Part 1

THE EPISTLE OF OTHEA TO HECTOR

The Epistle of Othea to Hector OR THE BOKE OF KNYGHTHODE

_Translated from the French of Christine de Pisan_ _With a Dedication to Sir John Fastolf, K.G._

BY

STEPHEN SCROPE, ESQUIRE

EDITED

FROM A MANUSCRIPT IN THE LIBRARY OF

THE MARQUIS OF BATH

BY GEORGE F. WARNER

_M.A., D.Litt., F.S.A., Assistant Keeper of MSS. British Museum_

LONDON J. B. NICHOLS AND SONS, PARLIAMENT MANSIONS VICTORIA STREET, S.W.

1904.

LONDON J. B. NICHOLS AND SONS, PARLIAMENT MANSIONS VICTORIA STREET, S.W.

TO

THE PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS

OF

The Roxburghe Club

THIS VOLUME

Is Dedicated and Presented

BY THEIR OBEDIENT SERVANT

BATH

LONGLEAT, MARCH, 1904

The Roxburghe Club.

MCMIV.

LORD ALDENHAM.

PRESIDENT.

DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE, K.G. DUKE OF BUCCLEUCH, K.T. DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND, K.G. DUKE OF SUTHERLAND, K.G. MARQUESS OF BATH. EARL OF PEMBROKE AND MONTGOMERY. EARL OF CRAWFORD, K.T. EARL OF ROSEBERY, K.G. EARL COWPER, K.G. EARL OF CARYSFORT, K.P. EARL OF POWIS. EARL BEAUCHAMP. EARL BROWNLOW. EARL OF CAWDOR. EARL OF ELLESMERE. EARL OF CREWE. THE LORD BISHOP OF SALISBURY. LORD ZOUCHE. LORD WINDSOR. LORD AMHERST OF HACKNEY. HON. ALBAN GEORGE HENRY GIBBS. RIGHT HON. ARTHUR JAMES BALFOUR. RIGHT HON. MOUNTSTUART GRANT DUFF, G.C.S.I. SIR WILLIAM REYNELL ANSON, BART. SIR THOMAS BROOKE, BART. SIR JOHN EVANS, K.C.B. SIR EDWARD MAUNDE THOMPSON, K.C.B. CHARLES BUTLER, ESQ. INGRAM BYWATER, ESQ. GEORGE BRISCOE EYRE, ESQ. ALFRED HENRY HUTH, ESQ., _Treasurer_. ANDREW LANG, ESQ. CHARLES BRINSLEY MARLAY, ESQ. JOHN MURRAY, ESQ. EDWARD JAMES STANLEY, ESQ. HENRY YATES THOMPSON, ESQ. REV. EDWARD TINDAL TURNER. VICTOR WILLIAM BATES VAN DE WEYER, ESQ. W. ALDIS WRIGHT, ESQ.

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION. ERRATA. THE EPISTLE OF OTHEA TO HECTOR; OR THE BOKE OF KNYGHTHODE. GLOSSARY. INDEX.

INTRODUCTION.

The English version here printed for the first time of Christine de Pisan’s “Épître d’Othéa la deesse à Hector” is taken from a MS. which is believed to be unique, and which, if not actually the original, can be very little removed from it. The volume of which it forms a part is numbered MS. 253 in the valuable library of the Marquis of Bath at Longleat, but how or when it found its way thither it is impossible to say. There is little doubt, however, that it was acquired at least as early as the time of Thomas Thynne, first Viscount Weymouth, who died in 1714, and it is not unlikely that it has been at Longleat ever since the house was built by Sir John Thynne in the latter part of the 16th century. It is a small vellum folio, 9¾ inches by 7, in modern binding, and in its present state it consists of ninety-five leaves, the first seventy-five of which are occupied by the work in question and the remainder by an English poem or series of poems, probably also translated from the French, in which love is compared with the growth of a tree. The hand appears to be the same throughout and of a date about the middle of the 15th century. As may be seen from the page here reproduced (_cf._ p. 33), it is fairly neat and regular, but it is hardly the hand of a professional book-scribe, the type being that more commonly found in correspondence and business documents of the period. As to ornament, there is none whatever; for, although blank spaces were left for rubrics and initials, and in a few instances apparently for miniatures as well, for some reason they were never filled in. But the deficiencies of the MS. in this respect are of less practical importance than the mutilation inflicted later upon the text. In the main article, and consequently in this edition of it, there are two lacunæ, one of a single leaf (p. 13) and the other of a whole quire of eight (p. 53), while the supplementary matter has been shorn both of its first leaf and of an unknown number at the end. Nor is the mischief confined to the loss of these portions of the text. Probably, as in the case of another work by the same translator,[1] there was a colophon which would have given interesting particulars of the origin of the whole MS., and unfortunately this also has perished. As the translator has been identified and as specimens of his handwriting are available for comparison,[2] the question whether the copy is in his autograph is easily decided in the negative, but beyond this little can be ascertained of its history. For reasons which will appear further on it is a tempting supposition that it is the “Boke de Othea, text and glose ... in quayers” (_sc._ quires), which is included in an “Inventory off Englysshe boks” belonging to John Paston the younger (?) in the time of Edward IV. (after 1474).[3] If, however, the latter MS. in its turn was identical with the “Othea pistill” which one William Ebesham wrote for Sir John Paston at a cost of 7sh. 2d. about 1469,[4] it contained no more than forty-three leaves. In the margin of f. 75b is an entry, made about 1500, of a certificate of the banns of marriage, real or imaginary, of William Stretford and Joyce Helle, the certifying minister being William Houson, curate; and from scribblings on f. 50 and elsewhere it may be inferred that at a later date in the 16th century the MS. was in the hands of a certain William Porter, who, to judge from the nature of his entries, was perhaps a scrivener’s clerk. There is more decisive evidence of ownership in the signature “Jo. Malbee” on the first page, written towards the end of the 16th century under the moral distich:

“Viue diu, sed viue Deo; nam viuere mundo Mors est. Hæc vera est viuere vita Deo.”

The same page also contains the initials J. M., probably meaning John Malbee, together with the old library mark, ix D. 72.

Before commenting upon the English translation something must be said of the original “Épître d’Othéa” and the remarkable woman who was its author.[5] In no sense was Christine de Pisan French by birth. Her father Thomas de Pisan, or de Boulogne, was, as she tells us,[6] a native of Bologna, and he may reasonably be identified with Tommaso di Benvenuto di Pizzano, who was Professor of Astrology there between 1345 and 1356.[7] Later he obtained the salaried office of State Councillor at Venice, where also he married, and where Christine, probably the eldest of his three children and the only girl, was born in 1364.[8] It was shortly after her birth that he was prevailed upon by the French king Charles V. to remove to Paris, and the fact that Louis the Great of Hungary was equally anxious to attract him to Buda shows how widely the fame of his learning and science had spread.[9] For fifteen years he had no cause to regret his change of country, for Charles not only made him his physician and astrologer with handsome emoluments, but treated him altogether with marked distinction. Christine, who with her mother joined him at the end of 1368, was thus brought up at the most brilliant and intellectual court of the time, and when, at the early age of fifteen, she was married to Étienne du Castel in 1379, her ties with it were further strengthened by her husband’s appointment as secretary to the king. This prosperity was rudely interrupted by the premature death of Charles V. on 16th September, 1380. In her own words, “Or fu la porte ouverte de noz infortunes, adonc faillirent à mon dit père ses grans pensions.”[10] Thomas de Pisan in fact was growing old and out of fashion; with the loss of his place at court and its prestige he soon fell into neglect, and when in a few years he died, his wife and two sons were left dependent upon his daughter and son-in-law. Happily the latter still retained his post under the new king, and if he had lived all might have gone well, though possibly in that case Christine’s latent powers would never have been called into activity. As a climax, however, to her misfortunes Étienne du Castel was carried off by an epidemic at Beauvais in 1389, and she thus found herself a widow at twenty-five with three children besides others[11] to support out of what little she could rescue from the claimants to her husband’s estate.

Curious details of the protracted lawsuits and other troubles by which she was harassed during the next few years are given in several of her works; but it is enough to say that her tenacity and force of character carried her safely through until she made for herself a literary position which for one of her sex was probably without precedent. Excepting a few short pieces anterior perhaps to her husband’s death, she appears to have begun writing poetry as a solace in her widowhood. Such pathetic effusions as “Seulete suy et seulete vueil estre” and “Je suis vesve, seulete et noir vestue,”[12] with others in a similar strain, could hardly fail to excite sympathy, and she was thus encouraged to utilize her pen for procuring more material support. At the end of the 14th century all that an author struggling with poverty had to depend upon was the patronage and munificence of the great, and it may therefore have been mainly to suit the taste of those to whom she looked for favour and assistance that she composed the lighter and more amatory of the “Ballades,” “Lais” and “Virelais,” “Rondeaux” and “Jeux à vendre,” which were the earliest, and not the least charming, of her poems. Besides Charles VI. and his queen, the Dukes of Berry, Burgundy, and Orleans, and other princes, nobles, and great ladies of the French court, it is interesting to find among her warmest patrons the English Earl of Salisbury,[13] who came on an embassy to Paris in December, 1398. The theory that it was for him that she made the collection of her “Cent Ballades” rests on little, if any, foundation, but his friendly regard for her is shown by his having taken her elder son Jean du Castel, then thirteen, to England, in order to educate him with a boy of his own of similar age. By her own account, as it appears,[14] this was at the time of the marriage of Isabella, daughter of Charles VI., to Richard II., which took place at Calais on 4th November, 1396, so that she may have become acquainted with the earl during a previous visit to Paris, or while he was in France with Richard, who crossed over for the marriage as early as 27th September. If he had not met a tragic fate on 7th January, 1400, in an abortive attempt in favour of his deposed sovereign, Christine herself might have followed her son. At the same time Salisbury was not the only nor most influential admirer of her talent on this side of the Channel. After his death the usurper Henry IV. himself took charge of the boy and tried to induce her to settle in England, and it is to her credit that loyalty to the earl’s memory among other reasons made her obdurate. In order, however, to get back her son she feigned compliance until he was sent to fetch her, when she kept him with her and remained in France.[15]

Before this she had entered on the second stage of her literary career, to which the “Épître d’Othéa” most probably belongs. In 1399 she resolved to attempt longer and more serious poems, animated by a more or less definite moral purpose, and she began by preparing herself for this task by a strenuous course of study, as nearly encyclopædic in character as was then possible, though there is no reason to suppose that she was acquainted with Greek authors except through Latin translations. But her earliest poems of any length, issued between 1399 and 1402, were still of the nature of “Dits d’Amour.” Such, for example, were the “Épître au dieu d’amour” and the “Dit de la Rose,” the “Débat de deux amants,” the “Dit de Poissy,” with its lively account of her visit in 1400 to Poissy Abbey, where her daughter was a nun, and the idyllic “Dit de la pastoure.”[16] The first two of these poems were written in defence of women against the aspersions of Jean de Meun in the “Roman de la Rose” and his school, and they involved her in a protracted controversy, in which with the valuable support of Jean Gerson she fully held her own. The moralizing element is much more strongly developed in the “Chemin de long estude,”[17] and the “Mutation de Fortune,”[18] which were composed in 1402 and 1403. In the earlier of these somewhat prolix, but withal extremely interesting, works Christine is conducted by the Sibyl Amalthea through the known world,[19] and then ascends with her as far as the fifth heaven. After recounting these experiences she proceeds to inculcate doctrines of right and justice by means of an elaborate allegory, in which Raison, Sagesse, Noblesse, Chevalerie, and Richesse play the leading parts, room being also found for a glowing eulogy of Charles V. In the “Mutation de Fortune” she again indulges her taste for allegory, but in place of geography and astronomy other sciences have their turn. The introduction, which is rich in personal interest, deals with her father’s life and her own and then leads up to her dream or vision of the great “Chastel de Fortune.” This castle is in fact the world, and those who lodge in it are the various classes of mankind, who from pope and king downwards are vividly characterized; while the subjects painted on the walls of the hall give occasion for summaries of philosophy and of universal history to the birth of Christ, followed by allusions to more recent events and by another tribute to the virtues of Thomas de Pisan’s royal patron. On 1st January, 1403–4, Christine presented this poem as a new-year’s gift to Philip, Duke of Burgundy, brother of Charles V. The immediate result was a commission to write the late king’s life, and although the duke himself died on 27th April following, she completed this task within the year, sending a copy to his elder brother John, Duke of Berry, on 1st January, 1404–5.

The “Livre des fais et bonnes meurs du sage roy Charles V.” is the best known and in many respects the most valuable of all her writings,[20] and it also marks the beginning of the period when she practically abandoned verse in favour of prose. Though full of interesting details, the work is not so much a regular biography as an appreciation of the king’s character from the point of view of an enthusiastic partisan. To some extent Charles V. realized Christine’s ideal of chivalry, and in her discursive way she seized her chance to enforce by his example the paramount necessity to a ruler of a sound education and virtuous principles, with covert reflections no doubt upon the political rivalries and dissolute morals which under the unhappy circumstances of his successor’s mental disease were bringing ruin upon France. Of her remaining works “La Vision,”[21] which appeared later in 1405, is of peculiar interest for its self-revelation. It was apparently meant as a reply to those who, on the ground of her sex and foreign origin, questioned her right to pose as an authority on French history and morals; but with a frank recital of her chequered fortunes and a defence of her position she mixes up a curious allegory on the mighty power of “Dame Opinion” and a discussion on the comfort to be derived from philosophy. To quote a simile which she more than once applies to herself,[22] “petite clochete grant voix sonne”; and this may certainly be said of two ambitious treatises written seemingly about 1407. One of them is the well-known “Livre des faits d’armes et de chevalerie,”[23] which is nothing less than an attempt to teach the whole art of war, grounded largely upon Vegetius and other authorities, but not without shrewd and pertinent observations of her own; while in the other, entitled “Le Corps de Policie,” she takes up the subject of civil government, more particularly with regard to the education of princes and the duties and mutual relations of the several orders in the state. The “Cité des Dames”[24] and its complement the “Livre des Trois Vertus”[25] deal on the contrary with subjects which fell less disputably within her natural sphere. As we have seen, she had already championed her sex in verse. In coming forward again in its defence, but this time in prose, she went further, taking upon herself to lay down rules of guidance for women of all ranks, which she effectively did by allegory as well as by precepts and by historical examples.

In all these works her aims were moral rather than political. But although, considering her relations with the leaders of the contending factions, it is not surprising that she abstained from decisively taking a side, there is no doubt that she was profoundly moved by the growing miseries of her adopted country. As early as 1405 she addressed to the queen, Isabella of Bavaria, a letter[26] strongly advocating peace, and five years later she returned to the subject in a passionate appeal[27] to the princes generally and the Duke of Berry in particular. The “Livre de la Paix,” the different parts of which were composed respectively in 1412 and 1413 in connexion with the transient pacifications of Auxerre and of Pontoise, is of less restricted scope.[28] It was dedicated by Christine to the youthful Dauphin, Louis, Duke of Guienne, and after an earnest exhortation to harmony it is expanded into a formal treatise on the virtues that go to form the perfect prince, Charles V. providing her as usual with an ever ready example. This appears to have been the latest, as it is one of the most important, of her prose works; for although possibly some of her religious verses were composed in the interval, so far as is known she maintained an unbroken silence until 1429, when the triumphs of the Maid of Orleans drew from her a poem ringing with patriotic fervour,[29] her joy at the approaching deliverance of France being no doubt all the greater because its promised saviour was a woman. What her feelings were when these hopes were again deferred can only be imagined, for nothing more is heard of her. In the opening lines of her poem she states that she had then been eleven years in a convent,[30] but she omits to give its name, and the date and the place of her death thus alike remain unidentified.

Of all her works the one with which we are here specially concerned presents perhaps most difficulty with regard to date. In the best copies, as in Harley MS. 4,431,[31] it is headed “Ci commence lepistre Othea la deesse, que elle envoya a Hector de Troie _quant il estoit en laage de quinze ans_,” for which reason, coupled with its dedication to Louis, Duke of Orleans, it has been too hastily assigned to 1386,[32] when Louis himself was of that age. Against this date it is almost enough to urge that Christine was then only twenty-two years old, and from all that we know of her she was not in the least likely to have begun authorship so early with a long didactic treatise mostly in prose; but, apart from this, Louis was not made Duke of Orleans until 4th June, 1391, so that the work could not have been addressed to him, as it is, under that title five years before. Another theory, that, although dedicated to Louis, it was designed for the edification of his son and heir Charles[33] is not open to the same objections; for, as the future poet-duke was born in 1391, the date would then be 1406, at which time Christine was in full career as a moralist and prose-writer, with strong views, as may be seen in her “Fais et bonnes meurs du sage roy Charles V.”, on the subject of chivalrous qualities. On the other hand, if the facts were as supposed, in addressing the work to the father she would hardly have failed to make some explanatory reference to the son. Her omission to do so therefore makes this theory hardly less untenable than the other. It is more likely that the date lies between these two extremes. The significance of the dedication may easily be overrated. It was Christine’s habit to send her works with a separate dedicatory preface to her several patrons as new-year’s gifts for no other reason probably than the hope of a tangible acknowledgment, and we know in fact that other copies of the “Épître d’Othéa” were sent both to Charles VI. and the Duke of Berry.[34] If it is necessary to look for some particular youth of fifteen to whom she wished to play the part of a moral instructress, he may perhaps be found in her own son, for whom on another occasion she wrote the “Enseignemens Moraux.”[35] Jean du Castel was probably of the required age about 1400, so that in this case the work represents, as it well may, the first-fruits of the studies in which she immersed herself shortly before, and its date moreover exactly accords with its position in her own collections of her works, where it comes after the “Dit de Poissy” (1400) and before the “Chemin de long estude” (1402).[36]