. 6d. Net.

A Natural History or British Grasses.

By E. J. LOWE, F.R.S., F.L.S., &c.

NOTE.--This is a work not only valuable to the botanical student for its pictorial accuracy, but of use also to the landed proprietor and the farmer, pointing out to them those grasses which are useful and lucrative in husbandry, and teaching them the varied soils and positions upon which they thrive, and explaining their qualities and the several uses to which they are applied in many branches of manufacture and industry.

* * * * *

_Rev. F. O. Morris’s Popular Works on Natural History._

ISSUE OF NEW AND REVISED EDITIONS.

Fourth Edition, Six Volumes, Super-royal 8vo, Cloth, with 394 Plates Coloured by Hand, price £4, 10s. Net.

A History of British Birds.

By the Rev. F. O. MORRIS, B.A.

=Times.=--“The protecting landowner, the village naturalist, the cockney ‘oologist,’ and the schoolboy all alike owe a debt to the Rev. F. O. Morris’s admirable work, in six volumes, on British birds, with its beautiful hand-painted plates.”

* * * * *

Fourth Edition, Three Volumes, Super-royal 8vo, Cloth, with 248 Coloured Plates, price £2, 5s. Net.

A Natural History of the Nests and Eggs of British Birds.

By the Rev. F. O. MORRIS, B.A. Entirely Revised and brought up to Date by W. B. TEGETMEIER, F.Z.S., Member of the British Ornithologists’ Union, with 248 Plates chiefly Coloured by Hand.

=Times.=--“These latter (illustrations) are excellent, and indeed are the strength of this very handsome book, which, in its new and more accurate form, ought to find a place in many a library.”

* * * * *

Eighth Edition, Super-royal 8vo, Cloth, with Seventy-nine Plates Coloured by Hand, price 15s. Net.

A History of British Butterflies.

By the Rev. F. O. MORRIS, B.A.

* * * * *

Fourth Edition, Four Volumes, Royal 8vo, with 132 Plates (1933 Figures), all Coloured by Hand, price £3, 3s. Net.

A Natural History of British Moths.

By the Rev. F. O. MORRIS, B.A. With 132 Plates Coloured by Hand (1933 Figures), and an Introduction by W. EGMONT KIRBY, M.D.

* * * * *

In Two Volumes, Super-royal 8vo, Cloth, £1, 10s. Net.

British Game Birds and Wild Fowl.

By BEVERLEY R. MORRIS, M.D. Entirely Revised and brought up to Date by W. B. TEGETMEIER, F.Z.S. With Sixty Large Plates all Coloured by Hand.

=Daily News.=--“Has held a unique position among works of its class. The sixty hand-coloured plates are splendidly executed.”

* * * * *

One Volume, Large Crown 8vo, Cloth, Gilt Top, price 5s.

Francis Orpen Morris.

A memoir of the above-mentioned Author.

By his Son, the Rev. M. C. F. MORRIS, B.C.L., M.A., Rector of Nunburnholme, Yorkshire. With Portrait and Two Illustrations.

=Land and Water.=--“This very interesting memoir of the naturalist, whose works are perhaps better known among the ‘rising generation’ than those of any other authority, … gives a remarkably clear and distinct picture of the late Mr. F. O. Morris.”

=Yorkshire Post.=--“A book so conscientiously written as to rank well among biographies.”

* * * * *

In Two Volumes, Large 8vo, Cloth, Gilt Top, price £1, 10s. Net. With Thirty-seven Illustrations, including Three hitherto unpublished Bird Drawings and Ten Portraits of Audubon.

Audubon, and His Journals.

By MARIA R. AUDUBON. With Notes by ELLIOTT COUES.

CONTENTS.--Audubon: A Biography. The European Journals, 1826-29. The Labrador Journal, 1833. The Missouri River Journal, 1843. The Episodes. With a full Index.

NOTE.--To English people the name of Audubon is a familiar and respected one, and there is little reason to doubt that the present work, forming as it does so handsome a monument of his life’s work, should be acceptable both to the lover of good books and to the naturalist. The former has the attraction of Audubon’s picturesque and engaging English style, added to reminiscences and narratives of a diverse and fascinating character, and a highly interesting biography of Audubon from the pen of his granddaughter. The naturalist, on the other hand, has here for the first time the complete and carefully edited text of Audubon’s valuable journals, supplemented by appropriate and interesting notes by so eminent a zoologist as Dr. Elliott Coues. The entire publication is virtually new, since even the European journals are here much amplified, while the Missouri and Labrador journals are practically unpublished, and the “Episodes” have never before appeared collectively except in a French translation. The work is one of the widest interest, and must at once take its place as the authoritative biography of Audubon, as well as the first adequate presentation of his journals, which in their now complete form give “the man instead of the death mask.”

=Times.=--“Audubon’s unpublished manuscripts are the record of a long, a varied, and an adventurous life, passed in unremitting activity and indefatigable industry. We must say at once that for the most part they are fascinating. They are sensational, instructive, and frankly autobiographical, and they show a many-sided man in his various aspects, with the absolute unreserve of innocent egoism.”

=Saturday Review.=--“There is much that will interest readers of vastly different tastes. Thus the European journals in the first volume have an interest that is chiefly personal, and we get interesting scraps of conversation with Sir Walter Scott, Jeffrey, Wilson, Lord Stanley, Cuvier, St. Hilaire, Selby, Constant, Gerard, Jardine, and Bewick, as well as many other notables in the science, art, and literature of Edinburgh, London, and Paris in the late twenties.”

=Spectator.=--“The two volumes present the life of the great French-American naturalist in a most attractive form. The journal of his voyage up the Missouri is now first given to the world, and the freshness of his life in the woods and of his own charming personality is not marred by any unwise editing or comment. The illustrations are excellent, worthy of a work dealing with the life of the man who used the instruction received from the revolutionary painter David in his youth to make the greatest advance in the illustration of nature ever achieved by one man.”

=Scotsman.=--“A worthy and enduring memorial has been raised to the great American ornithologist in the two volumes prepared by his granddaughter. Miss Audubon’s work has been admirably done; and the worth of the book is much enhanced by the zoological and other notes which Dr. Coues has appended.”

* * * * *

_New Work on English Monastic History._

In Two Volumes, Demy 8vo, Cloth, price 21s. Net.

The English Black Monks of St. Benedict

A Sketch of their History from the coming of St. Augustine to the Present Day.

By the Rev. ETHELRED L. TAUNTON.

_Some Press Notices._

=Saturday Review.=--“On the whole, it would be difficult within the limits that the author has set for himself to write a more interesting book. We recommend, more especially to the general reader, the three chapters on the life of a monk in the world and in his monastery, and that describing the life of women under the rule.”

=Literature.=--“We are struck with the skill with which he has mastered the details of a somewhat complicated story, and the clear way he has set it down for the benefit of his readers.”

=Record.=--“We must add a word to express our sense of the interest and value of the appendix to Volume I., which is a translation of the Consuetudinary of the monks of St. Augustine’s, Canterbury. It is a real help to understanding the ways and works, the helps and the temptations, of the monks.”

=Bookman.=--“Much idle legend has been dissipated by Mr. Taunton’s researches, many points left dark are now cleared up, and in the perplexed quarrellings which ruined the prospects of Catholicism at the close of the reign of Elizabeth, as under James I. and Charles I., the historian holds a balance which does not waver.”

* * * * *

Two Volumes, Extra Crown 8vo, Cloth, Gilt Top, with 120 Coloured Plates, price 15s. Net.

The Flora of the Alps.

Being a Description of all the Species of Flowering Plants indigenous to Switzerland, and of the Alpine Species of the adjacent mountain districts of France, Italy, and Austria, including the Pyrenees. By ALFRED W. BENNETT, M.A., B.Sc., F.L.S., Lecturer on Botany at St. Thomas’s Hospital.

=Times.=--“Meets a want which has long been felt by English travellers of a complete illustrated guide to all the flowers which are indigenous to Switzerland.… The illustrations are numerous and accurate.”

=Standard.=--“Mr. Bennett gives an adequate description, and one which is both clear and exact, of all the species of flowering plants common to Switzerland.”

=Spectator.=--“These two volumes will form comprehensive and delightful companions to every traveller.”

=Daily News.=--“The letterpress is excellent, as, indeed, we should have expected from so high an authority; the plates are likely to be of great service to the traveller, and with their aid he will be able to identify most of the flowers he may find among the mountains.”

=Land and Water.=--“These very beautifully illustrated volumes will be welcomed by the numberless people whose summer holiday is spent in Switzerland or the Alpine districts.”

* * * * *

Crown 8vo, Cloth, Gilt Top, with Portrait and Eighty-one Engravings, price 5s.

The Complete Angler of Izaak Walton and Charles Cotton.

Edited by JOHN MAJOR.

=Scotsman.=--“There are all sorts of editions of the fisher’s classic; but this will appeal most strongly to the man whose affections attach themselves with an equal tenacity to a good day’s fishing and a good book.”

=Bookman.=--“In Creswick’s engravings and all the other pictures--‘embellishments’ they are called in the language of the forties when Major brought out his edition--will lie the chief interest and charm. They alone would make Major’s edition one of the very best to possess.”

=Glasgow Herald.=--“As good an edition of the angler’s classic as any one need wish to have.”

=Liverpool Post.=--“In these days of processed-blocks it is indeed refreshing to come upon wood engravings such as the tailpieces to the different chapters.”

* * * * *

_By the Author of “Handley Cross,” &c._

Demy 8vo, 520 Pages, Twelve Full-Page Illustrations by WILDRAKE, HEATH, JELLICOE, Coloured by Hand, 10s. 6d. Net.

Hillingdon Hall; or, The Cockney Squire.

A Tale of Country Life. By R. S. SURTEES, Author of “Handley Cross,” “Jorrocks’s Jaunts and Jollities,” &c.

=Saturday Review.=--“Mr. Jorrocks is one of those evergreens whom age cannot wither nor modern culture stale. ‘Handley Cross’ certainly used to be, and probably is still, the delight of every well-constituted schoolboy; while the somewhat soberer ‘Hillingdon Hall’ should have considerable interest for country folk at the present day, both as a picture of life in the early days of Queen Victoria, and as containing several eloquent dissertations by the hero and others on the effect of the abolition of the Corn-laws upon the agricultural interest.”

* * * * *

ILLUSTRATED BY WILLIAM STRANG, R.P.E.

One Volume, Small 4to, Cloth, Gilt Edges, price 10s. 6d. Net.

The Pilgrim’s Progress.

With Fourteen Plates, Designed and Etched by WILLIAM STRANG, R.P.E. (Illustrator of Milton’s “Paradise Lost”).

=Times.=--“A sumptuous edition, illustrated by Mr. Strang with great artistic power.”

* * * * *

_New Work on the Yiddish Dialect._

One Volume, Extra Crown 8vo, Cloth. Gilt Top, price 9s. Net.

The History of Yiddish Literature in the Nineteenth Century.

BY LEO WIENER

Instructor in the Slavic Languages at Harvard University.

* * * * *

_Works by the late John Addington Symonds._

Third Edition, in Two Volumes, Extra Crown 8vo, with Fifty Illustrations, bound in Cloth, Gilt Top, price 12s. Net.

The Life of Michelangelo Buonarotti.

Based on Studies in the Archives of the Buonarotti Family at Florence. With Portrait and Fifty Reproductions of the Works of the Master.

=Times.=--“It is not, perhaps, too much to say, that this biography supersedes, for many purposes, any work in the English language.”

* * * * *

Fifth Edition, One Volume, Large Crown 8vo, Cloth, Gilt Top, with Mezzotint Portrait and Sixteen Illustrations of Cellini’s works, price 7s. 6d.

The Life of Benvenuto Cellini.

Translated by JOHN ADDINGTON SYMONDS.

=Athenæum.=--“Among the best translations in the English language.”

=Saturday Review.=--“None can surpass the Florentine goldsmith and sculptor in the dramatic vigour of his narrative, and in the unblushing faithfulness of his confessions.… Among the best translations that have ever been made into English.”

* * * * *

Second Edition, One Volume, Demy 8vo, Illustrated, price 5s. Net.

Walt Whitman. A Study.

By JOHN ADDINGTON SYMONDS. With Portrait and Four Illustrations.

=National Observer.=--“There is no better interpreter than Mr. Symonds is, no better guide to learning than this book.”

* * * * *

New Copyright Edition published by arrangement with MACMILLAN & CO., LTD. Fourteen Volumes, Demy 8vo, Illustrated with 112 Etchings and Photogravure Plates printed on Japan paper, the text on a clear, soft, deckle-edge laid paper. Cloth elegant, price £6, 6s. Net per Set.

French Memoirs by Lady Jackson.

THE WORKS OF CATHERINE CHARLOTTE, LADY JACKSON, “Old Paris: Its Court and Literary Salons,” 2 vols. “The Old Regime: Court, Salons, and Theatres,” 2 vols. “The Court of France in the Sixteenth Century, 1514-1559,” 2 vols. “The Last of the Valois, and Accession of Henry of Navarre, 1559-1589,” 2 vols. “The First of the Bourbons, 1589-1595,” 2 vols. “The French Court and Society: Reign of Louis XVI. and First Empire,” 2 vols. “The Court of the Tuileries, from the Restoration to the Flight of Louis Philippe,” 2 vols.