CHAPTER VI.

SWEATING SICKNESSES.

Ἔστι γὰρ τὸ πάθος λύσις τῶν δεσμῶν τῆς εἰς ζωὴν δυνάμιος.

ARETÆUS.

SECT. 1.—THE CARDIAC DISEASE OF THE ANCIENTS.

(MORBUS CARDIACUS.)

Thus by the autumn of 1551, the Sweating Sickness had vanished from the earth: it has never since appeared as it did then and at earlier periods; and it is not to be supposed, that it will ever again break forth as a great epidemic in the same form, and limited to a four-and-twenty hours’ course; for it is manifest, that the mode of living of the people had a great share in its origin; and this will never again be the same as in those days. Yet nature is not wanting in similar phenomena, which have appeared in ancient and modern times; and if we take into the account the great frequency of cognate rheumatic maladies, it is possible that isolated cases may have sometimes occurred, in which repletion of impure fluids, and violently inflammatory treatment have augmented a rheumatic fever, even to the destruction of nervous vitality, by means of profuse perspiration—only, perhaps, that they ran a longer course, (which does not constitute an essential difference,) and under totally different names, whereby attention is misled. Of all the diseases that have ever appeared which can in any way be compared to the English Sweating Sickness, we have principally three to look back upon—the _cardiac disease_ of the ancients, the _Picardy sweat_, and the _sweating fever of Rötingen_. The first was, for reasons which have been already mentioned[812], almost unknown to the learned of the sixteenth century; and it is matter of surprise, that Kaye himself, who had chosen for his favourite the best Roman physician, we mean Celsus, could have so entirely overlooked his by no means unimportant statements respecting this disease. _Houlier_ is the only author who ventures a comparison of the English Sweating Sickness with the ancient cardiac disease; his few, and almost lost words[813], remained however unheeded; nor are the differences between the two diseases small: but to return.

The disease of which we are speaking appeared for a period of 500 years, (from 300 B.C. to 200 after Christ,) and was a common, almost every day occurrence, which is often mentioned even by non-medical writers. It was exceedingly dangerous, and even esteemed fatal; and as it was far above the reach of Greek physiology, there were not wanting extraordinary opinions respecting its nature, and bold and singular modes of treatment, to which those who were attacked were subjected. The name _Cardiac disease_ (morbus cardiacus, νόσος καρδιακὴ and probably also νόσος καρδίτις,) was not bestowed by medical men, but by the people; who, in the fourth century before Christ, for the name is as ancient as that period, could not know that the learned would dispute on that subject. Some affirmed, and among them men of great authority, such as _Erasistratus_, _Asclepiades_, and _Aretæus_, that the people were in the right so to call the disease; that the heart was actually the part affected, and that their knowledge of the heart’s functions was by no means small[814]. Others, on the contrary, would only acknowledge in that name an expression indicative, not of the particular seat of the disease, but only of its importance, inasmuch as the heart is well adapted, as the centre and source of life, to indicate this[815]. Others again, who attempted more refined conjectures, wished to represent the pericardium as the seat of the malady, because darting pains were sometimes felt[816] in the region of the heart, or the diaphragm, or the lungs, or even the liver. The opinions were numerous; the actual knowledge was small[817].

The cardiac disease began with rigors and a numbness in the limbs[818], and sometimes even throughout the whole body. The pulse then took on the worst condition, was small, weak, frequent, empty, and as if dissolving; in a more advanced stage, unequal and fluttering, until it became completely extinct. Patients were affected with hallucinations[819]; they were sleepless, despaired of their recovery, and were usually covered suddenly with an ill-savoured perspiration over the whole body, whence the disorder was likewise called _Diaphoresis_. Sometimes, however, a washy sweat broke out, first on the face and neck. This then spread itself over the whole body; assumed a very disagreeable odour, became clammy and like water in which flesh had been macerated, and ran through the bed-clothes in streams, so that the patient seemed to be melting away[820]. The breath was short and panting almost to annihilation (insustentabilis). Those affected were in continual fear of suffocation[821]; tossed to and fro in the greatest anguish, and with _a very thin and trembling voice_ uttered forth only broken words. They constantly felt an insufferable oppression in the _left side_, or even over the whole chest[822]; and in the paroxysms which were ushered in with _a fainting fit_, or were followed by one, _the heart was tumultuous and palpitated_, without any alteration in the smallness of the pulse[823]. The countenance was _pale as death_, the eyes sunk in their sockets, and when the disease took a fatal turn, all was darkness around them. _The hands and feet turned blue_; and whilst the heart, notwithstanding the universal coldness of the body, still beat violently, they for the most part retained possession of their senses. A few only wandered a short time before death, while others were even seized with convulsions and endowed with the power of prophecy[824]. _Finally, the nails became curved on their cold hands_, the skin was wrinkled, and thus the sufferers resigned their spirit without any mitigation of their miserable condition[825].

A striking resemblance is plainly perceived, from this description, between the ancient cardiac disease and the English Sweating Sickness in the most exquisite cases of each. In both the same palpitation of the heart, the same alteration of the voice, the same anxiety, the same impediment to respiration, and thence the same affection of the nerves of the chest, the same ill-scented sweat, and, by means of this sweat, the same fatal evacuation; in short, all the essential symptoms arising from the same circle of functions. For in the sweating pestilences of the ancients[826], as well as the moderns, the nerves of the abdomen remained unaffected; the liver, intestines, and kidneys, took no part in the primary affection; the diaphragm, as in the English Sweating Sickness, formed the partition. Hence the acute _Aretæus_ did not hesitate to call the cardiac disease _fainting_ (syncope), with certainly an unusual extension of the notion implied by this term, which in its common acceptation excludes the turbulent commotion of the heart. In the affection of the brain some difference occurs, for though the hallucination afforded an unfavourable prognostic in both diseases, yet the fatal stupor was peculiar to the English Sweating Sickness, no observer having made mention of it in the cardiac disease.

Greater and altogether essential differences between this affection and the English Sweating Sickness appear in another respect. There is every reason to suppose that the cardiac disease first appeared in the time of _Alexander_ the Great, that is to say, at the end of the fourth century before Christ; for the Hippocratic physicians were unacquainted with it, _Erasistratus_, who was body physician to Seleucus Nicator, and was a universally celebrated professor at Alexandria under the first Ptolemy, being the first to mention it. If that age be compared even superficially with that of Henry the VIIth and Henry the VIIIth; and Africa, Asia Minor, and the South of Europe with England, we shall easily be convinced that the two diseases, notwithstanding the agreement in their main symptoms, could not be the same; moreover, much was comprehended by the ancients under the name of morbus cardiacus, which, on a nearer examination, proves not to be one and the same definite form of morbid action: for sometimes this affection is spoken of as an independent disease; sometimes it is mentioned only as a symptom superadded to others—as a kind of transition from other very various diseases, such as has occurred in modern times. _Soranus_ mentions, as such diseases, continued fevers, accompanied by much heat[827]; and reckons among them the “Causus,” that is, an inflammatory bilious fever, to which _Aretæus_ also saw the cardiac disease superadded. These fevers passed, on the fifth or sixth day, into the cardiac disease, and such a transition occurred chiefly on the critical days[828]. In a similar sense _Celsus_ speaks even of _Phrenitis_, under which name we are here to understand all inflammatory fevers accompanied by violent delirium, with the exception of actual inflammation of the brain. Thus we see that the cardiac disease arose and increased on a very different soil from other diseases, and was, to furnish an ancient example, as far from being independent under these circumstances as _lethargy_ was in similar cases.

But there was doubtless an independent idiopathic form of the cardiac disease. Whether this was febrile or not, the most celebrated physicians of ancient times were not agreed. Now, how could they ever have differed upon the subject, if the cardiac disease had always appeared only as a sequela on the fifth or sixth day of inflammatory fevers? _Apollophanes_, a disciple of Erasistratus, and physician to _Antiochus the First_, considered it, with his master, as constantly febrile, and his opinion prevailed for a long time: perhaps he was in the right, for it is probable that in the first half of the third century, the disorder was much more violent than at a subsequent period. His celebrated contemporary, _Demetrius_ of Apamea, disciple of Herophilus, affirmed, that he had recognised fever only in the beginning of the disease, and that it disappeared in its further progress. Very soon, most physicians decided that it was not febrile, but _Asclepiades_ distinguished a febrile and a non-febrile form of the cardiac disease, and it is certain that this physician was a very accurate observer. _Themison_ and _Thessalus_ also agreed with him. _Aretæus_ described, in a cursory manner, the febrile form only, and perhaps was not acquainted with any other. _Soranus_ followed, in the essential points, _Asclepiades_, the founder of his school; and later writers generally regarded the inward heat, the hot breath, and the burning thirst—symptoms which were occasionally less marked, as proofs of the febrile nature of the disease. Numerous theoretical views, belonging to particular schools, of which we do not here treat, were intermingled with these, and upon the whole, that form seems to have been esteemed as non-febrile, in which the signs of feverish excitement appeared less marked. In all cases the cardiac disease set in with external coldness, and with a small contracted quick pulse, symptoms which with certainty indicate fever[829].

Respecting the course of the cardiac disease, we are not furnished with sufficient information. It was no doubt very rapid, for the frame could not long endure symptoms of so violent a kind, and the disorder must of necessity soon have come to a crisis; yet from the ample directions for treatment, we may conclude that it lasted at least some days. If the perspiration was well surmounted, patients seemed to recover rapidly, and their sufferings appeared to them, according to the expressions of _Aretæus_, like a dream, out of which they awoke to a consciousness of the increased acumen of their senses[830]. But the termination was not always so fortunate. The disease was very dangerous, and in many, after the occurrence of an incomplete crisis, an insidious fever remained behind, which ended in a consumption[831]. The whole phenomenon was altogether peculiar, and among existing diseases there are none which bear any comparison with it.

There must therefore have been something in the whole state of existence among the ancients which favoured the formation of the cardiac disease. That it arose oftener in summer than in winter, that it attacked men more frequently than women, and especially young people full of life, and hot-blooded plethoric persons, who used much bodily exercise, we learn from credible observers[832]. In this respect, therefore, it bore a resemblance to the English Sweating Sickness. We may also add, that indigestion, repletion, drunkenness, as likewise grief and fear, but especially vomiting and the employment of the bath after dinner, occasioned an attack of the malady[833]. Let us call to mind the habits of the ancients. It was in the time of _Alexander_ that oriental luxury was first introduced. Gluttony became a part of the enjoyment of life, and warm baths a necessary refinement in sensuality, which just at this time were philosophically established by _Epicurus_; nor was this the last instance in which philosophers encouraged the errors and infirmities of human society.

Here, again, therefore, as in the English Sweating Sickness, we meet with _the relaxed state of skin, and the foul repletion_ engendered by the same indulgence in sensuality which we have found to exist in the sixteenth century. How this corruption of morals increased, and to what a frightful height it was carried among the Romans, it is not necessary here further to elucidate; and we may take it for a fact, that in consequence of it, the general constitution of the ancients underwent a peculiar modification; that this relaxation of skin and gross repletion were propagated from generation to generation; and that, as among chronic diseases, those of _a gouty character_ were its more frequent results, so among the inflammatory, _the cardiac disease_ made its appearance as the general effect of this kind of life.

Where, however, such a system of life existed among whole communities, the original and peculiar occasion was not needed in every individual case to bring the predisposition for a disease which propagated itself by hereditary taint, to an actual eruption. Shocks to the constitution of quite a different kind were often sufficient for the purpose. Thus, among the Romans, it was by no means always the case, that gluttony and relaxation of the skin immediately gave rise to the cardiac disease; while, on the other hand, the usual faintness, induced by too copious blood-letting, passed into this impetuous agitation of the heart, accompanied by colliquative sweats[834]; and all overviolent perspirations in other diseases were apt to take the same dangerous course[835]. We must here also take into account a practice among the Romans, which was very injurious, and yet rendered sacred by the laws; namely, visiting the public baths late in the evening, just after the principal meal, and awaiting the digestion of their food in these places of soft indulgence[836]. How much must the tendency of sweating disorders have been favoured by these means!

Surmises founded on the facts already stated, can alone be offered respecting the nature of the ancient cardiac disease. The ancients give us no certain intelligence upon it; for their mode of observing did not lead to that object at which modern medicine aims. _That the cardiac disease was not of a rheumatic character_ seems deducible from several circumstances—from the quality of the atmosphere in southern climates, which is not so favourable to rheumatic maladies, as to give rise to a distinctly defined form of that complaint throughout a period of five hundred years; from the nature of the so-called inflammatory fever, which exhibited no rheumatic symptoms in its course; and lastly, from the treatment of the cardiac disease, for it was a common practice to cool down the “diaphoretic” patients in the midst of their perspiration, by sponging them with cold water, to expose them to the air, and some physicians went so far as to advise cold baths and affusions[837]. How could they have ventured upon such remedies if the cardiac disease had been of a rheumatic nature?

In the sweating fevers of the sixteenth century, every abrupt refrigeration, every exposure of the skin, was fatal. It is thence to be inferred, _that the English Sweating Sickness differed from the ancient cardiac disease in its rheumatic character_; even although both diseases were founded in common on an impure gross repletion and relaxation of skin, and the essential phenomena of both went through the same course: not to advert to other differences which are manifest from what has been stated.

The remaining treatment of the cardiac disorder should not be altogether passed over in this place, because it shews very clearly the general style of thinking of the medical profession, as also certain metaphysical excitations which are innate in that profession, and of which there is therefore a repetition in all ages. For whilst some proceeded with commendable care and caution, and _Aræteus_ feared[838] a fatal result from the slightest error, others again, would fain render excited nature obedient to their rough command by means of the most violent remedies. It, therefore, occasionally happened that in their over hasty activity they were unable to distinguish between a salutary perspiration and a dangerous “diaphoresis.” This they suppressed at all hazards, and thus sent their patients to the shades of their fathers. Others forthwith flew to Chrysippic bandaging, the great means of suppressing profuse evacuations, and even violent spasms[839]. Others were for obviating the debility as quickly as possible by means of nourishing diet; and overloaded the stomach, as if the recovery of strength depended entirely upon eating. Others allowed as much wine as possible to be drunk for twenty-four hours together, even to the extent of producing intoxication[840]; and _Asclepiades_ selected for this extraordinary death-bed carousal the Greek salt wine[841], for the sake of bringing on a diarrhœa, whereby the opened pores of the skin might again close, and the too mobile atoms might be carried towards the bowels. With the same object he ordered active clysters[842], for if they succeeded in causing a full evacuation, he maintained that the perspiration must necessarily be arrested! _Endemus_, of the Methodic sect, recommended even clysters of cold water[843], and whatever else the rashness of medical men had fool-hardily contrived; acting on the ancient notion, that severe diseases always required violent remedies. _Aretæus_ recommended blood-letting, which others pronounced to be nothing short of certain death[844]. He had, however, a notion that the Causus was the foundation of the cardiac disease, and perhaps he was right.

A cautious employment of wine was apparently of great use[845], and what may excite surprise, physicians gave detailed and frivolous precepts on the choice and enjoyment of food. If the irritable stomach rejected this repeatedly, they even went so far, according to the Roman method, as to make the patient vomit both before and after his meals, in order that the organ might thus bear the repeated use of nourishment. It was also asserted that the stomach retained food and wine better if the body were previously rubbed all over with bruised onions[846]. All this affords us an insight into the nature of this remarkable disease, which has now so completely vanished from the world. Finally, when astringent decoctions proved fruitless, particular confidence was placed in the application of various powders[847] to the surface of the body, conjointly with the use of light bed-clothes and the avoidance of feather-beds, which the effeminacy of the ancients had already introduced[848]. As astringents they selected pomegranate bark, the leaves of roses, blackberries, and myrtles, as also fullers’ earth, gypsum, alum, litharge, slaked lime[849], and, when nothing else was at hand, even common road dust[850]! The efficacy of some of these extraordinary remedies cannot be denied. At least it has been proved in modern times with respect to alkalies, which are of a somewhat similar nature, that they are of great service where there is an abundant determination of acid towards the skin, and it is very probable that the perspiration of these diaphoretic patients contained much acid.

SECT. 2.—THE PICARDY SWEAT.

(SUETTE DES PICARDS—SUETTE MILIAIRE.)

The Picardy Sweat is a decided miliary fever, which has often prevailed, not only in Picardy, but also in other provinces of France, for more than a hundred years, and even at the present time exists in some places as an endemic disease[851]. We have pointed out the affinity between the English Sweating Sickness and miliary fever. Both are rheumatic fevers—the former of twenty-four hours’ duration, the latter running a course of at least seven days. In the former there was no eruption, or if in isolated cases an eruption made its appearance, it was doubtless subordinate, not essential. In the miliary fever, on the contrary, the eruption is so essential, that this disease may be considered as a completely exanthematous form of rheumatic fever.

The history of miliary fever is full of important facts, and the sweating fever of Picardy forms but a variety of it. The eruption in itself is of very ancient occurrence, and was most probably, as at present, observed time immemorial in conjunction with petechiæ, occurring as a critical metastasis in the oriental glandular plague, perhaps even in the ancient plague recorded by Thucydides. It also occasionally accompanied petechial fever, as unquestionably it did small-pox and many other diseases, in the same manner as we now see; for the miliary eruption is a very common symptom, which is easily induced, and increases the danger of various other accidental complications. This is different, however, from the _idiopathic miliary fever_, which did not exist either before, or even at the period of the English Sweating Sickness, but occurred as an epidemic, frequently mentioned in Saxony, a hundred years later[852], (1652.)

We cannot, therefore, consider this eruptive disease as having proceeded from the English Sweating Sickness, in the same manner as the petechial fever had its probable origin in the glandular plague, even supposing a more decided inclination of the Sweating Sickness to the eruptive character could be proved than is possible from the facts afforded. A whole century intervened, and what vast national revolutions!

This same separation of so long a period makes also against the supposition, that the English Sweating Sickness was an interrupted miliary fever, which exhausted its power by a too luxuriant activity of the skin on the first day, before the eruption made its appearance. Moreover, the similarity and isolation of all the five epidemic sweating fevers, as regards the brevity of the course of the disease, and the absence of all transition forms of any duration, which certainly would have existed had nature intended gradually to form a miliary fever out of the English Sweating Sickness, lead to the same conclusion.

But to return to the miliary fever. Some forms of this disease have been observed, in which a profuse perspiration, in combination with nervous symptoms, has endangered life on the first day of the attack; equally often, too, the eruption has appeared fully formed on the very first day; and if we duly consider, as we ought, the regular course of miliary fever whenever it has assumed an epidemic character, we shall always find, even in that case, a development of symptoms differing fundamentally from those of the English Sweating Sickness. If, occasionally, instances of miliary fever occurred, in which no eruption came out, as was the case recently (in 1821), they were to be considered in the same light as other acute eruptive diseases, as, for example, scarlet fever, in which nature indulges in a like irregularity, without, however, altering the essence of those diseases. And since, finally, it has been observed in many cases[853], that the miliary eruption could be prevented by the application of cold at the commencement, a distinguished modern physician has attached great consequence to this circumstance, as showing that miliary fever and the English Sweating Sickness were the same disease[854]; but a check of this kind is, at all events, impossible in those miliary fevers where the eruption breaks forth on the first or second day; and moreover, experience tells us, that many other diseases also, such as inflammations, rheumatisms, gastric fevers, and even abdominal typhus, may be arrested in their course, and confined within narrower bounds, so as not to manifest all their symptoms.

We are, therefore, completely entitled to consider the appearance of the miliary sweating fevers as altogether a novelty, originating in the middle of the 17th century, and having no discoverable connexion with the English Sweating Sickness. There have been in Germany, since the year 1652, many visitations of miliary fever; but this disease did not increase much in extent until about the year 1715, when it spread into France and the neighbouring countries, particularly Piedmont[855], whilst England remained almost entirely free from it. The French epidemics were, upon the whole, much more severe than the German; and on this account we select one of the most ancient, and also the most recent of them, in order to give a general view of miliary fever, as compared with the English Sweating Sickness.

The miliary fever first appeared in Picardy, in the year 1718, in le Vimeux (Vinnemacus pagus), a district on the north of the Somme and on the south of the Bresle and the department of the Lower Seine. It increased annually in extent; most places in Picardy were visited by it, and it was not long before it was seen in Flanders[856].

We are still in possession of a very distinct account, which we will here detail, of an epidemic at Abbeville in the year 1733, where the miliary fever had existed fifteen years previously. There were scarcely any premonitory symptoms, but the disease commenced at once with pinching pains in the stomach, extreme prostration of strength, dull headache, and difficulty of breathing, interrupted by sighing. Patients complained of violent heat, and were bathed in a pungent sweat of foul odour, while nausea was occasionally felt. Sparks appeared before the eyes, and _the countenance became flushed_. Patients were tormented with burning thirst; and yet the tongue was as moist as in perfect health. The pulse was frequent and undulating, without hardness; and in the course of _a few hours_, an insufferable itching came on over the whole body, accompanied by distressing jactitation: upon this, thickly studded, _red, round pustules_, not bigger than mustard-seeds, broke out, wherefrom patients emitted an extremely disagreeable urinous odour, which was imparted to those who were about their persons. Sometimes they had evacuations, at other times they suffered from constipation, but all complained of want of sleep; and when they felt an inclination to doze, they were again aroused by fresh chilliness. Many bled at the nose till they fainted; and with women, the menstrual discharge often appeared, though not at the proper time. The urine was at times deficient in quantity, at others discharged in abundance, and without any critical signs; if pale and plentiful, it betokened delirium; then the eyelids twitched convulsively, a humming noise commenced in the ears, and the patient tossed about restlessly. The pulse became strong, irregular, and, like the breathing, very quick. The countenance grew redder and redder; and soon after, the sufferers, as though struck by lightning, were seized with lethargy, and expired, generally in the act of coughing and spitting blood.

Such was the nature of the disease when it attacked many at once: there were, however, several varieties. With some the miliary vesicles broke out on the _second_ day, with others not before the _third_; and if all went on favourably, they lost their redness on the _seventh day_, and _the skin all over the body scaled off like bran_. The fever was sometimes extremely violent; at others, without apparent cause, very mild; at least one might be deceived at the commencement of the attack, by the apparently favourable symptoms; for those who in the morning had scarcely any notable degree of fever, who neither suffered from any anxious sensation nor violent heat, in whom no subsultus tendinum was perceptible, no want of perspiration, nor any retrocession of the eruption, were sometimes towards evening seized with phrenzy, and died in a state of lethargy. Evacuations, which alleviate other diseases, made this miliary fever worse. Favourable symptoms could never be depended on. In the midst of profuse perspiration the patient died, either from constipation or diarrhœa. A copious discharge of urine was a bad sign; composure was succeeded by delirium, cheerfulness by lethargy: the disease was throughout treacherous and disguised. It was particularly necessary for those suffering from pleurisy or any inflammatory fevers to be guarded against its approach. Many fell sacrifices to this epidemic who thought themselves in a state of convalescence; and with such it was easier to foretell than to prevent the consequences. In cases of this kind the miliary vesicles were less red and grew pale sooner; but if the disease attacked a healthy person, then they were redder, and continued longer. Of those who recovered, not a few suffered for many months, nay, even for a whole year, from night perspirations, without fever or sleeplessness, but with an eruption of little miliary vesicles, which disappeared[857] again on the slightest exposure to cold. The later miliary epidemic fevers in France, which are distinguished by the name of the Picardy Sweating Sickness, are generally very well described[858]; so much so, that we have few epidemics of modern times whose course and succession we can trace so well. But the epidemic of 1821, which raged in the departments of the Oise, and of the Seine and Oise, from March to October, has been observed by all with the greatest care, including men of distinguished talent[859].

We shall give the description of this disease. There were no constant premonitory symptoms; it often broke out quite suddenly, but many complained some days before of debility, despondency, want of appetite, nausea, headache; sometimes also of giddiness and slight chilliness. Many retired to rest in health, and awoke during the night with the disease, covered with a perspiration, which ceased only with death or recovery. With some the sweating was preceded for some hours, or even only for some moments, by a scarcely perceptible feverish commotion, accompanied with burning heat, or with a _sensation of pain_ which ran through every limb, and nearly always with spasms in the stomach. With others the disease announced itself by lacerating rheumatic pains, which gradually increasing, they became bed-ridden. The mouth was foul, the taste at times bitter, the tongue white, more rarely tinged with yellow, and thus it remained till the patient was restored. The sufferer was shortly covered with _a thick, peculiarly fetid sweat_, that certainly produced alleviation, but became very intolerable to him from its unpleasant stench, which was even communicated to the clothes of the bystanders. In the mean time it was discovered by the pulse, that the fever had considerably abated; but, on the third day, the patient was seized with convulsive _spasms in the stomach_, great _oppression at the chest_, and a sensation of suffocation—symptoms which caused him insupportable anguish. These attacks accompanied by hiccup and eructation, continued for several hours, and returned from time to time, an eruption, partly papular, simultaneously breaking out first on the neck, then on the shoulders down to the hands and breast, less frequently on the thighs and face. The little pimples were of a pale red colour and conical, with glistening heads, and between them appeared innumerable small miliary pustules, filled with transparent serous fluid, which soon thickened and assumed a whiter hue. At the time and previous to the breaking out of the exanthem, the patient experienced a very severe _burning and pricking sensation in the skin_, which nevertheless sometimes occurred on the second or fourth day, and which increased sometimes in one part, sometimes in another, when the sweating declined.

Towards the fifth day, however, after the sweating had entirely ceased, the complaint grew worse again. The spasms and paroxysms of suffocation returned, and they were succeeded by renewed eruptions of the exanthem; a decided improvement, however, shortly took place; the little pimples lost their redness, the miliary vesicles dried away, and at a period from the seventh to the tenth day recovery commenced under _a general exfoliation of the cuticle_. Sometimes the eruption did not appear, whether the patients were under medical treatment, or left to their own guidance, but with those few in whom there was an absence of miliary vesicles, that peculiar pricking and itching of the skin did not take place.

Between the fifth and seventh day the patients usually complained of great weakness, and had a desire to eat. A few tablespoonfuls of wine then agreed with them very well; for the rest, neither thirst nor lethargy was observable, but it was particularly remarkable that the urine was clear and abundant. Up to the seventh day a confined state of bowels was usual, and, with the exception of the already mentioned attacks of tightness and oppression, the breathing remained free, though with great sleeplessness, during the whole malady. Nothing morbid was to be observed in the chest, and the patients lay stretched out at full length, so that there was no occasion at any time to raise their heads.

Such was the regular course of this miliary fever, but its progress was often accelerated by very dangerous symptoms, and occasionally it proved fatal within a very few hours. If at the time of the attack the patients were very restless and talkative, the eyes glistening, the pulse, without being hard, tumultuous, and the edges of the tongue reddened, delirium soon succeeded and then convulsions and death. Great depression of the spirits was a very bad symptom; bleeding was never of any avail, yet the menstrual discharge did not interrupt the course of the disease. There was in general a great degree of malignancy perceptible in the malady, as was also rendered apparent by the course of the epidemic. If the miliary Sweating Fever broke out in a fresh place, two or three persons only were thereupon attacked, and that favourably, which led to a supposition that the evil had all passed away, for during the next fifteen or twenty days, not any fresh attacks were heard of. Suddenly, however, the epidemic reappeared with increased virulence. The great number of the sufferers spread consternation and terror amongst the inhabitants, and the cases of death became frequent. After this first burst of fury, the epidemic grew more mild again, so that many patients were not confined to their beds at all. This mitigation of the miliary fever was likewise manifested[860] by the prolongation of its course beyond the seventh day.

If we compare this epidemic with the one observed at Abbeville in 1773, we shall find between them but very trifling differences, which would appear still more clearly in some of the intermediate visitations, thus conforming to what has been observed in other eruptive maladies. It is consequently evident that the miliary fevers[861] which have appeared in France in recent times, do not differ in any essential point from those of more ancient date. The surest proof of their identity is, their persistence for nearly two centuries; and from the manner in which they have presented themselves to observation, they are to be considered as distinct from the English Sweating Sickness, though certainly allied to it. It would exceed our limits to pursue this inquiry further, but it may be as well to give the following short catalogue[862] of the most important miliary epidemics.

1652. Leipzig. 1660. Augsburg. 1666. Bavaria. 1672. Hungary. 1675. Hamburgh. 1680. Germany to a great extent. 1689. Philippsburg. 1690. Stuttgard. Düsseldorf. Erfurt. Jena. 1694. Berlin. 1700. Breslau. 1709. Dantzic, Marienburg. 1712. Mümpelgart. 1713. Saint Valery. (Somme.) 1714, 15. Laybach. 1715. Breslau. Turin. 1718. Tübingen. Abbeville. (Somme.) 1720. Canton de Bray. (Lower Seine.) 1723. Francfort on the Maine. 1724. Turin. Vercelli. 1726. Acqui. Guise. (Aisne.) 1728. Chambéry, Annecy, St. Jean de Maurienne. (Savoy.) Carmagnola. Vercelli. Ivrea. Biella. 1729. Vienna. (Austria.) 1730. Pignerol. 1731. Fossano. 1732. Nizza. Rivoli. 1733. Fossano. Asti. Lanti. Acqui. Basle. Silesia. 1734. Strasburg. (Lower Rhine.) Acqui. Lanti. 1735. Trino. Lanti. Fresneuse. (Lower Seine.) Vimeux. (Seine et Oise.) Orleans. (Loiret.) Pluviers. (Loiret.) Meaux. Villeneuve. Saint George. (Seine et Marne.) Bohemia. Denmark. Sweden. Russia. 1738. Luzarches, Royaumont. (Seine et Oise.) Susa. Crescentino. 1740. Caen. (Calvados.) Provins. (Seine et Marne.) Vire. (Calvados.) Berthonville. (Eure.) Falaise. (Calvados.) 1741. Rouen. (Lower Seine.) Tartana. Valencia. Alexandria. London. 1742. Caudebec. (Lower Seine.) Ceva. Turin. Sorillano. Alba. Ivrea. Cherasco. Fossano. 1743. Villafranca. 1744. Acqui. 1746. Zurich. 1747. Paris. (Seine.) Beaumont. (Seine et Oise.) Chambly. (Oise.) Modena. Lodi. Mantua. Piacenza. 1750. Schaffhausen. Bern. Geneva. Beauvais. (Oise.) 1751. Villafranca. 1752. Fernaise. (Seine et Oise.) 1753. Susa. 1754. Valepuiseux. (Seine et Oise.) 1755. Novara. 1756. Cusset. (Allier.) Boulogne. (Pas de Calais.) 1757. Montaigu les Combrailles. (Puy de Dôme.) 1758. Amiens, environs. (Somme.) 1759. Paris. (Seine.) Guise. (Aisne.) Caudebec. (Lower Seine.) 1760. Alençon. (Orne.) 1763. Vire. (Calvados.) 1763, 64. Bayeux. (Calvados.) 1765. Balleroy, Basoques. (Calvados.) Saint-George, Saint-Quentin. (Calvados.) 1766. Campagny. (Calvados.) 1767. Thinchebray, Truttemer. (Orne.) 1768, 69. St. Quentin. (Aisne.) 1770. Louviers. (Eure.) 1771. Montargis. (Loiret.) 1772. Hardivilliers, environs. 1773. Hardivilliers. (Oise.) 1776. Laigle. (Orne.) 1777. Jouy. (Seine et Oise.) 1782. Castelnaudary. (Aude.) Boissy Saint-Léger. (Seine et Oise.) 1783. Beaumont. (Seine et Oise.) 1791. Méru. (Oise.) 1810. Nourare, Villotran. (Oise.) 1812. Rosheim, and many other places. (Lower Rhine.) 1821. La Chapelle, Saint-Pierre and sixty places around. (Oise; Seine et Oise.)

SECT. 3.—THE ROETTINGEN SWEATING SICKNESS.

We now come to a phenomenon which, notwithstanding its short duration and very limited extension, is one of the most memorable of this century. Up to the present time, its real importance has not been recognised, because the clouds of self-sufficient ignorance have prevented our taking a survey of the formation of diseases, throughout long periods of time. It has been sunk for an age in the sea of oblivion, from whence we will now draw it forth to the light of day.

In November, 1802, a very hot and dry summer had been succeeded by incessant rain. Thick fogs spread over the country, and enveloped such places in central Germany as were inaccessible to ventilation. Amongst others, the small Franconian town of Roettingen, situated on the river Tauber, and surrounded by mountains[863]. Scarcely had a few weeks elapsed, when unexpectedly, towards the 25th of November, an extremely fatal disease broke out in the town, which was without example in the memory of its inhabitants, and totally unknown to the physicians of the country.

Strong vigorous young men were suddenly seized with _unspeakable dread_; the heart became _agitated_ and _beat violently against_ the ribs, a _profuse, sour, ill-smelling perspiration_ broke out over the whole body, and at the same time, they experienced a _lacerating pain_ in the nape of the neck, as if a violent rheumatic fever had taken possession of the tendinous tissues. This pain ceased sometimes very quickly, and if it then shifted to the chest, the distressing palpitation of the heart recommenced; a spasmodic trembling of the whole body ensued; the sufferers fainted, their limbs became rigid, and thus they breathed their last. _In most cases, all this occurred within four and twenty hours._ They did not all, however, succumb under the first attack, but as soon as the accelerated pulse had sunk to the lowest ebb of smallness and feebleness, a corresponding effect being observable in the respiration, the violent pain would in some cases return to the outward parts. The patient then felt a benumbing pressure and stiffness in the nape of the neck; and the pulse and respiration became restored again as in health, but the perspiration continued to pour incessantly down the skin.

This apparent safety was, however, very deceptive, for a renewed palpitation of the heart unexpectedly commenced, accompanied by a feeble pulse; and then death was often inevitable. It was remarkable, that the patients, though bathed in perspiration, had very little thirst, and the tongue was not dry, nor ever even foul, but retained its natural moisture. With most, however, the urine was scanty; as the skin, under the increasing debility, permitted too much fluid to stream forth through its pores. _If the disease passed off without heating sudorifics, then in general no eruption made its appearance._ The malady then continued till the sixth day, but on the first only, did it display its malignant symptoms, for by the second, the sweating diminished and lost every unfavourable quality, so that increased transpiration of the skin, without any other symptoms of importance, alone remained, and on the sixth day the patient was perfectly restored.

Had there been in Roettingen a physician at hand from the commencement, _well skilled in medical history_, and who would have adopted the old English treatment of the Sweating Sickness, this new fever would have appeared but as a perfectly mild disease, and would certainly have carried off but few of the inhabitants of this peaceful little town. As it was, however, the scenes of Lübeck and Zwickau were renewed, and it seemed as if the innumerable victims to the hot treatment, and to _Kegeler’s_ truculent medical work, had descended to the grave in vain. _The sufferers were, as in the sixteenth century, literally stewed to death!_ for the moment the people imagined that they knew how nature meant to escape, they ordered feather-beds to be heaped on the perspiring patient, so that the mouth and nose alone remained uncovered. Doors and windows were tightly closed, and the stove emitted a glowing heat, whilst a most intolerable odour of perspiration streamed forth from beneath the broad and lofty beds; added to which, that two and even more patients were often lying in the same room; nay, even stowed together under the same mountain of feathers, and in order that inward heat might not be wanting, pots of theriaca were swallowed, and the patient was incessantly plied with elder electuary. Thus the bad humours were expelled together with the perspiration; and whether the sufferers were suffocated, or surmounted, as by a miracle, this mal-treatment of nature, a conviction was felt, that the most salutary remedies had been employed, and when at last, eruptions of various colours broke out, it was considered as certain, that the poison had been carried off in them. The citizens of Roettingen, therefore, fell into the same erroneous opinion, which, upheld by medical schools, had, time immemorial, increased inflammatory diseases, particularly the exanthematous, and caused them to become malignant. The above-mentioned eruptions were of various sorts; miliary vesicles of every form and colour, filled with an acrid fluid; actual blistery eruptions, (pemphigus,) and even petechiæ; and it is to be observed, that the patients, during the first days of the sweating fever, never suffered from that peculiar pricking sensation over the whole body, which precedes the eruption of miliaria, but complained only, and that not always, of a local itching, where the eruption had broken out. It was equally rare to observe a regular desquamation of the skin, and it is therefore to be assumed, that _the eruptions were only symptomatic_, and not by any means necessarily connected with the disease, as in the decidedly miliary fevers.

The disease excited, from its very commencement, the greatest consternation; and as it was increased, even from the first days of its appearance, by the sudorific system of treatment, deaths were multiplied; the continual peal of funeral bells struck mortal terror, as of old at Shrewsbury, into the hearts of both sick and healthy; and this oppressed little town was shunned as a pesthole by the inhabitants of the surrounding neighbourhood. At the commencement of the disease, they were entirely without medical advice, till a skilful physician arrived from the vicinity[864], and as _most of the inhabitants_ were already attacked with the sweating fever, he immediately prescribed the proper treatment. But the powers of one man are not sufficient, amid such confusion, to contend with the deeply rooted prejudices of the people, and so they continued in most houses to expel by heat and theriaca both perspiration and life together; till at last, on the third of December, _Dr. Sinner_ of Würzburg arrived, without whom the remembrance of this remarkable disease would have been obliterated, and conjointly with his gallant colleague, like the anonymous physician formerly in Zwickau, subdued the destructive prejudices of the people. He found eighty-four patients[865] under piles of feather-beds, who, when pure air was admitted, breathed once more freely, and by a prudent cooling system, all recovered easily, and without danger, one only excepted. His method reminds us of the old English treatment[866]. The disease was confined entirely to Roettingen, it did not make its appearance anywhere beyond the gates of this little town. On the fifth of December, however, clear, frosty weather set in; from that time no new cases occurred, and all traces of this Roettingen sweating fever, which was never either preceded or followed by miliary fever in any part of Franconia, have from that time disappeared.

The resemblance of this fever to the English Sweating Sickness is manifest, and is proved even by the short (_only ten days’_) duration of the visitation, which, as we have stated, is a most essential characteristic of the English sweating epidemic, at least as it appeared in Germany, the miliary epidemics always having lasted a much longer period. But if we confine ourselves merely to the symptoms of the disease, we shall find, that in the Roettingen sweating fever, there are, throughout, none that can be considered essential, except the _palpitation of the heart, accompanied with anguish_, the _profuse perspiration_, and the _rheumatic pains in the nape of the neck_, which never were wanting in any case; and the very same symptoms are clearly and perceptibly to be discerned in like proportion as compared with others, in the representation of the English Sweating Sickness; whereas, the eruptions were altogether as unessential as in the epidemic of the sixteenth century. The irritability of the skin, and tendency to dangerous metastases, were less marked in the Roettingen fever than in the English Sweating Sickness; for the patients could, without injury, change their linen in the midst of the perspiration, which, in the English Sweating Sickness, could not have been done without fatal consequences; but this difference can easily be accounted for, from the greater degree of suffering in the latter disease than in the former. It only now remains to examine the duration of the disease, and here we plainly perceive that the principal paroxysm was over in the Roettingen epidemic within the first four and twenty hours, at least when it was undisturbed by treatment; and the sole symptom which continued until the sixth day—the increased perspiration, (we speak here only of perfectly pure cases,) could only reasonably be regarded as a sequela. The crisis did not occur all on a sudden, as in the English Sweating Sickness, but this cannot constitute any essential difference.

We do not hesitate, therefore, to pronounce _the Roettingen fever to have been the same disease as the English Sweating Sickness_. To give, however, this phenomenon its proper interpretation—to have a clear conception of the causes which again drew down from the clouds, into the midst of Germany, this mist-born spectre of 1529, and allowed it to expend its brief fury upon a single place, is beyond the power of human wisdom. Science is not comprehensive enough to discover, in the crossings of these unknown comet-paths, the moving causes of this visitation of disease. But as all insight into the works of nature must be preceded by a strict investigation and search after phenomena in all countries, at all times, and under all circumstances of development, so an improved knowledge of diseases and of the whole human system, will not fail to follow, when the investigations of epidemics throughout extensive periods have increased in number and success.

_The present age demands such a knowledge of medical men, whose vocation it is to investigate life minutely in all its bearings. It demands of them an historical pathology, and to this branch of the study of nature is the present work intended to contribute._

CHRONOLOGICAL SURVEY.

POLITICAL EVENTS. FIRST VISITATION OF THE SWEATING SICKNESS.

1461–1483. Louis XI. 1472–1482. Swarms of locusts 1485–1509. Henry VII. in the south of Europe. 1493–1519. Maximilian I. 1480–1485. Wet years. Mercenary troops are introduced. 1483. Overflow of the Severn, (the _great water_ of the Duke 1483–1498. Charles VIII. of Buckingham.) 1483–1485. Richard III. 1480 and 1481. Famine in 1483, October. First abortive Germany and France. attempt of the Earl of Richmond, 1477–1485. Glandular plague (who had fled to France in Italy. in 1471,) against Richard III. 1480, 1481. Encephalitis in The Duke of Buckingham Germany. executed. 1482. Febrile cerebritis in 1485. Richmond obtains support France, and epidemic pleuritis from Charles VIII. in Italy. 1485, 25th July. Richmond’s 1483. Glandular plague in departure from Havre. Spain. 1485, 1st August. Landing at 1484 and 1485. Malignant fever Milford Haven. in Germany and Switzerland. 1485. From the 1st to the 22d Plague in Spain. of August, march from Milford 1485. _In the beginning of August:_ Haven to Lichfield and _eruption of the English_ Bosworth. _Sweating Sickness, probably_ 1485, 22d August. The battle _amongst Richmond’s_ of Bosworth. Richard III. _mercenary troops. It spread_ falls. The Earl of Richmond _from west to east, and then_ becomes king, under _in a contrary direction._ the name of Henry VII. 1485. _The end of August, in_ _Oxford._ 1485, 28th August. Henry’s 1485. _21st September till the_ entry into London. _early part of October, in_ 1485, 30th October. Henry’s _London._ coronation. 1485. _The middle of November,_ 1481–1492. The wars of Ferdinand _in Croyland._ the Catholic, against 1486. _1st January. Termination_ the Saracens. _of the first epidemic_ 1495. Useless war for the _Sweating Sickness._ succession of Charles VIII. 1486. Epidemic scurvy in Germany. against Alfonso II., (who died Plague in Spain. in 1495,) and Ferdinand II. 1488–1490. Plague in Spain. of Naples. The conquest of 1490. First eruption of petechial the kingdom was again fever in Granada, in the immediately relinquished. army of Ferdinand the Catholic. 1495. Eruption of the syphilitic pestilence at Naples, among the mercenary army of Charles VIII. 1499. Great plague in London.

SECOND VISITATION.

1485–1509. Henry VII. 1500–1503. Mould-spots (signacula) 1501. His eldest son, Arthur, in Germany and France. marries Catherine of Arragon, daughter of Ferdinand 1500. Comet. the Catholic. 1500. Mortality among cattle 1502. Prince Arthur dies. in Germany. Prince Henry (VIII.), second 1502. Very extensive destruction son of Henry VII., is affianced of cultivation in Germany to Catherine of Arragon. by blights of caterpillars. The internal condition of England 1503. Glandular plague, and is altered by Henry VII. destructive epidemics in The towns begin to rise Germany and France. importance, and the sciences 1504. Plague in Spain. to become diffused. A rigorous 1504 and 1505. Encephalitis, and unjust financial putrid fever, and malignant system. pneumonia in Germany. 1498–1515. Louis XII. 1505. Plague in Portugal. 1501. conquers Naples in 1505. First epidemic petechial conjunction with the Spaniards, fever in Italy. The morbid and is by them activity of the organism 1504. expelled thence. He shewed a decided determination establishes his power in towards the skin during Upper Italy. all this period. 1511. Pope Julius II. (1503–1513) 1505. Moist summer. Lamentable forms the sacred league moral state of England. against France, into which 1506. _The summer: the Sweating_ enters likewise, in 1512, _Sickness breaks out in_ Henry VIII. The French _London, and continues to a_ lose their power in Italy. _moderate extent, being confined_ 1504. Isabella of Castile dies. _to England, until the_ Philip I. of Austria, her _autumn. This second visitation_ daughter Johanna’s husband, _is the mildest of all, and_ succeeds her, his son, _the old English method of_ Charles V., having been born _treatment proves effectual_ in 1500. _everywhere._ 1506. Philip I. dies. 1506–1508. Pestilential epidemics 1516. Ferdinand the Catholic in Spain. dies. 1508. Swarms of locusts in Spain.

THIRD VISITATION.

1509–1547. Henry VIII. 1515. Pestilential epidemics in 1515–1547. Francis I. immediately Spain. attacks Milan again, 1516. Comet. and conquers. 1517. Unproductive, but not 1515. the Swiss, in the battle moist summer. of Marignano. Keeps possession 1510. Great influenza (Coqueluche) of Milan, and establishes throughout France, the French dominion in Italy and probably to a still further until the year 1522. extent. Plague in the north 1516. Cardinal Wolsey changes of Europe. the policy of England in favour 1517. In the early months epidemic of Francis I., trachæitis and œsophagitis 1520. then of Charles V. (diphtheritis) in Holland, 1513–1522. Leo X., against lasting only eleven days. France. Promotes, by a new This epidemic extends towards bull of indulgences, the outbreak the south, and appears of the Reformation. in the same summer at 1517. 31st of October, Luther Bâsle. commences the Reformation. 1517. On the 16th June, earthquake 1519. 12th January, the Emperor in Swabia (and Spain). Maximilian I. dies. 1517. Encephalitis and other 1519–1556. Charles V. inflammatory fevers in Germany. 1521. Imperial diet at Worms. 1517 _In July, outbreak in_ 1517. May: Insurrections of _London of the third visitation_ the operatives in London. _of epidemic sweating sickness;_ 1517. In the autumn and winter, _it spreads with great_ Henry VIII. frequently _malignity all over England,_ changes the residence of his _and among the English at_ Court in consequence of the _Calais; in the sixth week_ Sweating Sickness and the _it attains its greatest_ Plague. _violence, and terminates in_ 1518. 11th February, Queen _December. Ammonius, of Lucca,_ Mary is born. _and many distinguished and_ 1518. The College of Physicians _learned persons in Oxford_ in London is founded _and Cambridge are carried_ by Linacre. _off by it._ 1521. Henry VIII. opposes 1517. In December, immediately Luther, and obtains the title after the Sweating Sickness, of “Defender of the Faith.” a plague occurs in (_Thomas More._) England and lasts all the winter. 1517. Small-pox breaks out in Hispaniola.

FOURTH VISITATION.

1524. October, Francis I. 1524. Great plague at Milan, passes Mont Cenis, and is 1527. Inundations in Upper 1525. beaten at Pavia and captured. Italy. 1526. 14th January. Peace of 1527. 11th August, a comet. Madrid. 1527. Plague in the imperial 1526. Clement VII. (1523–1534) army in Italy, after the sacking becomes the head of of Rome; and in Wittenberg. the Holy League against the 1528–1534. Years of famine, Emperor. with a prevalence of moisture 1527. 6th May. Rome is vanquished and heat. by the imperial army 1528. Repeated inundations. and sacked. Continual south winds and 1528. A French army, under summer fogs in Italy. Second Lautrec, conquers the greatest great epidemic petechial part of Italy, and fever there. commences 1528. Destruction of the French 1528. 1st May, the siege of army before Naples by a Naples. Lautrec dies in pestilential Spotted Fever. August. 1528. Cold spring and moist 1528. 29th August, the siege of summer in France. Naples is raised. The remains 1528–1532. Warm winters, moist of the French army summers. Repeated failures are made prisoners. of harvest, and great famines 1528. Charles V. challenges in that country. Francis I. to single combat. 1528. The Trousse-galant carries 1529. 5th August, Francis I. off a fourth part of the concludes the unfavourable inhabitants of France in this peace of Cambray. Termination and the following years. of the French dominion 1528. Wet and mild winter. in Italy. The Reformation Moist summer with fogs. in England is Failure in crops, and famine retarded. in England. 1527. Scruples of Henry VIII. 1528. _At the end of May: outbreak_ respecting his marriage with _in London of the Fourth_ Catherine of Arragon. Various _epidemic Sweating Sickness._ negotiations on the subject _It spreads with great_ in the following years. _malignity, and with much_ Cardinal Wolsey falls into _disturbance of social life,_ disgrace. Thomas More becomes _all over England; carries off_ chancellor. _many distinguished persons,_ 1528. Henry VIII. retires to _and terminates in the winter._ Tytynhangar in consequence _This year it remains confined_ of the Sweating Sickness. _to England, and does_ 1532. Separation of the king _not return in the following_ from Catherine. Mary is excluded _year._ from the government. 1528. Continual south-east 1533. January, Anna Boleyn winds. Great drought. becomes queen. The Reformation Swarms of locusts and fiery is introduced. meteors in the north of 1535. Thomas More and Fisher Germany. are executed. 1529. Earthquake in Upper 1536. Anna Boleyn is executed. Italy. Sanguineous rain at Jane Seymour becomes Cremona. A comet in July queen. Dies 1537. and August. 1537. Anne of Cleves becomes 1529. Mild winter in Germany. queen. Separation after six The spring begins in February. months. Great moisture 1541. Catherine Howard, queen, throughout the summer. General and executed one year and dearth in March. Disease six months afterwards. among the porpoises in 1544. Catherine, queen. the Baltic. Unwholesomeness 1547. 13th December, Henry of the river fish in the VIII. dies. north of Germany. Disease 1521. Plots of the Iconoclasts among birds. Languor resembling in Zwickau and Wittenberg. syncope in Pomerania. 1523–1525. Peasant war. On Frequent suicides the 15th May, battle of in the March. In the middle Frankenhausen. of June a flood of rain 1529. Imperial Diet at Spires. lasting four days (torrent of 1529. 22d September-16th St. Vitus) in the south of October, the Turks before Germany. On the 10th of Vienna. August, a universal tempest. 1529. 2d October, assemblage 24th of August, and the of the Reformers in following days great heat. Marburg. 1529. _25th July, outbreak of_ 1530. 25th June, surrender of _the epidemic Sweating Sickness_ the Augsburg confession. Severe _in Hamburgh. Termination_ decrees against the _on the 5th August._ Protestants. _On the 29th July in Lübeck._ 1531. League of the Protestant _On the 14th August_ princes at Schmalkalden. _in Zwickau. About the_ Continued danger from the _1st September the English_ Turks. _Sweating Sickness appears_ 1532. Imperial Diet at Nuremberg. _to spread universally all over_ The Protestants obtain _Germany. On the 31st August_ security. _in Stettin; termination_ 1333–1535. Excesses of the _on the 8th September. On_ Anabaptists at Münster. _the 1st September in Dantzic;_ 1536. The Schmalkaldic league _termination on the 6th_ is strengthened. _September. On the 24th_ 1538. The Catholic States establish _August in Strasburg. On_ the sacred league at _the 5th, 6th and 7th September_ Nuremberg. _in Cologne, Augsburg_ 1540. Paul III. (1534–1550) _and Francfort on the Maine._ confirms the order of the Jesuits, _About the 20th September_ founded in 1534 by Ignatius _in Vienna and among the_ Loyola. _besieging Turks. On the_ 1519–1541. Conquest of Mexico, _27th September in Amsterdam._ Peru, Chili, &c. _Termination on the_ _1st October in Antwerp and_ _the rest of the Netherlands;_ _simultaneously, at the end_ _of September, in Denmark,_ _Sweden and Noway. At_ _the commencement of November_ _a universal cessation_ _of the epidemic Sweating_ _Sickness._ 1530. In October, overflow of the Tiber. Bursting of the dykes, and sudden inundations in Holland, which were repeated in 1532. 1531. 1st of August to 3d September, the comet of Halley. 1532. From 2d October to 8th November, and 1533. From the middle of June to August, comets. 1534. Termination of the years of scarcity, during which malignant fevers prevailed in circumscribed localities throughout Europe.

FIFTH VISITATION.

1542. Maurice Duke of Saxony 1538. Epidemic dysentery in renounces the league of France. Schmalkalden. 1540. The hot summer. The 1542. The imperial army which forests take fire spontaneously. opposes the Turks in Hungary, 1541. Plague in under Joachim II. of Constantinople. Brandenburg, is destroyed 1542. Swarms of locusts in the by sickness. south of Europe, and plague 1546. The 18th of February, in Hungary during the war Luther dies. of the Turks in that kingdom. 1546. Charles V. takes the field 1543. Plague and petechial against the Protestants, proclaims fever in Germany. Metz. the Elector, John Frederick, 1545 and 1546. Trousse-galant and Landgrave Philip in France, of which of Hesse, outlaws. Gains 10,000 English die at 1547. 24th April, the battle of Boulogne. Muhlberg. Raises 1546. Plague in the Netherlands 1548. Duke Maurice to the and France. electorate of Saxony, and 1547. Petechial fever in the prescribes the _interim_, which imperial army. is not accepted by Magdeburg. 1547–1551. Mould spots and 1551. Magdeburg declared to red water in the north of be under the imperial ban, Germany. and besieged in vain by the 1549. Caterpillars destroy the Saxons. herbage, and a mortality occurs 1552. Henry II. of France among cattle in Germany. (1547–1559), in alliance with The 21st of September the Protestant princes, takes an aurora borealis. Metz, Toul, and Verdun. 1549 and 1550. Malignant fever 1552. The treaty of Passau (petechial fever?) in the secures to the Protestants north of Germany. equal rights with the 1551. Dry and cold spring; Catholics. hot and wet summer. Inundations, 1547–1553. Edward VI. nine earthquakes, meteors, years old. The Duke of mock suns, great tempests, Somerset governs the kingdom summer fogs. as Protector. The Reformation 1551. Malignant fever in Swabia: is favoured, and plague in Spain. makes progress. Influenza. 1553. Mary persecutes the 1551. In the spring, stinking and in 1558 loses Protestants, mists on the banks of the Calais. Severn. 1556. Charles V. abdicates, and 1551. _On the 15th of April_ dies on the 11th of September, _outbreak of the fifth epidemic_ 1558, in Spain. _Sweating Fever in Shrewsbury_ _on the Severn. It gradually_ _spreads with stinking_ _mists all over England, and_ _on the 9th of July reaches_ _London. The mortality is_ _very considerable. Foreigners_ _are unaffected, but Englishmen_ _in foreign countries_ _sicken with the English_ _Sweating Sickness. The epidemic_ _terminates on the 30th_ _of September._ 1552 and 1553. Malignant fever in Germany and Switzerland.

CATALOGUE OF WORKS[867]

REFERRED TO BY THE AUTHOR.

Adelung (Wolffgang Heinrich) Kurtze historische Beschreibung der uralten u. s. w. Stadt Hamburg. Hamburg, 1696, 4to.

Agricolæ; (Georgii) De peste Libri tres. Basileæ;, 1554, 8vo.

Aikin (John) Biographical Memoirs of Medicine in Great Britain, from the revival of literature to the time of Harvey. London, 1780, 8vo.

Allionii (Caroli) Tractatio de miliarium origine, progressu, natura et curatione. Augustæ Taurinorum, 1758, 8vo.

Angelus (Andreas, Struthiomontanus) Annales Marchiæ Brandenburgicæ, das ist: Ordentliches Verzeichniss und Beschreibung der fürnemsten und gedenckwirdigsten Märckischen Jahrgeschichten u. s. w. Franckfurt a. O. 1598, fol.

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APPENDIX.

A BOKE, OR COUNSEILL AGAINST THE DISEASE COMMONLY CALLED ►THE SWEATE◄, OR ►SWEATYNG SICKNESSE◄.

MADE BY JHON CAIUS DOCTOUR IN PHISICKE.

UERY NECESSARY FOR EUERYE PERSONNE, AND MUCHE REQUISITE TO BE HAD IN THE HANDES OF AL SORTES, FOR THEIR BETTER INSTRUCTION, PREPARACION AND DEFENCE, AGAINST THE SOUBDEIN COMYNG, AND FEARFUL ASSAULTING OF THE SAME DISEASE.

1552.

TO THE RIGHTE HONOURABLE

WILLIAM EARLE OF PENBROKE,

LORDE HARBERT OF CARDIFE, KNIGHT OF THE HONOURABLE ORDRE OF THE GARTER, AND PRESIDENT OF THE KYNGES HIGHNES COUNSEILL IN THE MARCHES OF WALES:

►JHON CAIUS◄

WISHETH HELTH AND HONOUR,

In the fereful tyme of the sweate (ryghte honourable) many resorted vnto me for counseil, among whōe some beinge my frendes & aquaintance, desired me to write vnto them some litle counseil howe to gouerne themselues therin: saiyng also that I should do a greate pleasure to all my frendes and contrimen, if I would deuise at my laisure some thīg, whiche from tyme to tyme might remaine, wherto men might in such cases haue a recourse & present refuge at all nedes, as thē they had none. At whose requeste, at that tyme I wrate diuerse counseiles so shortly as I could for the present necessite, whiche they bothe vsed and dyd geue abrode to many others, & further appoynted in my self to fulfill (for so much as laye in me) the other parte of their honest request for the time to come. The whiche the better to execute and brynge to passe, I spared not to go to all those that sente for me, bothe poore, and riche, day and night. And that not only to do thē that ease that I could, & to instructe thē for their recouery: but to note also throughly, the cases and circumstaunces of the disease in diuerse persons, and to vnderstande the nature and causes of the same fully, for so much as might be. Therefore as I noted, so I wrate as laisure then serued, and finished one boke in Englishe, onely for Englishe mē not lerned, one other in latine for men of lerninge more at large, and generally for the help of thē which hereafter should haue nede, either in this or other coūtreis, that they may lerne by our harmes. This I had thoughte to haue set furth before christmas, & to haue geuē to your lordshippe at new-yeres tide, but that diuerse other businesses letted me. Neuertheles that which then coulde not be done cometh not now out of season, although it be neuer so simple, so it may do ease hereafter, which as I trust this shal, so for good wil I geue and dedicate it vnto your good Lordshippe, trustyng the same will take this with as good a mind, as I geue it to your honour, whiche our Lorde preserue and graunt long to continue.

At London the first of Aprill.

1552.

THE BOKE OF JHON CAIUS AGAINST THE SWEATYNG SICKNES.

Man beyng borne not for his owne vse and cōmoditie alone, but also for the commō benefite of many, (as reason wil and al good authoures write) he whiche in this world is worthy to lyue, ought al wayes to haue his hole minde and intente geuen to profite others. Whiche thynge to shewe in effecte in my selfe, although by fortune some waies I haue ben letted, yet by that whiche fortune cannot debarre some waies again I haue declared. For after certein yeres beyng at cambrige, I of the age of xx. yeres, partly for mine exercise and profe what I coulde do, but chefely for certein of my very frēdes, dyd translate out of Latine into Englishe certein workes, hauyng nothynge els so good to gratifie theim w^t. Wherof one of _S. Chrysostome de modo orandi deum_, that is, of y^e manner to praye to god, I sent to one my frende then beyng in the courte. One other, a woorke of _Erasmus de vera theologia_, the true and redy waye to reade the scripture, I dyd geue to Maister Augustine Stiwarde Alderman of Norwiche, not in the ful as the authore made it, but abbreuiate for his only purpose to whome I sent it, Leuyng out many subtile thinges, made rather for great & learned diuines, thē for others. The thirde was the paraphrase of the same Erasmus vpon the Epistle of S. Jude, whiche I translated at the requeste of one other my deare frende.

These I did in Englishe the rather because at that tyme men ware not so geuen all to Englishe, but that they dyd fauoure & maȳteine good learning conteined in tongues & sciences, and did also study and apply diligently the same thē selues. Therfore I thought no hurte done. Sence y^t tyme diuerse other thynges I haue written, but with entente neuer more to write in the Englishe tongue, partly because the cōmoditie of that which is so written, passeth not the compasse of Englande, but remaineth enclosed within the seas, and partly because I thought that labours so taken should be halfe loste among them whiche sette not by learnyng. Thirdly for that I thought it beste to auoide the iudgement of the multitude, from whome in maters of learnyng a man shalbe forced to dissente, in disprouyng that whiche they most approue, & approuyng that whiche they moste disalowe. Fourthly for that the common settyng furthe and printīg of euery foolishe thyng in englishe, both of phisicke vnperfectly, and other matters vndiscretly diminishe the grace of thynges learned set furth in thesame. But chiefely, because I wolde geue none example or comforte to my countrie men, (whō I wolde to be now, as here tofore they haue bene, comparable in learnyng to men of other countries) to stonde onely in the Englishe tongue, but to leaue the simplicite of thesame, and to procede further in many and diuerse knoweleges bothe in tongues and sciences at home and in vniuersities, to the adournyng of the cōmon welthe, better seruice of their kyng, & great pleasure and commodite of their owne selues, to what kinde of life so euer they shold applie them. Therfore whatsoeuer sence that tyme I minded to write, I wrate y^e same either in greke or latine. As firste of all certein commentaries vpon certein bokes of William framinghā, maister of art in Cambrige, a man of great witte, memorie, diligence and learnyng, brought vp in thesame scholes in Englande that I was, euer frō his beginnyng vntil his death. Of the which bokes, ij. of _cōtinētia_ (or cōtinence) wer in prose, y^e reste in metre or verse of diuerse kindes. One a comforte for a blinde mā, entitled _ad Aemilianum cæcum consolatio_, one other _Ecpyrosis, seu incendiū sodomorū_, the burnyng of Sodome. The thirde _Laurentius_, expressyng the tormentes of Saincte Laurence. The fourthe, _Idololatria_, Idolatrie, not after the trade and veine of scripture (wherein he was also very well exercised) but conformable to scripture and after the ciuile and humane learnyng, declaryng them to worshippe _Mars_, that warre, or fight: _Venus_, that lyue incontinently: _Pluto_, that folowe riches couetousely; and so forth through all vices vsed in his time. The fineth boke _Arete_, vertue: the sixth, Epigrāmes, conteined in two bokes, whiche by an epistle of his owne hand before y^e boke yet remainyng, he dedicated vnto me, purposyng to haue done many more prety thynges, but that cruell death preuēted, and toke him away wher he and I was borne at Norwiche, in the yere of our Lord M.d.xxxvij. the xxix. daie of September, beynge then of the age of xxv. yeres, vij. Monethes, and vj. daies, a greate losse of so notable a yonge man. These workes at his death he willed to comme to my handes, by which occasion after I had viewed thē, and perceiued them ful of al kyndes of learnyng, thinkyng thē no workes for all mē to vnderstande with out helpe, but such as were wel sene in all sortes of authours: I endeuoured my selfe partely for the helpe of others, & partly for mine owne exercise, to declare vpon theim the profite of my studie in ciuile and humane learnynge, and to haue before mine eyes as in a worke (which was alwaies my delyght) how muche I had profited in the same. Thys so done, I ioyned euery of my commentaries to euery of hys saied bokes, faier written by Nicolas Pergate puple to the saied Maister Framyngham, myndyng after the iudgement of learned men had in thesame, to haue set theim furthe in prynte, if it had ben so thought good to theim. For whyche cause, at my departynge into Italie, I put an Epistle before theym dedicatorye to the right Reuerend father in God Thomas Thirlbye, now Bishoppe of Norwiche, because thesame maister Framyngham loued hym aboue others. He after my departure deliuered the bokes to the reuerende father in god Jhō Skippe, late bishop of Hereforde, then to D. Thirtle, tutor to the sayd maister framynhā, frō him to syr Richard Morisine, now ambassadoure for y^e kinges maiestie with thēperour, then to D. Tailour Deane of Lincolne, and syr Thomas Smithe, secretarie after to y^e kynges Maiestie, all great learned men. Frō these to others they wente, among whome the bokes died, (as I suppose,) or els be closely kept, that after my death they may be setfurthe in the names of them which now haue thē, as their workes. Howe soeuer it be, wel I knowe that at my returne out of Italie (after vj. yeres continuance ther) into Englād, I coulde neuer vnderstand wher they wer, although I bothe diligently and desirousely sought thē. After these I translated out of Greke into Latine a litle boke of _Nicephorus_, declarynge howe a man maye in praiynge confesse hym selfe, which after I dyd geue vnto Jhō Grome bacheler in arte, a yong man in yeres, but in witte & learnyng for his tyme, of great expectatiō. That done I beganne a chronicle of the citie of Norwiche, of the beginninge therof & thinges done ther frō time to time. The matere wherof yet rude and vndigested lyeth by me, which at laisure I minde to polishe, and to make an end of that I haue begunne. And to be shorte, in phisicke diuerse thynges I haue made & settefurth in print bothe in Greke and Latine, not mindyng to do other wise, as I haue before said, al my life: For which cause al these thinges I haue rehersed, els superfluous in this place. Yet see, meaning now to counseill a litle agaynst the sweatyng sickenes for helpe also of others, notwithstandyng my former purpose, two thynges compell me, in writynge therof, to returne agayne to Englishe, Necessite of the matter, & good wyl to my countrie, frendes, & acquaintance, whiche here to haue required me, to whome I thinke my selfe borne.

Necessite, for that this disease is almoste peculiar vnto vs Englishe men, and not common to all men, folowyng vs, as the shadowe the body, in all countries, albeit not at al times. Therfore compelled I am to vse this our Englishe tongue as best to be vnderstande, and moste nedeful to whome it most foloweth, most behoueth to haue spedy remedie, and often tymes leaste nyghe to places of succource and comforte at lerned mennes handes: and leaste nedefull to be setfurthe in other tongues to be vnderstand generally of all persons, whome it either haunteth not at all, or els very seldome, as ones in an age. Thinkynge it also better to write this in Englishe after mine own meanyng, then to haue it translated out of my Latine by other after their misunderstandyng.

Good wyll to my countrie frendes and acquaintance, seynge them wyth out defence yelde vnto it, and it ferefully to inuade thē, furiousely handle them, spedily oppresse them, vnmercyfully choke them, and that in no small numbers, and such persons so notably noble in birthe, goodly conditions, graue sobrietie, singular wisedōe, and great learnynge, as Henry Duke of Suffolke, and the lorde Charles his brother, as fewe hath bene sene lyke of their age: an heuy & pitifull thyng to here or see. So that if by onely learned men in phisicke & not this waye also it should be holpen, it were nedeful almost halfe so many learned men to be redy in euery toune and citie, as their should be sweatynge sicke folkes. Yet this notwithstandynge, I wyll euery man not to refuse the counseill of the present or nighe physicen learned, who maie, accordyng to the place, persone, cause, & other circūstances, geue more particular counseil at nede, but in any wise exhorte him to seke it with all diligence. To this enterprise also amonge so many learned men, not a litle stirreth me the gentilnes and good willes of al sortes of men, which I haue well proued heretofore by my other former bokes. Mindynge therefore with as good a will to geue my counseil in this, and trusting for no lesse gentlenes in the same, I wyll plainly and in English for their better vnderstandynge to whome I write, firste declare the beginnynge, name, nature, and signes of the sweatynge sickenes. Next, the causes of the same. And thirdly, how to preserue men frō it, and remedy them whē they haue it.

_The beginnyng of the disease._—In the yere of our Lorde God M.CCCC.lxxxv. shortly after the vij. daye of august, at whiche tyme kynge Henry the seuenth arriued at Milford in walles, out of Fraunce, and in the firste yere of his reigne, ther chaunced a disease among the people, lastyng the reste of that monethe & all september, which for the soubdeine sharpenes and vnwont cruelnes passed the pestilence. For this commonly geueth iij. or iiij. often vij. sumtyme ix. as that firste at Athenes whiche _Thucidides_ describeth in his seconde boke, sumtyme xj. and sumtyme xiiij. dayes respecte, to whome it vexeth. But that immediatly killed some in opening theire windowes, some in plaieng with children in their strete dores, some in one hour, many in two it destroyed, & at the longest, to thē that merilye dined, it gaue a sorowful Supper. As it founde them so it toke them, some in sleape some in wake, some in mirthe some in care, some fasting & some ful, some busy and some idle, and in one house sometyme three sometime fiue, sometyme seuen sometyme eyght, sometyme more some tyme all, of the whyche, if the haulfe in euerye Towne escaped, it was thoughte great fauour. How, or wyth what maner it toke them, with what grieffe, and accidentes it helde theym, herafter thē I wil declare, whē I shal come to shewe the signes therof. In the mene space, know that this disease (because it most did stand in sweating from the beginning vntil the endyng) was called here, the Sweating sickenesse: and because it firste beganne in Englande, it was named in other countries, the englishe sweate. Yet some coniecture that it, or the like, hath bene before seene among the Grekes in the siege of Troie. In thēperor Octauius warres at _Cantabria_, called nowe Biscaie, in Hispaine: and in the Turkes, at the Rhodes. How true that is, let the aucthours loke: how true thys is, the best of our Chronicles shewith, & of the late begonne disease the freshe memorie yet confirmeth. But if the name wer now to be geuen, and at my libertie to make the same: I would of the maner and space of the disease (by cause the same is no sweat only, as herafter I will declare, & in the spirites) make the name _Ephemera_, which is to sai, a feuer of one natural dai. A feuer, for the feruor or burning, drieth & sweating feure like. Of one naturall day, for that it lasteth but the time of xxiiij. houres. And for a distinction from the commune _Ephemera_, that Galene writeth of, comming both of other causes, and wyth vnlike paines, I wold putte to it either Englishe, for that it followeth somoche English menne, to whō it is almoste proper, and also began here: or els pestilent, for that it cōmeth by infection & putrefaction, otherwise then doth the other _Ephemera_. Whiche thing I suppose may the better be done, because I se straunge and no english names both in Latine and Greke by commune vsage taken for Englishe. As in Latin, Feure, Quotidiā, Tertian, Quartane, Aier, Infection, Pestilence, Uomite, Person, Reines, Ueines, Peines, Chamere, Numbre, &c. a litle altered by the commune pronunciation. In Greke, Pleuresie, Ischiada, Hydrops, Apostema, Phlegma, and Chole: called by the vulgare pronunciatiō, Schiatica, Dropsie, Impostume, Phleume, & Choler: Gyne also, and Boutyre, Sciourel, Mouse, Rophe, Phrase, Paraphrase, & cephe, wherof cometh Chaucers couercephe, in the romant of the Rose, writtē and pronoūced comōly, kerchief in y^e south, & courchief in the north. Thereof euery head or principall thing, is comonlye called cephe, pronoūced & writtē, chief. Uery many other there be in our commune tongue, whiche here to rehearse were to long. These for an example shortelye I haue here noted. But for the name of this disease it maketh now no matter, the name of Sweat beyng cōmōly vsed. Let vs therfore returne to the thing, which as occasiō & cause serued, came againe in the M.D.vi. the xxii. yeare of the said Kyng Henry the seuenth. Aftre that, in the yeare M.D.xvii. the ix. yeare of Kyng Henry the viii, and endured from July, vnto y^e middest of Decēbre. The iiii tyme, in the yeare M.D.xxviii. the xx. yeare of thesaied Kyng, beginning in thende of May, & continuing June and July. The fifth tyme of this fearful _Ephemera_ of Englande, and pestilent sweat, is this in the yeare M.D.LI. of oure Lorde GOD, and the fifth yeare of oure Souereigne Lorde king Edwarde the sixth, beginning at Shrewesbury in the middest of April, proceadinge with greate mortalitie to Ludlowe, Prestene, and other places in Wales, then to Westchestre, Couentre, Drenfoorde, and other tounes in the Southe, and suche as were in and aboute the way to London, whether it came notablie the seuenth of July, and there continuing sore, with the losse of vii. C. lxi. from the ix. day vntil the xvi. daye, besides those that died in the vii. and viii. dayes, of whō no registre was kept, frō that it abated vntil the xxx. day of the same, with the losse of C. xlii. more. Then ceassing there, it wente from thence throughe al the east partes of England into the Northe vntill the ende of Auguste, at whiche tyme it diminished, and in the ende of Septembre fully ceassed.

This disease is not a Sweat onely, (as it is thought & called) but a feuer, as I saied, in the spirites by putrefaction venemous, with a fight, trauaile, and laboure of nature againste the infection receyued in the spirites, whervpon by chaunce foloweth a Sweate, or issueth an humour compelled by nature, as also chanceth in other sicknesses whiche consiste in humours, when they be in their state, and at the worste in certein dayes iudicial, aswel by vomites, bledinges, & fluxes, as by sweates. That this is true, the self sweates do shewe. For as in vtter businesses, bodies yˆt sore do labour, by trauail of the same are forced to sweat, so in inner diseases, the bodies traueiled & labored by thē, are moued to the like. In which labors, if nature be strōg & able to thrust out the poisō by sweat (not otherwise letted) yˆe persō escapeth: if not, it dieth. That it is a feuer, thus I haue partly declared, and more wil streight by the notes of the disease, vnder one shewing also by thesame notes, signes, and short tariance of the same, that it consisteth in the spirites. First by the peine in the backe, or shoulder, peine in the extreme partes, as arme, or legge, with a flusshing, or wind, as it semeth to certeine of the pacientes, flieng in the same. Secondly by the grief in the liuer and the nigh stomacke. Thirdely, by the peine in the head, & madnes of the same. Fourthly by the passion of the hart. For the flusshing or wynde comming in the vtter and extreame partes, is nothing els but the spirites of those same gathered together, at the first entring of the euell aire, agaynste the infection therof, and flyeng thesame from place to place, for theire owne sauegarde. But at the last infected, they make a grief where thei be forced, whiche cōmonly is in tharme or legge (the fartheste partes of theire refuge) the backe or shulder: trieng ther first a brūt as good souldiers, before they wil let their enemye come further into theire dominion. The other grefes be therefore in thother partes aforsaid & sorer, because the spirites be there most plētuous as in their founteines, whether alwaies thinfection desireth to go. For frō the liuer, the nigh stomack, braine, and harte, come all the iij. sortes, and kyndes of spirites, the gouernoures of oure bodies, as firste spronge there. But from the hart, the liuish spirites. In putrifieng wherof by the euel aier in bodies fit for it, the harte is oppressed. Wherupon also foloweth a marueilous heauinesse, (the fifthe token of this disease,) and a desire to sleape, neuer contented, the senses in al partes beynge as they were bounde or closed vp, the partes therfore left heuy, vnliuishe, and dulle. Laste foloweth the shorte abidinge, a certeine Token of the disease to be in the spirites, as wel may be proued by the _Ephemera_ that Galene writethe of, whiche because it consistethe in the Spirites, lasteth but one natural day. For as fire in hardes or straw, is sone in flambe & sone oute, euen so heate in the spirites, either by simple distemperature, or by infection and putrefaction therin conceyued, is sone in flambe & sone out, and soner for the vehemencye or greatnes of the same, whiche without lingering, consumeth sone the light matter, contrary to al other diseases restyng in humoures, wherin a fire ones kindeled, is not so sone put out, no more then is the same in moiste woode, or fat Sea coles, as well by the particular Example of the pestilence, (of al others most lyke vnto this) may be declared, whyche by that it stādeth in euel humors, tarieth as I said, sometyme, from iiij. vii. ix. & xj. vntill xiiij. dayes, differentlie from this, by reason therof, albeit by infection most lyke to this same. Thus vnder one laboure shortelie I haue declared—both what this disease is, wherein it consisteth, howe and with what accidentes it grieueth and is differente from the Pestilence, and the propre signes, and tokens of the same, without the whiche, if any do sweate, I take theym not to Sweate by this Sickenesse, but rather by feare, heate of the yeare, many clothes, greate exercise, affection, excesse in diete, or at the worst, by a smal cause of infection, and less disposition of the bodi to this sicknes. So that, insomoche as the body was nat al voide of matter, sweate it did when infection came: but in that the mattere was not greate, the same coulde neyther be perilous nor paineful as in others, in whom was greater cause.

_The causes._—Hetherto I haue shewed the beginning, name, nature, & signes of this disease: nowe I will declare the causes, which be ij.: infectiō, & impure spirites in bodies corrupt by repletiō. Infection, by thaire receiuing euel qualities, distēpring not only y^e hete, but the hole substāce therof, in putrifieng thesame, and that generally ij. waies. By the time of the yere vnnatural, & by the nature & site of the soile & region—wherunto maye be put the particular accidentes of this same. By the time of the yeare vnnaturall, as if winter be hot & drie, somer hot and moist: (a fit time for sweates) the spring colde and drye, the fall hot & moist. To this mai be ioyned the euel disposition by constellation, whiche hath a great power & dominion in al erthly thinges. By the site & nature of the soile & regiō, many wayes. First & specially by euel mistes & exhalatiōs drawen out of the grounde by the sūne in the heate of the yeare, as chanced amōg the Grekes in the siege of Troy, wherby died firste dogges & mules, after, mē in great numbre: & here also in Englād in this m.d.lj. yeare, the cause of this pestilent sweate, but of dyuers nature. Whiche miste in the countrie wher it began, was sene flie frō toune to toune, with suche a stincke in morninges & eueninges, that mē could scarcely abide it. Thē by dampes out of the earth, as out of Galenes _Barathrū_, or the poetes _auernū_, or _aornū_, the dampes wherof be such, that thei kil y^e birdes fliēg ouer them. Of like dampes, I heard in the north coūtry in cole pits, wherby the laboring mē be straight killed, except before the houre of coming therof (which thei know by y^e flame of their cādle) thei auoid the groūd. Thirdly by putrefactiō or rot in groūdes aftre great flouddes, in carions, & in dead men. After great fluddes, as happened in y^e time of Gallien thēperor at rome, in _Achaia_ & _Libia_, wher the seas sodeinly did ouerflow y^e cities nigh to y^t same. And in the xi. yeare of _Pelagius_, when al the flouddes throughe al Italye didde rage, but chieflye _Tibris_ at Rome, whiche in many places was as highe as the walles of the citie.

In cariōs or dead bodies, as fortuned here in Englande vpon the sea banckes in the tyme of King Alured, or Alfrede; (as some Chroniclers write) but in the time of king Ethelred after Sabellicus, by occasion of drowned Locustes cast vp by the Sea, which by a wynde were driuen oute of Fraunce thether. This locust is a flie in bignes of a mānes thumbe, in colour broune, in shape somewhat like a greshopper, hauing vi. fiete, so many wynges, two tiethe, & an hedde like a horse, and therfore called in Italy _Caualleto_, where ouer y^e city of _Padoa_, in the yeare m.d.xiij. (as I remembre,) I, with manye more did see a swarme of theim, whose passage ouer the citie, did laste two hours, in breadth inestimable to euery man there. Here by example to note infection by deadde menne in Warres, either in rotting aboue the ground, as chaunced in Athenes by theim of Ethiopia, or els in beyng buried ouerly as happened at Bulloigne, in the yere M.D.xlv. the yeare aftre king Henrye theight had conquered the same, or by long continuance of an hoste in one place, it is more playne by dayly experience, then it neadeth to be shewed. Therefore I wil now go to the fourth especial cause of infectiō, the pent aier, breaking out of the ground in yearthquakes, as chaunced at Uenice in the first yeare of _Andrea Dandulo_, then Duke, the xxiiij. day of Januarye, and xx. hour after their computacion. By which infectiō mani died, & many were borne before their time. The v. cause is close, & vnstirred aire, & therfore putrified or corrupt, out of old welles, holes in y^e groūd made for grain, wherof many I did se in & about _Pesaro_ in Italy, by openīg thē aftre a great space, as both those coūtrimē do cōfesse, & also by exāple is declared, for y^e manye in openīg thē vnwarely be killed. Out of caues, & tōbes also, as chaūced first in the country of _Babilonia_, proceding aftre into Grece, and so to Rome, by occasion that y^e souldiers of themperour _Marcus Antoninus_, vpon hope of money, brake up a golden coffine of _Auidius Cassius_, spiēg a litle hole therin, in the tēple of _Apollo_ in _Seleucia_, as _Ammianus Marcellinus_ writeth. To these mai be ioyned the particular causes of infectiō, which I cal the accidentes of the place, augmenting thesame. As nigh to dwelling places, merishe & muddy groundes, puddles or donghilles, sinkes or canales, easing places or carions, deadde ditches or rotten groundes, close aier in houses or ualleis, with suche like. Thus muche for the firste cause.

The second cause of this Englyshe _Ephemera_, I said were thimpure spirites in bodies corupt by repletiō. Repletion I cal here, abundance of humores euel & maliciouse, from long time by litle & litle gathered by euel diete, remaining in the bodye, coming either by to moche meate, or by euel meate in qualitie, as infected frutes, meates of euel iuse or nutrimēt; or both ioyntly. To such spirites when the aire infectiue cometh cōsonant, thē be thei distēpered, corrupted, sore handled; & oppressed, thē nature is forced, & the disease engendred. But while I doe declare these impure spirites to be one cause, I must remoue your myndes frō spirites to humours, for that the spirites be fedde of the finest partes therof, & aftre bringe you againe to spirites where I toke you. And forsomuche as I haue not yet forgotten to whome I write, in this declaration I will leaue a part al learned & subtil reasōs, as here void & vnmiete, & only vse suche as be most euident to whom I write, & easiest to be vnderstanden of the same: and at ones therwith shew also why it haūteth vs English men more thē other nations. Therfore I passe ouer the vngētle sauoure or smell of the sweate, grosenes, colour, and other qualities of the same, the quantitie, the daunger in stopping, the maner in coming furthe redily, or hardly, hot or cold, the notes in the excremētes, the state longer or sorer, with suche others, which mai be tokēs of corrupt humours & spirites, & onli wil stād upō iii. reasōs declaring y^e same swet by gret repletiō to be in vs not otherwise for al the euel aire apt to this disease, more thē other natiōs. For as hereaftre I wil shew, & Galē cōfirmeth, our bodies cā not suffre any thīg or hurt by corrupt & infectiue causes, except ther be in thē a certeī mater prepared apt & like to receiue it, els if one were sick, al shuld be sick, if in this countri, in al coūtres wher the infection came, which thīg we se doth not chāce. For touching the first reasō, we se this sweting sicknes or pestilēt _Ephemera_, to be oft in Englād, but neuer entreth Scotland, (except the borders) albeit thei both be ioinctly within the cōpas of on sea. The same begining here, hath assailed Brabant & the costes nigh to it, but neuer, passed Germany, where ones it was in like faciō as here, with great mortalitie, in the yere m.d.xxix. Cause wherof none other there is naturall, then the euell diet of these thre contries whiche destroy more meates and drynckes withoute al ordre, cōueniēt time, reasō, or necessite, thē either Scotlande, or all other countries vnder the sunne, to the greate annoiance of their owne bodies and wittes, hinderance of theim which have nede, and great dearth and scarcitie in their cōmon welthes. Wherfore if _Esculapius_ the inuentour of phisike, y^e sauer of mē from death, and restorer to life, should returne again īto this world, he could not saue these sortes of men, hauing so moche sweatyng stuffe, so many euill humoures laid vp in store, frō this displeasante, feareful, & pestilent disease: except thei would learne a new lesson, & folowe a new trade. For other wise, neither the auoidyng of this countrie (the seconde reason) nor fleyng into others, (a commune refuge in other diseases) wyll preserue vs Englishe men, as in this laste sweate is by experience well proued in Cales, Antwerpe, and other places of Brabant, wher only our contrimen ware sicke, & none others, except one or ii. others of thenglishe diete, which is also to be noted. The cause hereof natural is onely this, that they caried ouer with thē, & by lyke diete ther incresed that whiche was the cause of their disease. Wherefore lette vs asserteine our selues, that in what soeuer contrie lyke cause and matter is, there commyng like aier and cause efficient, wil make lyke effecte and disease in persōs of agreable complexions, age, and diete, if the tyme also doe serue to these same, and in none others. These I putte, for that the tyme of the yere hote, makethe moche to the malice of the disease, in openynge the pores of the body, lettynge in the euill aier, resoluynge the humores and makynge them flowable, and disposing therfore the spirites accordyngly, besyde, that (as I shewed in the first cause of this pestilente sweate) it stirreth and draweth out of the erthe euill exhalations and mistes, to thinfection of the aier and displeasure of vs. Diet I put, for that they of the contrarie diete be not troubled with it at all. Age and complexion, for this, that although it spareth nō age of bothe kyndes, nor no complexion but some it touchethe, yet for the most parte (wherby rules and reasones be alwayes to be made) it vexed theim of the middle age, beste luste, and theim not moch vnder that, and of complexions hote & moiste, as fitteste by their naughty & moche subtiltie of blode to fede the spirites: or nigh and lyke to thesame in some one of the qualities, as cholerike in hete, phlegmatike in moister, excepte thother their qualities, as drinesse in cholerike, & cold in phlegmatike, by great dominion ouer thother, did lette. For the clene contrarie complexiōs to the infected aier, alwaies remaine helthful, saulfe and better then tofore, the corrupte and infected aier notwithstandyng. Therfore cold and drie persones either it touched not at all, or very fewe, and that wyth no danger: such I say as beside their complexion, (whiche is so harde to finde in any man exacte and simple, as exacte helthes) were annoied with some corrupt humoures & spirites, and therfore mete by so moch to receiue it, & that by good reasō. For nothing can naturally haue power to do ought against any thing, excepte the same haue in it selfe a disposicion by like qualities to receiue it. As the cause in the fote cānot trouble the flanke and leue the knee (the mean betwixte) except there were a greater consent and likenes of nature in sufferance (whiche we call _sympathian_) betwixte those then thother. Nor fire refusynge stones, canne burne hardes, strawe, stickes and charcole, oile, waxe, fatte, and seacole, except these same first of al wer apte, and by conuenient qualities disposed to be enflamed and burned. Nor any man goeth about to burne water, because the qualities thereof be contrary, and the body vndisposed to the like of fire. By whiche reason it may also be perceiued, that y^e venemouse qualitie of this corrupt aire is hote and moiste, for it redily enfectethe the lyke complexions, and those nigh vnto theim, and the contrary not at all, or hardly: & easely doth putrify, as doe the Southe wyndes. Therfore next vnto those colde and drie cōplexions, olde men escaped free, as like to theim by age: and children, as voide of replecion consumed by their great hete, and therefore alwaies redy to eate. But in this disease the subtile humour euill and abundant in full bodies fedyng y^e spirites, is more to be noted then the humour complexional, whiche notwithstanding, as an helper or hinderer to y^e same, is not to be neglected. For els it should be in all contries and persones indifferently, wher all complexiones be. The thirde and laste reason is, y^t they which had thys sweat sore with perille or death, were either men of welthe, ease, & welfare, or of the poorer sorte such as wer idle persones, good ale drinkers, and Tauerne haunters. For these, by y^e great welfare of the one sorte, and large drinkyng of thother, heped vp in their bodies moche euill matter: by their ease and idlenes, coulde not waste and consume it. A comfirmacion of this is, that the laborouse and thinne dieted people, either had it not, because they dyd eate but litle to make the matter: or with no greate grefe and danger, because they laboured out moche thereof. Wherefore vpon small cause, necessarily must folowe a smal effecte. All these reasones go to this ende, that persones of all contries of moderate and good diete, escape thys Englishe _Ephemera_, and those be onely vexed therewith, whiche be of immoderate and euill diete. But why? for the euill humores and corrupte aier alone? No, for thē the pestilence and not the swet should rise. For what then? For y^e impure spirites corrupte in theim selues and by the infectiue aier. Why so? for that of impure and corrupte humores, whether thei be blode or others, can rise none other then impure spirites. For euery thynge is suche as that whereof it commeth. Now, that of the beste and fineste of the blode, yea in corrupte bodies (whyche beste is nought) these spirites be ingendred and fedde, I before expressed. Therfor who wyl haue them pure and cleane, and him selfe free from sweat, muste kepe a pure and cleane diete, and then he shalbe sure.

_The preseruacion._—Infection by the aier, and impure spirites by repletion thus founde and declared to be the causes of this pestilente sweate or Englishe _ephemera_, lette vs nowe see howe we maye preserue our selues from it, and howe it may be remedied, if it chaunce, wyth lesse mortalitie. I wyll begynne wyth preseruation. That most of all dothe stande in auoidyng the causes to come of the disease, the thinges helping forward the same, and remouyng that whiche is alredy had & gotten. Al be done by the good order of thynges perteynyng to the state of the body. Therfore I will begin with diete where I lefte, & then go furth with aier where I beganne in treatyng the causes, and declare the waie to auoide infection, and so furthe to the reste in order. Who that lustethe to lyue in quiete suretie, out of the sodaine danger of this Englishe _ephemera_, he aboue all thynges, of litle and good muste eate & spare not, the laste parte wherof wyl please well (I doubt not) vs Englishe men: the firste I thinke neuer a deale. Yet it must please theim that entende to lyue without the reche of this disease. So doyng, they shall easely escape it. For of that is good, can be engendred no euill: of that is litle, can be gathered no great store. Therfore helthful must he nedes be and free from this disease, that vsethe this kinde of liuynge and maner in dietynge. An example hereof may the wise man _Socrates_ be, which by this sorte of diete escaped a sore pestilence in Athenes, neuer fleynge ne kepyng close him selfe from the same. Truly who will lyue accordynge to nature and not to lust, may with this diete be well contented. For nature is pleased with a litle, nor seketh other then that the mind voide of cares and feares may be in quiete merily, and the body voide of grefe, maye be in life swetly, as _Lucretius_ writeth. Here at large to ronne out vntill my breth wer spent, as vpon a common place, against y^e intemperāce or excessiue diete of Englande, thincommodities & displeasures of the same many waies: and contrarie, in commēdation of meane diete and temperance (called of _Plato sophrosyne_, for that it cōserneth wisdome) and the thousande commodities therof, both for helthe, welthe, witte, and longe life, well I might, & lose my laboure: such be our Englishe facions rather then reasones. But for that I purpose neither to wright a longe work but a shorte counseill, nor to wery the reders with that they luste not to here, I will lette that passe, and moue thē that desire further to knowe my mynde therin, to remember that I sayd before, of litle & good eate and spare not, wherby they shall easely perceiue my meanyng. I therefore go furth with my diete, wherin my counseill is, that the meates be helthfull, and holsomly kylled, swetly saued, and wel prepared in rostyng, sethyng, baking, & so furth. The bred, of swet corne, well leuened, and so baked. The drinke of swete malte and good water kyndly brued, without other drosse nowe a daies vsed. No wine in all the tyme of sweatyng, excepte to suche whose sickenes require it for medicin, for fere of inflamynge & openynge, nor except y^e halfe be wel soden water. In other tymes, old, pure, & smal. Wishīg for the better executiō hereof & ouersight of good and helthsome victalles, ther wer appointed certein masters of helth in euery citie and toune, as there is in Italie, whiche for the good order in all thynges, maye be in al places an example. The meates I would to be veale, muttone, kidde, olde lambe, chikyn, capone, henne, cocke, pertriche, phesane, felfare, smal birdes, pigeon, yong pecockes, whose fleshe by a certeine natural & secrete propertie neuer putrefie, as hath bene proued. Conies, porke of meane age, neither fatte nor leane, the skynne takē awaye, roste, & eatē colde: Tartes of prunes, gelies of veale & capone. Yong befe in this case a litle poudered is not to be dispraised, nor new egges & good milke. Butter in a mornyng with sage and rewe fastynge in the sweatynge tyme, is a good preseruatiue, beside that it nourisheth. Crabbes, crauesses, picrel, perche, ruffe, gogion, lampreis out of grauelly riuers, smeltes, dace, barbell, gornerd, whityng, soles, flunders, plaice, millers thumbes, minues, w^t such others, sodde in water & vinegre w^t rosemary, time, sage, & hole maces, & serued hote. Yea swete salte fishe and linge, for the saltes sake wastynge y^e humores therof, which in many freshe fishes remaine, maye be allowed well watered to thē that haue none other, & wel lyke it. Nor all fishes, no more then al fleshes be so euil as they be takē for: as is wel declared in physik, & approued by the olde and wise romaines moche in their fisshes, lusty chartusianes neuer in fleshes, & helthful poore people more in fishe then fleshe. But we are nowe a daies so vnwisely fine, and womanly delicate, that we may in no wise touch a fisshe. The olde manly hardnes, stoute courage, & peinfulnes of Englande is vtterly driuen awaye, in the stede wherof, men now a daies receive womanlines, & become nice, not able to withstande a blaste of wynde, or resiste a poore fishe. And children be so brought vp, that if they be not all daie by the fire with a toste and butire, and in their furres, they be streight sicke.

Sauces to metes I appoint firste aboue all thynges good appetite, and next Oliues, capers, iuse of lemones, Barberies, Pomegranetes, Orenges and Sorel, veriuse, & vineigre, iuse of vnripe Grapes, thepes or Goseberies. After mete, quinces, or marmalade, Pomegranates, Orenges sliced eaten with Suger, Succate of the pilles or barkes therof, and of pomecitres, olde apples and peres, Prunes, Reisons, Dates & Nuttes. Figges also, so they be taken before diner, els no frutes of that yere, nor rawe herbes or rotes in sallattes, for that in suche times they be suspected to be partakers also of the enfected aire.

Of aire so much I haue spoken before, as apperteinethe to the declaration of enfection therby. Nowe I wyl aduise and counseill howe to kepe the same pure, for somoche as may be, or lesse enfected, and correcte the same corrupte. The first is done in takynge a way y^e causes of enfectiō. The seconde, by doynge in all pointes the contrary thereto. Take awaye the causes we maye, in damnyng diches, auoidynge cariōs, lettyng in open aire, shunning suche euil mistes as before I spake of, not openynge or sturrynge euill brethynge places, landynge muddy and rottē groundes, burieng dede bodyes, kepyng canelles cleane, sinkes & easyng places sweat, remouynge dongehilles, boxe and euil sauouryng thynges, enhabitynge high & open places, close towarde the sowthe, shutte toward the winde, as reason wil & thexperience of _M. varro_ in the pestilēce at _Corcyra_ confirmethe. Correcte in doyng the contrary we shall, in dryenge the moiste with fyres, either in houses or chambers, or on that side the cities, townes, & houses, that lieth toward the infection and wynde commyng together, chefely in mornynges & eueninges, either by burnyng the stubble in the felde, or windfallynges in the woodes, or other wise at pleasure. By which policie skilful _Acron_ deliuered Athenes in _Gretia_, and diuine _Hippocrates abderā in Thratia_ frō y^e pestilēce, & preserued frō the same other the cities in _Grece_, at diuerse times cōyng with the wynde frō _æethiopia_, _illyria_ & _pŒonia_, by putting to the fires wel smelling garlādes, floures & odoures, as _Galene_ and _Soranus_ write. Of like pollicie for purgyng the aier were the bonfires made (as I suppose) frō long time hetherto vsed in y^e middes of sommer, and not onely for vigiles. In cōfortyng the spirites also, and by alterynge the aier with swete odoures of roses, swet perfumes of the same, rosemary leaues, baies, and white sanders cutte, afewe cloues steped in rose water and vinegre rosate, the infection shalbe lesse noious. With the same you maye also make you a swete house in castynge it abrode therin, if firste by auoidynge the russhes and duste, you make the house clene. Haue alwaies in your handcercher for your nose and mouth, bothe with in your house and without, either the perfume before saide, or vinegre rosate: and in your mouth a pece either of setwel, or of the rote of _enula campana_ wel steped before in vinegre rosate, a mace, or berie of Juniper. In wante of suche perfumes as is beforesaide, take of mirrhe & drie rose leues of eche a lyke quantite, with a little franke encense, for the like purpose, and caste it vpon the coles: or burne Juniper & their beries. And for so moche as clenelines is a great help to helthe, mine aduise is, that all your clothes be swete smellynge and clene, and that you wasshe your handes and face not in warme water, but with rose water and vinegre rosate colde, or elles with the faire water and vinegre wherein the pilles or barkes of orenges and pomegranates are sodden: or the pilles of pomecitres & sorel is boiled: for so you shalle close the pores ayenst the ayre, that it redily entre not, and cole and tempre those partes so wasshed, accordynge to the right entente in curynge this disease. For in al the discurse, preseruatiō, and cure of thys disease, the chefe marke & purpose is, to minister suche thynges as of their nature haue the facultie by colyng dryenge and closyng, to resiste putrefaction, strength and defende the spirites, comforte the harte, and kepe all the body ayenst the displeasure of the corrupte aire. Wherfor it shal be wel done, if you take of this cōposition folowyng euery mornyng the weight of ij. d. in vi. sponefulles of water or iuleppe of Sorel, & cast it vpon your meate as pepper. ℞ seīs citri. acetos. ros. rub. sādal. citrin. ān. ʒ i boli armeni oriētal. ʒ i. s, terr. sigil. ʒ s, margarit. ʒ i, fol. auri puri. n^o. iiij, misce. & f. pul. diuidatur ad pōd. ʒ s. Or in the stede of this, take fasting the quantitie of a small bene of _Mithridatum_ or Uenice triacle in a sponeful of Sorel, or Scabious water, or by the selfe alone. And in goyng abrode, haue in youre hande either an handekercher with vinegre and rose water, or a litle muske balle of nutmegges, maces, cloues, saffrō, & cinamome, of eche the weight of ij. d. finely beatē; of mastike the weight of ij. d. ob. of storax, v. d. of ladane x. d. of Ambre grise vi. graines, of Muske iii. graines dissolued in ryght Muscadel: temper al together, & make a balle. In want of _Mithridatum_ or suche other as I haue before mencioned, vse dayly the Sirupes of Pomegranates, Lemones, and Sorell, of eche half an vnce, with asmuche of the watres of Tormentille, Sorell, and Dragones, fasting in the morning, and one houre before supper. A toste in vinegre or veriuse of Grapes, with a litle poulder of Cinamome and Settewelle caste vppon it. Or two figges with one nutte carnelle, and tenne leaues of rue in eche, and a litle salt. Or boutire, rue, and sage, with breade in a morning eaten nexte your harte, be as good preseruatiues, as theie be easye to be hadde. These preseruatiues I here appoincte the more willingly among many others further to be fetched, because these maye easelier be hadde, as at hande in niede, which now to finde is my most endeuour, as moste fruictfulle to whome I write. And this to be done I counsaille in the sickenesse tyme, when firste you heare it to be comming and begonne, but not in the fitte. Alwayes remembryng, not to go out fastinge. For as _Cornelius Celsus_ wrytethe, Uenime or infection taketh holde muche soner in a bodye yet fasting, then in the same not fastinge. Yet this is not so to be vnderstande, that in the mornynge we shal streight as our clothes be on, stuffe our bellies as fulle as Englishe menne, (as the Frenche man saieth to our shames,) but to be contente with oure preseruatiues, or with a little meate bothe at breakefaste (if custome and nede so require) dynner and supper. For other wise nature, if the disease shoulde take vs. shoulde haue more a doe againste the full bealy and fearce disease, then it were able to susteyne.

Aftre diete and ayer followethe filling or emptieng. Of filling in the name of repletiō I spake before. Of ēptieng, I will now shortely write as of a thing very necessary for the conseruation of mannes healthe. For if that whiche is euel within, be not by good meanes & wayes wel fet oute, it often times destroyeth the lyfe. Good meanes to fet out the euelle stuffe of the body be two, abstinence, & auoydance.

Abstinence, in eatynge and drinckynge litle, as a lytle before I sayed, and seldome. For so, more goeth awaie then comethe, and by litle and litle it wasteth the humours & drieth. Therfore (as I wiene) throughe the counseil of Phisike, & by the good ciuile, & politique ordres, tēdring the wealth of many so much geuē to their bellies to their own hurtes & damages, not able for wāt of reasō to rule thē selues, & therby enclined to al vices and diseases: for thauoiding of these same, increase of vertue, witte and health, sauing victualles, making plenty, auoyding lothesomenesse or wearinesse, by chaunge, in taking sometime of that in the sea, and not alwaies destroieng y^t of the lande, an ordre (without the whiche nothing can stand) and comon wealth, dayes of abstinence, and fasting were firste made, and not for religion onely.

Auoidance, because it cānot be safely done withoute the healpe of a good Phisicien, I let passe here, expressing howe it shoulde bee done duelye accordinge to the nature of the disease and the estate of the personne, in an other booke made by me in Latine, vppon this same matter and disease. Who therfore lusteth to see more, let him loke vpon that boke. Yet here thus much wil I say, that if after euacuation or auoiding of humors, the pores of the skinne remaine close, and y^e sweating excrement in the fleshe continueth grosse (whiche thinge howe to know, hereafter I will declare) then rubbe you the person meanly at home, & bathe him in faire water sodden with Fenel, Chamemil, Rosemarye, Mallowes, & Lauendre, & last of al, powre water half colde ouer al his body, and so dry him, & clothe him. Al these be to be don a litle before y^e end of y^e spring, that the humours may be seatled, and at rest, before the time of the sweting, whiche cometh comonly in somer, if it cometh at al. For the tormoiling of the body in that time when it ought to be most quiete, at rest, and armed against his enemy, liketh me not beste here, no more then in the pestilence. Yet for the presente nede, if it be so thoughte good to a learned and discrete Phisicien, I condescend the rather. For as in thys, so in alle others before rehearsed, I remytte you to the discretion of a learned manne in phisike, who maye iudge what is to be done, and how, according to the present estate of youre bodies, nature, custome, and proprety, age, strength, delyghte and qualitie, tyme of the yeare, with other circumstaunces, and thereafter to geue the quantitie, and make diuersitie of hys medicine. Other wise loke not to receiue by this boke that good which I entend, but that euel which by your owne foly you vndiscretelye bring. For good counseil may be abused. And for me to write of euery particular estate and case, whiche be so manye as there be menne, were so great almost a busines, as to numbre the sandes in the sea. Therfore seke you out a good Phisicien, and knowen to haue skille, and at the leaste be so good to your bodies, as you are to your hosen or shoes, for the wel making or mending wherof, I doubt not but you wil diligently searche out who is knowē to be the best hosier or shoemaker in the place where you dwelle: and flie the vnlearned as a pestilence in a comune wealth. As simple women, carpenters, pewterers, brasiers, sopeballesellers, pulters, hostellers, painters, apotecaries (otherwise then for their drogges,) auaunters thē selues to come from Pole, Constantinople, Italie, Almaine, Spaine, Fraunce, Grece and Turkie, Inde, Egipt or Jury: from y^e seruice of Emperoures, kinges & quienes, promising helpe of al diseases, yea vncurable, with one or twoo drinckes, by waters sixe monethes in continualle distillinge, by _Aurum potabile_, or _quintessence_, by drynckes of great and hygh prices, as though thei were made of the sūne, moone, or sterres, by blessynges and Blowinges, Hipocriticalle prayenges, and foolysh smokynges of shirtes Smockes and kerchieffes, wyth suche others theire phantasies, and mockeryes, meaninge nothinge els but to abuse your light belieue, and scorne you behind your backes with their medicines (so filthie, that I am ashamed to name theim) for your single wit and simple belief, in trusting thē most, whiche you know not at al, and vnderstād least: like to them whiche thinke, farre foules haue faire fethers, althoughe thei be neuer so euel fauoured & foule: as thoughe there coulde not be so conning an Englishman, as a foolish running stranger, (of others I speake not) or so perfect helth by honest learning, as by deceiptfull ignorance. For in the erroure of these vnlerned, reasteth the losse of your honest estimation, diere bloudde, precious spirites, and swiete lyfe, the thyng of most estimation and price in this worlde, next vnto the immortal soule.

For consuming of euel matter within, and for making our bodies lustye, galiard, & helthful, I do not a litle cōmende exercise, whiche in vs Englishe men I allowe quick, and liuishe: as to runne after houndes and haukes, to shote, wrastle, play at Tēnes and weapons, tosse the winde balle, skirmishe at base (an exercise for a gentlemanne, muche vsed among the Italianes,) and vaughting vpon an horse. Bowling, a good excercise for women: castinge of the barre and camping, I accompt rather a laming of legges, then an exercise. Yet I vtterly reproue theim not, if the hurt may be auoyded. For these a conueniente tyme is, before meate: due measure, reasonable sweatinge, in al times of the yeare, sauing in the sweatinge tyme. In the whiche I allow rather quietnesse then exercise, for opening the body, in suche persons specially as be liberally & freely brought vp. Others, except sitting artificers, haue theire exercises by daily labours in their occupatiōs, to whom nothing niedeth but solace onely, a thing conuenient for euery bodye that lusteth to liue in helth. For els as nō other thing, so not healthe canne be longe durable. Thus I speake of solace, that I meane not Idlenesse, wisshing alwayes no man to be idle, but to be occupied in some honest kinde of thing necessary in a cōmon welth. For I accompt thē not worthi meate & drink in a cōmō welth, y^t be not good for some purpose or seruice therin, but take thē rather as burdennes vnprofitable and heauye to the yearth, men borne to fille a numbre only, and wast the frutes whiche therthe doeth grue, willing soner to fiede the Lacedemonians old & croked asse, whiche labored for the liuing so long as it coulde for age, then suche an idle Englisshe manne. If the honestye and profite of honeste labour and exercise, conseruation of healthe, preseruation from sickenesse, maintenaunce of lyfe, aduancement, safety from shamefull deathes, defence from beggerye, dyspleasures by idlenesse, shamefulle diseases by the same, hatefulle vices, and punishemente of the immortalle soule, canne not moue vs to reasonable laboure and excercise, and to be profitable membres of the commune welthe, let at the least shame moue vs, seyng that other country menne, of nought, by their owne witte, diligence, labour and actiuitie, can picke oute of a cast bone, a wrethen strawe, a lyghte fether, or an hard stone, an honeste lyuinge: Nor ye shal euer heare theym say, alas master, I haue nō occupaciō, I must either begge or steale. For they can finde other meanes betwene these two. And forsomuche as in the case that nowe is, miserable persons are to be relieued in a cōmon welth, I would wisshe for not fauouring the idle, the discretion of _Marc. Cicero_ the romaine were vsed in healping them: Who wolde compassion should be shewed vpon them, whome necessitie compelled to do or make a faute: & no cōpassion vpon them, in whome a faulte made necessitie. A faulte maketh necessitie, in this case of begging, in them, whyche might laboure and serue, & wil not for idlenes: and therfore not to be pitied, but rather to be punished. Necessitie maketh a fault in thē, whiche wold labor and serue, but cānot for age, īpotēcy, or sickenes, and therfore to be pitied & relieued. But to auoyde punishmente & to shew the waye to amendmente, I would again wishe, y^t forsomuch as we be so euel disposed of our selfes to our own profites and comodities with out help, this old law were renued, which forbiddeth the nedy & impotent parentes, to be releued of those their welthi chyldren, that by theym or theire meanes were not broughte vppe, eyther in good learning and Science, or honeste occupation. For so is a man withoute science, as a realme withoute a kyng. Thus muche of exercise, and for exercise. To the which I wolde now ioyne honeste companye betwene man and woman, as a parte of natural exercise, and healpe to y^e emptieng & lightning the bodye in other tymes allowed, in this sweating tyme for helthes sake, & for feare of opening the bodye, and resoluing the spirites, not approued, but for dout, that w^t lengthing the boke, I shold wery y^e reader. Therfore I let y^t passe & come to sleping & waking, whiche without good ordre, be gretly hurtful to the bodie. For auoiding the whiche, I take the meane to be best, and against this sweat moste commendable. But if by excesse a man must in eyther part offend, I permit rather to watch to muche, then to lie in bedde to longe: so that in watchinge, there be no way to surfetting. Al these thinges duely obserued, and well executed, whiche before I haue for preseruation mencioned, if more ouer we can sette a parte al affections, as fretting cares & thoughtes, dolefull or sorowfull imaginations, vaine feares, folysh loues, gnawing hates, and geue oure selues to lyue quietly, frendlie, & merily one with an outher, as men were wont to do in the old world, whē this countrie was called merye Englande, and euery man to medle in his own matters, thinking theim sufficient, as thei do in Italye, and auoyde malyce and dissencion, the destruction of commune wealthes, and priuate houses: I doubte not but we shall preserue oure selues, bothe from this sweatinge syckenesse, and other diseases also not here purposed to be spoken of.

_The cure or remedy._—But if in leauinge a parte these or some of them, or negligently executing them, it chaunceth the disease of sweating to trouble our bodies, then passinge the bondes and compasse of preseruation, we must come to curation, the way to remedie the disease, & the third and last parte (as I first sayed) to be entreated in this boke. The principalle entente herof, is to let out the venime by sweate accordinge to the course of nature. This is brought to passe safely two waies, by suffring and seruing handsomly nature, if it thruste it oute readily and kindely: and helping nature, if it be letted, or be weake in expellinge. Serue nature we shall, if in what time so euer it taketh vs, or what so euer estate, we streyghte lay vs downe vppon oure bedde, yf we be vp and in oure clothes, not takyinge them of: or lie stille, if we be in bed out of our clothes, laiyng on clothes both wayes, if we wante, reasonably, and not loadinge vs therewith vnmeasurably. Thus layed and couered, we must endeuoure our selues so to continue wyth al quietnes, & for so much as may be without feare, distruste, or faintehartednesse, an euel thinge in al diseases. For suche surrendre and geue ouer to the disease without resistence. By whiche occasion manye more died in the fyrste pestilence at _Athenes_, that I spake of in the beginnynge of thys boke, then other wyse should. Oure kepers, friendes and louers, muste also endeuoure theym selues to be handesome and dilygente aboute vs, to serue vs redilye at al turnes, and neuer to leaue vs duringe foure and twentie houres, but to loke welle vnto vs, that neyther we caste of oure clothes, nor thruste out hande or foote, duryng the space of the saide foure and twenty houres. For albeit the greate daungere be paste after twelue houres, or fourtene, the laste of trial, yet many die aftre by to muche boldenes, when thei thinke theim selues most in suretye, or negligence in attendaunce, when they thinke no necessitie. Wherby it is proued that without dout, the handsome diligence, or carelesse negligence, is the sauing, or casting awaye of many. If ij. be taken in one bed, let theym so continue, althoughe it be to their vnquietnesse. For feare wherof, & for the more quietnesse & safetye, very good it is duryng all the sweating time, that two persones lye not in one bed. If with this quietnes, diligēce, and ordre, the sicke do kindelye sweate, suffre them so to continue, without meate all the xxiiij. houres: withoute drincke, vntil the fifth houre, if it maie be. Alwayes taking hede to theim in the fourth, seuenth, nineth, & eleuenth houres speciallye, and fourteenth also, as the laste of triall and daungier, but of lesse in bothe. For these be most perilous, as I haue obserued this yere in this disease, hauing y^e houres iudicial, as others haue theire dayes, and therfore worse to geue anye thinge in, for troublyng nature standyng in trialle. Yet wher more daunger is in forbearyng then in takyng, I counseill not to spare in these howres to do as the case requireth with wisdome & discretion, but lesse then in other howres. In the fifthe howre geue theim to drinke clarified ale made only doulcet with a litle suger, out of a cruet, or glasse made in cruet facion, with a nebbe, for feare of raisynge theim selues to receiue the drinke offered, & so to let the sweat, by the ayer strikyng in. But if the sicke on this wise beforesaid cānot sweate kyndly, then nature must be holpen, as I sayd before. And for so moch as sweat is letted in this disease fower waies, by disorder, wekenes of nature, closenes of the pores in the skinne, & grosnes of the humoures: my counseil is to auoide disorder by suche meanes as hetherto I haue taught, and next to open the pores if they be close, and make thinne the matter, if it be grosse, and prouoke sweat, if nature be weke. Those you shal doe by gentle rubbynges, this by warme drinckes as hereafter streight I will declare. And for that euery man hath not the knowlege to discerne which of these is the cause of let in sweatyng, I wil shewe you plainly howe to do with moste suretie and leste offense. I wyll beginne with wekenes of nature. Therefore remember well that in treatynge the causes of this disease, I sayed that this sweate chauncethe cōmonly in theim of the mydde age and beste luste, the infection hauyng a certein concordance, or conuenience with the corrupte spirites of theim more then others. Knowe agayne that nature is weke, ij. waies, either in the selfe, or by the annoiance of an other. In the selfe, by wante of strength consumed by sicknes or other wise. By annoiaunce of an other, when nature is so ouerlaid with the quantitie of euill humours that it can not stirre. Betwene thes two set youre witte, and se whether the persō be lustye or sickly. If he be lustye, vnderstande that the sweat doth not stoppe for wekenes of nature in it selfe. Then of necessitie it must be for some of thother causes. But for whiche, thus knowe. Consider whether the lusty person were in foretyme geuen to moche drynkyng, eatyng and rauenyng, to moch ease, to no exercise or bathinges in his helth, or no. If all these you finde in him, knowe that bothe nature is wekened by the annoiance of the humoures, and that the skinne is stopped, and the humoure grosse, and that for thys the sweate is letted. If you finde onely some of these, and that rauenynge, annoiance is the cause. If want of exercise or bathinges, stoppinges of the pores and closenesse, or grosenes of humours, or bothe, be the cause of not sweatying. On the othersyde, if the persō be sickely, it is easely knowē that his wekenes consisteth in nature the self. And for so moche as weke folkes and sicke shal also by other causes not sweate, consider if in his sickenes he hath swette moche or no, or hath bē disposed to it and coulde not. If he neither hath swette, nor coulde sweat disposed, knowe that closenes of the skinne, and grosenes of the humour is the cause. Therfore euery thing in his kynde muste be remedied, Wekenes of nature, by drinkes prouokyng sweate: closenes, & grosenes, by rubbynge, as I said. But be ware neither to rubbe or geue drinkes, excepte you see cause as beforesayd. For other wise, the one hindrethe nature, and thother letteth out the spirites & wasteth y^e strength. Therefore accordyngly, if rubbe you must, geue to the sicke in to their beddes a newe and somewhat harde kerchefe, well warmed but not hote, and bydde theim rubbe all their bodies ouer therewith vnder the clothes, neither to moche neither to litle, nor to harde or to softe, but meanely betwene, takyng you hede whiche be aboute them, that by stirrynge their armes they raise not the clothes to let in the ayer. This done, if case so require, geue thē a good draught of hote possette ale made of swiete milke turned with vinegre, in a quarte wherof percely, and sage, of eche haulfe one litle handfull hath been sodden, wyth iii. sliftes of rosemary, ii. fenel rootes cutte, and a fewe hole maces. Alwaies remembrynge here, as in other places of this boke, to heate the herbes in a peuter dishe before the fyre, or washe theim in hote water, before you putte them in to the posset ale, and that you putte their to no colde herbes at any tyme durynge the hole fitte. Or geue theim posset ale hote with rosemary, dittane, & germander. Or baie beries, anise seades, & calamintes with claret wine sodden and dronke warme. Or white wine with hore and wilde tansy growen in medes sodden therin, and ii. d. weight of good triacle, dronke hote, or in y^e stede of that, wilde tanesy, mogwort or feuerfue. These prouoke sweat, may easely be hadde, & be metest for thē which haue al y^e causes beforesayde of lettyng thesame. But specially if for colde and grose humoures, or for closenes of the skinne, the sweate commethe not furthe. If with one draught they sweate not, geue theim one other, or ij. successiuely, after halfe one houre betwene, and encrease the clothes, first a litle aboue the meane, after, more or lesse as the cause requireth, & make a litle fire in the chamber of clene woode, as ashe & oke, with the perfume of bdellium: or swiet woode, as Juniper, fyrre, or pine, by theimselues: remembrynge to withdrawe the fire, when they sweat fully, and the clothes aboue the meane, by litle and litle as you laide theim on, when they firste complaine of faintyng. And after xii. or xiiii. houres, some also of the meane, but one after an other by halfe one houre successiuely with discrecion, alwaies not lokyng so moche to the quantitie of the sweat, as what the sicke may saufely beare. And in suche case of faintynge, suffer competent open aier to come into the chamber, if the same and the wether be hote, for smoderynge the pacient, by suche windowes as the wynde liethe not in, nor openeth to the south. Put to their noses to smell vinegre and rose water in an handkercher, not touchynge theim there with so nighe as maye be. Cause theim to lie on their right side, and bowe theim selues forward, call theim by their names, and beate theim with a rosemary braunche, or some other swete like thynge. In the stede of posset ale, they whiche be troubled with gowtes, dropsies, reumes, or suche other moiste euill diseases, chauncing to sweat, may drinke a good draught of the stronger drinke of _Guaiacum_ so hote as they can, for the lyke effecte, as also others may, not hauynge these deseases, if it be so redy to theim as the other. After they ones sweat fully, myne aduise is not to geue any more posset ale, but clarified ale with suger, duryng the hole fitte, neither vnreasonably, nor so ofte as they call for it, neither yet pinchyng theym to moche when they haue nede, alwayes takynge hede not to putte any colde thynge in their mouthe to cole and moiste them with, nor any colde water, rose water, or colde vinegre to their face duryng the sweat and one daie after at the leaste, but alwaies vse warmeth accordynge to nature, neuer contrariyng thesame so nighe as may be. If they raue or be phrenetike, putte to their nose thesame odour of rose water & vinegre, to lette the vapoures from the headde. If they slepe, vse theim as in the case of faintyng I said, with betyng theim and callynge theim, pullyng theim by the eares, nose, or here, suffering them in no wise to slepe vntil suche tyme as they haue no luste to slepe, except to a learned mā in phisicke the case appere to beare the contrary. For otherwise the venime in slepe continually runneth inward to y^e hart. The contrary hereof we muste alwaies intende, in prouokyng it outwarde by all meanes duryng the fitte, whyche so longe lasteth in burnynge and sweatyng, as the matter thereof hath any fyrie or apte partes therfore. For as great & strong wine, ale, or bere, so longe do burne as there is matter in theim apte to be burned, and then cesse when that whiche remainethe is come againe to hys firste nature: that is, to suche water clere & vnsauery, as either the bruer receiued of the riuer, or vine of the earth: euen so the body so longe continuethe burnynge and sweatynge, as their is matter apte therefore in the spirites, and then leaueth, when the corrupcion taken of the finest of the euill blode is consumed, and the spirites lefte pure and cleane as they were before the tyme of their corruption.

This done, and the body by sufficient sweate discharged of the venime, the persone is saulfe. But if he by vnrulines & brekyng his sweate, sweateth not sufficiently, thē he is in daunger of death by y^t venime that doth remaine, or at the leaste to sweat ones againe or oftener, as many hath done, fallynge in thrise, sixe tymes, yea, xii. tymes some. If sufficiently the sweate be come, you shal know by the lightnes & cherefulnes of the body, & lanckenes in all partes, by the continuall sweatyng the hole daie and out of all partes, whyche be the beste and holsome sweates. The other which come but by tymes and onely in certein partes, or broken, be not sufficient nor good, but very euill, of whose insufficiency, ij. notes learne: a swellyng in y^e partes with a blackenes, & a tinglyng or prickyng in the same. Suche I aduise to appointe theim selues to sweat againe to ridde their bodies of that remaineth, & abide it out vntill they fele their bodies lanke & light, and to moue the sweat as before I said, if thesame come not kyndly by the selfe. If they cānot forbeare meate during y^e space of their fitte, and faste out their xxiiij. houres, without danger, geue theim a litle of an alebrie onely, or of a thinne caudel of an egge sodden with one hole mace or ij. If they be forced by nature to ease them selues in the meane time, let them do it rather in warme shetes put into them closely, then to arise. After they haue thus fully swette, conuey closely warme clothes into theyre beddes, and bid them wipe themselues there with in al partes curiouslye: and be ware that no ayer entre into theire open bodies (and speciallye their arme holes, the openest & rarest parte therof) to let the issue of that whych doeth remaine. The lyke may be done in the reste of their fitte, with lyke warenes, for that clenlinesse comfortethe nature, and relieueth the pacient. If in duringe oute the foure and twentye houres there be thought daungiere of death without remouing, rather warme well the other side of the bedde, and wil hym to remoue himself into it, thē to take him vp & remoue hym to an other bed, which in no case mai be done. For better is a doubtful ware hope, then a certeine auentured death. The foure and twenty houres passed duly, they may putte on theire clothes warme, aryse, and refresshe theym selues with a cawdle of an egge swietelye made, or such other meates and sauces reasonably and smally taken, as before I mencioned. And if their strength be sore wasted, let theym smelle to an old swiet apple (as Aristotle did by his reporte in the boke _de pomo_) or hotte new bread, as _Democritus_ did, by the record of _Laertius_ in his life, either by it self alone, or dipped in wel smelling wyne, as Maluesey or Muscadelle, & sprinckled with the pouder of mintes. Orenges also and Lemones, or suche muske balles as I before described, be thinges mete for this purpose. For as I saied in my ij. litle bokes in Latine _de medendi methodo_, of deuise to cure diseases, there is no thinge more comfortable to the spirites then good and swiet odoures. On this wise aduised how to order your selues in al the time of the fitte, now this remaineth, to exhorte you not to go out of your houses for iij. dayes, or ij. at the least after the fitte passed, and then wiselye, warely, and not except in a faire bright daye, for feare of swouning after great emptinesse, and vnwont ayer, or for forcyng nature by soubdaine strikyng in of thesame aier, colde, or euil, in to the open body. For nature so forced, maketh often tymes a sore and soubdaine fluxe, as wel after auoidaunce of these humores by sweate, (as was this yere well sene in many persones in diuerse contries of Englande for none other cause) as of others by purgation.

Thus I haue declared the begynning, name, nature, accidentes, signes, causes, preseruations, and cures naturall of this disease the sweatynge sickenes, English _Ephemera_, or pestilent sweate, so shortly & plainly as I could for y^e cōmune saufty of my good countrimen, help, relieue, & defence of thesame against y^e soubdaine assaultes of the disease, & to satisfie the honeste requeste of my louynge frendes and gentleὣ acquaintance. If other causes ther be supernatural, theim I leue to the diuines to serche, and the diseases thereof to cure, as a matter with out the compasse of my facultie.

+----------------------------------------------------------------------+ | FOOTNOTES: | | | | [348] The author seems to me here to allude to what Sydenham calls | | the “constitutio epidemica,” as if he would say, “The epidemic | | constitution as it exists at any one time, is but a step,” &c. | | | | [349] _Grafton_, Vol. II. pp. 147. 155. | | | | [350] _Hall_, p. 425. | | | | [351] For suddenlie a deadlie burning sweat so assailed their | | bodies and distempered their blood with a most ardent heat, that | | _scarce one amongst an hundred_ that sickened did escape with life; | | for all in maner as soone as the sweat tooke them, or within a | | short time after, yeelded the ghost. _Holinshed_, Vol. III. p. 482. | | _Godwin_, p. 98. _Polydor._ _Vergilius_, L. XXVI. p. 567. _Wood_, | | T. I. A. 1485. p. 233. _Wood_ takes his testimony respecting the | | symptoms of the disease at third hand from _Carol_. _Valesius_, | | (Cap. XIV. p. 226,) a French physician at Rome, about 1650, who | | employs _P. Foreest’s_ words. This last author, however, did not | | himself observe the English sweating sickness. | | | | [352] _Bacon_, p. 36. | | | | [353] _Fabian_, p. 673. | | | | [354] _Swetynge sykenesse_ in the Chronicles. | | | | [355] The Mayors’ names were _Thomas Hylle_ and _William Stocker_. | | _Fabian_, loc. cit. | | | | [356] Until the 30th of October. _Grafton_, p. 158. | | | | [357] _Wood_, loc. cit. | | | | [358] _Phil. de Comines_, Tom. I. p. 344. Compare the English | | chronicles quoted. The history of Croyland Abbey states that the | | 1st of August was the day of _Richmond’s_ arrival at Milford Haven. | | There exists no reason for departing from this statement with some | | modern writers, namely, _Kay, du Chesne_, p. 1192; _Lilie_, p. 382, | | and _Marsolier_, who assert the landing of the army to have taken | | place on the 7th of August. Historia Croylandensis, p. 573, in _Jo. | | Fell_. | | | | [359] _Grafton_, p. 147. | | | | [360] _Stow_, p. 779. | | | | [361] According to the unanimous statements of the chroniclers. | | | | [362] Histor. Croylandens, p. 573. _Fell_. | | | | [363] _Bacon_, p. 7. _Marsolier_, p. 142. Yet in the autumn of that | | same year _Henry_ established, what no prior king of England ever | | had, a body-guard. It consisted of only 50 “Yomen of the Crowne,” | | to each of whom there were appointed two men on foot—an archer and | | a demi-lance, and a groom to attend to his three horses. The first | | commander of this body-guard, which formed the most ancient stock | | whence sprang the English standing army, was _Henry Bourchier_, | | Earl of Essex. _Herbert of Cherbury_, p. 9. _Grafton_, and the | | other chroniclers, loc. cit. _Baker_, p. 254. | | | | [364] _Bacon_, _Stow_, _Baker_, loc. cit. Rapin considered the | | middle of September as the period of the outbreak. T. IV. p. 386. | | | | [365] “Infinite persons.” _Bacon._ “A wonderful number.” _Stow._ | | “Many thousands.” _Baker_, loc. cit. | | | | [366] The plague can scarcely be said to furnish this immunity, for | | though a second attack is an exception to a pretty general rule, it | | is one of by no means unfrequent occurrence.—_Transl. note._ | | | | [367] _Holinshed_, Vol. III. p. 482. | | | | [368] _Wood_, p. 233. | | | | [369] Histor. Croyland. p. 569. _Fell._ | | | | [370] No physick afforded any cure. _Baker_, p. 254. | | | | [371] Henry VII., and Henry VIII. Compare the excellent | | biographical account of this learned man by _Aikin_. | | | | [372] _Erasmus_ expresses himself on this subject in his usual | | manner. He was on terms of strict friendship with _Linacre_, whom | | on other occasions he greatly lauds. This, however, does not | | prevent him from lashing him with his satire as a philological | | pedant. “Novi quendam πολυτεχνότατον, græcum, latinum, | | mathematicum, philosophum, medicum, καὶ ταῦτα βασιλικὸν, jam | | sexagenarium, (he was born in 1460, and died in 1524,) qui _ceteris | | rebus omissis_, annis plus viginti se torquet ac discruciat in | | grammatica, _prorsus felicem se fore ratus, si tamdiu liceat | | vivere, donec certo statuat, quomodo distinguendæ sint octo partes | | orationis_, quod hactenus nemo Græcorum aut Latinorum ad plenum | | præstare valuit.” Laus Stultitiæ, p. 200. That _Linacre_ is here | | meant is quite plain; the passage applies to no other contemporary. | | | | [373] See the author’s History of Medicine, Book II. p. 311. | | | | [374] _Grafton_, p. 161, and the other chroniclers. | | | | [375] _Wood_, loc. cit. | | | | [376] The luscious Greek wines were at this time the most in vogue, | | especially Cretan wine, Malmsey, and Muschat. _Lemnius_, de compl. | | L. II. fol. 111. b. _Reusner_, p. 70. | | | | [377] _Werlich_, p. 248. | | | | [378] _Spangenberg_, Mansf. Chr. fol. 395. f. | | | | [379] _Werlich_, p. 236. _Spangenberg_, loc. cit. Overflow of the | | Lech, 1484. _Werlich_, p. 239. | | | | [380] _Frank von Wörd._ fol. 211. a. | | | | [381] _Grafton_, p. 133, and all the other chroniclers. _Short_, | | Vol. I. p. 201, and several others, even _Schnurrer_, erroneously | | asserted this inundation to have taken place in the year 1485. | | | | [382] _Campo_, p. 132. _Pfeufer_, p. 32. | | | | [383] _Frank v. Wörd_, fol. 211. a. In the plague which followed, | | about 20,000 people died in Brixen, and 30,000 in Venice. | | | | [384] _Fracastor_, p. 182. Morb. Contag. L. II. | | | | [385] _Wurstisen_, p. 474. cap. 15. _Fracastor_, p. 136. | | _Spangenberg_ (Pestilentz) calls this Epidemic of 1482, | | which spread all over Germany, Switzerland and France, “_das | | phrenitische, schwerhitzig Pestilentzfieber_”, the phrenitic, | | intensely ardent, plague-fever. Compare _Stumpff._ fol. 742. b. | | | | [386] The so called _Hauptkrankheit_. | | | | [387] _Spangenberg_, Mansfeld. Chr. fol. 396. a. | | | | [388] In many places women and children were obliged to draw the | | plough, from the want of draught cattle; they were obliged too to | | carry on the cultivation by night, that they might not be observed | | by the king’s inhuman revenue officers.—_Mezeray_, Tom. II. p. 750. | | | | [389] “Il couroit alors (1482) dans la France une dangereuse et | | mortelle maladie, qui affligeoit indifferemment les grands et les | | petits, bien qu’elle ne fut pas contagieuse. C’étoit une espèce | | de _fièvre chaude et frenetique, qui s’allumoit tout d’un coup | | dans le cerveau, et le brûloit avec de si cruelles douleurs, que | | les uns s’en cassoient la teste contre les murailles, les autres | | se précipitoient dans les puits_, ou se tuoient à force de courir | | çà et là. On en attribu la cause à quelque maligne influence des | | astres et à la corruption, que la mauvaise nourriture de l’année | | précédente avoit formé dans le corps; d’autant que les vins et | | les bleds n’étant point venus à maturité, la disette avoit été si | | grande, principalement dans les provinces de delà la Loire, que les | | peuples n’avoient vécu que de racines et d’herbes.” _Mezeray_, Tom. | | II. p. 746. | | | | [390] It is expressly affirmed by the historians that many of | | the higher classes were sleepless from _the constant alarm and | | fear of Tristan’s sword_. How greatly must such a condition have | | predisposed the mind to receive this destructive fever! | | | | [391] _Jacques Cotier._ He extorted from his patients 10,000 | | dollars a month, but, after his master’s death, was obliged to | | refund to _Charles_ VIII., 100,000 dollars. _Comines_, L. VI. c. | | 12. p. 400. | | | | [392] _Mezeray_, loc. cit. | | | | [393] _Spangenberg_, Mansfeld. Chron. fol. 379. a. Pestilentz, 1485. | | | | [394] Compare _Webster_, T. I. p. 147. | | | | [395] _Spangenberg_, Mansfeld. Chron. fol. 398. a., and many other | | chroniclers. The reader will have the goodness to observe, here and | | in similar places, that the text is not stating the opinion of the | | author, but the way in which these events were viewed in that age. | | | | [396] —Il y avoit seulement en Normandie quelque troupes de | | franc-archers, de ceux, que _Louis XI_. avoit licenciez, qui | | couroit la campagne: et plusieurs faineants s’étant joints avec | | eux, ils detruisoient tout le païs, et on devoit même craindre, | | que ce mal ne se communiquât aux provinces voisines. Mais il se | | présenta alors une belle occasion de delivrer la France de ces | | pillards ... et lui donna (_Charles VIII._) tout ces francs-archers | | et _brigands_ de Normandie jusqu’au nombre de 3000. _Mezeray_, T. | | II. p. 762. | | | | [397] “La milice estoit plus cruelle et plus desordonnée que | | jamais.” So says _Mezeray_ of the French soldiers in general. T. | | II. p. 750. | | | | [398] _Schiller_, Sect. II. c. 1. p. 131. b. | | | | [399] _Angelus_, p. 253. _Spangenberg_, M. Chr. fol. 398. b. The | | scurvy affected society far more in the 15th and 16th centuries | | than it does at present, and made its appearance on several | | occasions as an epidemic. Compare, in particular, _Reusner_, whose | | work on the history of epidemics is one of general importance. | | _Sennert_, _Wier_, and others. | | | | [400] _Schiller_, loc. cit. | | | | [401] It was conceived not to bee an epidemicke disease, but to | | proceed from a malignity in the constitution of the aire, gathered | | by the predispositions of seasons: and the speedie cessation | | declared as much. _Bacon_, p. 9. | | | | [402] The name passed into the French, English, and Italian | | languages—Lansquenet, Lancichinecho. | | | | [403] ——“flock together like flies in summer, so that any one would | | wonder where all these swarms have sprung from, and how they are | | maintained during the winter; and truly they are such a miserable | | crew, that one ought rather to pity than envy the kind of life they | | lead and their precarious fortune.” _Franck’s_ Chronicle. “_On the | | destructive Lansquenets_,” fol. 217. b. | | | | [404] 1518. “This year there was a great gathering of the | | Landsknechts, who, as soon as they had assembled, went forth from | | Friesland, committed great ravages and made an incursion into the | | country at Gellern, and were beaten by _Vernlow_.” _Wintzenberger_, | | fol. 23. a. | | | | [405] “Not to mention too the curtailment of life, for one _seldom | | meets with an old Landsknecht_.” _Franck_, loc. cit. | | | | [406] Those Moors were so called who, in order to remain in Spain | | after the conquest of Granada, embraced Christianity.—_Transl. | | note._ | | | | [407] The petechial fever which will be spoken of further on. | | | | [408] _Grafton_, p. 220. _Webster_, Vol. I. p. 149. | | | | [409] _Stow_, p. 809. _Fabian_, p. 689. _Hall_, p. 502. _Grafton_, | | p. 230. _Holinshed_, p. 536. _Bacon_, p. 225. | | | | [410] _Spangenberg_, M. Chr. fol. 403. a. Pestilenz, A. 1505. | | | | [411] _Webster_, Vol. I. p. 151. _Franck_, fol. 219. a. _Pingré_, | | T. I. p. 481. | | | | [412] _Bacon_, p. 225. _Stow_, p. 809. Compare the other | | chroniclers, who most of them notice this event in great detail. | | | | [413] _Bacon_, p. 231. | | | | [414] _Empson_ and _Dudley_, ministers of Henry VII., who left | | behind him treasure to the amount of £1,800,000 sterling. Compare | | _Hume_, Hist. of Eng. Vol. III., _Bacon_, and almost all the | | chroniclers. Both ministers were executed in the following reign, | | in the year 1509. _Grafton_, p. 236. | | | | [415] _Villalba_, T. I. pp. 69. 99.—_Ferdinand’s_ conflicts with | | the Saracens began in 1481, and ended with the fall of Granada in | | 1492. The disease is called in Spanish _Tabardillo_, which name, | | however, _Villalba_ has not quoted at so early a period as 1490. | | | | [416] _Villalba_, loc. cit. p. 66. | | | | [417] Ibid. p. 69—_Fracastor_, de morbis contagios. L. II. c. 6. p. | | 155.—_Schenck von Grafenberg_, L. VI. p. 553. T. II. | | | | [418] Besides those already named, the writings of _Omodei_ and | | _Pfeufer_. Compare _Schnurrer_, Book II. p. 27. | | | | [419] It was called Puncticula or Peticulæ, also Febris stigmatica, | | Pestis petechiosa. _Reusner_, p. 11. For later synonimes, see | | _Burserius_, Vol. II. p. 293. | | | | [420] Consimilem ergo _infectionem in aëre_ primum fuisse censendum | | est, quæ mox in nos ingesta tale febrium genus attulerit, quæ | | tametsi pestilentes veræ non sunt, in limine tamen earum videntur | | esse. Analogia vero ejus contagionis ad sanguinem præcipue esse | | constat, quod et maculæ illæ, quæ expelli consuevere, demonstrant, | | etc. p. 161. | | | | [421] Compare the whole of the sixth and seventh chapters of | | _Fracastor._ loc. cit. What was the general judgment of the Italian | | physicians respecting the spotted fever, may be gathered from _Nic. | | Massa_, whose confused work, however, contributes nothing to the | | history of the disease. Cap. IV. fol. 67, seq. Compare _Schenck | | von Grafenberg’s_ excellent and very copious treatise, de febre | | stigmatica. L. VI. p. 553, Tom. II. | | | | [422] _Osorio_, fol. 113. b., 114. a. | | | | [423] See further on. | | | | [424] _Villalba_, p. 78, et seq. | | | | [425] _Spangenberg_, M. Chr. fol. 402. a. _Angelus_, p. 261. | | _Pingré_, T. I. p. 479. | | | | [426] Compare _Webster_, who has collected together whatever could | | be found on this subject. Vol. II. p. 82. | | | | [427] _Spangenberg_, M. Chr. fol. 402. a. | | | | [428] The same. _Franck_, fol. 219. a. | | | | [429] Author’s History of Medicine. Book II. p. 146. | | | | [430] _Sigebert. Gembl._ fol. 58. a. _Spangenberg_, M. Chr. fol. | | 66. b. | | | | [431] _Sigebert. Gembl._ fol. 82. a. _Hermann. Contract_, p. 186. | | _Witichind._ p. 34. | | | | [432] Compare on this subject _Nees v. Esenbeck’s_ Supplement to | | _R. Brown’s_ Miscellaneous Botanical Writings, Book I. p. 571; and | | _Ehrenberg’s_ New Observations on Blood-like Appearances in Egypt, | | Arabia, and Siberia, together with a review and critique on what | | was earlier known, in _Poggendorff’s_ Annalen, 1830; the two best | | works on this subject; wherein is also contained a criticism on | | _Chladni’s_ Hypermeteorological Views. | | | | [433] _Crusius_ is the most circumstantial on this point, for | | he gives the names of many persons on whose clothes crosses | | were visible. On a maiden’s shawl the instruments of Christ’s | | martyrdom were supposed to have been seen marked. In the vicinity | | of Biberach, a miller’s lad made rude sport of the painting of | | crosses, but he was seized and burned. Book II. p. 156. | | | | [434] _Mezeray_, T. II. p. 819. | | | | [435] _Angelus_, p. 261. | | | | [436] Perhaps Sporotrichum vesicarum, or a kind of Mycoderma. | | | | [437] _Vincenzo Sette_ describes a kind of red mould, which in the | | year 1819 coloured vegetable and animal substances in the province | | of Padua, and excited superstitious apprehensions among the people. | | See his work on this subject. | | | | [438] “Autumnali vero tempore, cum jam vestes, lintea, culcitræ, | | panes, omnis generis obsonia, sub dio, vel in conclavibus | | patentibus locata talem situ _mucorem_ contraxerunt, qualis oritur | | in penore, in opacis domus cellis collocato, aut etiam in ipsis | | cellis diu non repurgatis, pestis præsentes ad nocendum vires | | habet.” L. I. p. 45. _Agricola’s_ Treatise on the Plague is among | | the cleverest which the sixteenth century produced. | | | | [439] For example, at the time of the Justinian Plague, and of the | | Black Death. | | | | [440] _Mezeray_, T. II. p. 828. | | | | [441] See above, p. 189. | | | | [442] The former mortality was so far from having ceased, yea, | | rather in the great heat (of summer) was still more vehement, | | that in some places a third part, and in some even the half of | | the people were snatched away by death, and that not by one only, | | _but by various and hitherto unheard of diseases_. Men caught the | | burning fever so rapidly and violently, that they thought they | | must be totally consumed. Some were seized with such _severe and | | insupportable headache_ that they were deprived of their senses, | | some with such _a violent cough_ that they _expectorated blood_ | | incessantly—some with such a very rapid flux, that it broke their | | hearts: the bodies of some putrefied, and were so offensive that | | no one could remain near them. And by reason of such extraordinary | | diseases, it was a most sorrowful and troublous year, and there | | followed a hard winter, in the which, the cold lasted for three | | months. _Spangenberg_, M. Chr. fol. 402. b. Compare _Angelus_, p. | | 263, who, following some contemporaries, mentions a comet (doubted | | by _Pingré_, I. 479) as having appeared in the year 1504. | | | | [443] From a Poem on Henry VIII. in _Herbert of Cherbury_. | | | | [444] They found grazing more profitable, and converted large | | tracts of arable land into pasture. _Hume_, T. IV. p. 277. | | | | [445] _Lemnius_, fol. III. b. | | | | [446] _Grafton_, p. 294. This insurrection is called by the | | Chroniclers, “Insurrection of Evill May-day.”—_Hume_, T. IV. 274. | | | | [447] “Of the common sort they were numberless, that perished by | | it.” _Godwyn_, p. 23. | | | | [448] Is valde sibi videbatur adversus contagionem victus | | moderatione munitus: qua factum putavit, ut quum in nullum pene | | incideret, cujus non tota familia laboraverat, neminem adhuc e suis | | id malum attigerit, _id quod et mihi et multis præterea jactavit, | | non admodum multis horis antequam extinctus est_.“-_Erasm._ Epist. | | L. VII. ep. 4. col. 386. The date of the year of this letter from | | Sir _Thomas More_ to _Erasmus_, 1520, is clearly erroneous, as | | is that of many other letters in this collection, for at that | | time the Sweating Sickness did not prevail in London; it is | | also sufficiently well known from other researches (Biographie | | Universelle—General Biographical Dictionary), that Ammonius died | | in 1517. The date of the month, however, 19th August, seems to be | | correct. _Sprengel_ has, in consequence of this false date of the | | year, been misled to assume a specific epidemic Sweating Sickness | | as having taken place in the year 1520, (Book II. p. 686,) which is | | wholly unconfirmed. | | | | [449] _Grafton_, p. 294, is very detailed. Compare _Holinshed_, p. | | 626. _Baker_, p. 286. _Hall_, p. 592. | | | | [450] _Godwyn_, p. 23. _Stow_, p. 849. | | | | [451] This, from the foregoing remark upon the death of _Ammonius_, | | may be concluded with the greatest probability. | | | | [452] —“omnibus fere intra paucos dies decumbentibus, amissis | | plurimis, optimis atque honestissimis amicis.” _Th. More_ in | | _Erasmus’s Epist._ L. VII. ep. 4. col. 386. | | | | [453] Ibid. The only place where the disease is spoken of as having | | spread across the channel. | | | | [454] _Spangenberg._ M. Chr. fol. 408. a. | | | | [455] _Crusius._ T. II. p. 187. | | | | [456] _Wintzenberger_, fol. 21. a. _Angelus_, p. 282. | | _Spangenberg_, loc. cit. _Pingré_, T. I. p. 483. | | | | [457] Such was the name given in Germany to the already | | oft-mentioned pernicious fever with inflammation of the brain. We | | recognise it for the first time, as an epidemic, in France, in the | | year 1482. (See above, p. 189.) It frequently made its appearance | | throughout the whole of the sixteenth century. | | | | [458] _Crusius_, T. II. p. 187. | | | | [459] On the 16th of June, 1517, there was a great earthquake, and | | a tremendous storm of wind at Nördlingen, so that the parish church | | at St. Emeran was completely forced out of the ground and thrown | | down, and it was reckoned that there were 2000 houses and stables | | in that place which, for a space of two miles long, were overthrown | | and rent, and there were few houses there which were not, like the | | church, damaged and shaken to pieces. _Wintzenberger_, fol. 21. b. | | | | [460] In Xativa. _Villalba_, T. I. p. 83. | | | | [461] “_Il est saoul comme un Angloys._”—_Rondelet_, de dign. morb. | | fol. 35. b. | | | | [462] _Elyot_, in his “Castell of Health,” quoted by _Aikin_, p. | | 64. _Rondelet_, loc. cit. | | | | [463] In 1724, which was a great fruit year, there arose in this | | very county, from the immoderate use of cyder, an epidemic cholic; | | the Colica Damnoniorum. Vide _Huxham_, Opera. (Lips. 1764.) Tom. | | III. p. 54. | | | | [464] _Elyot_, in _Aikin_, p. 63. | | | | [465] _Le Grand d’Aussy_, T. I. p. 143. | | | | [466] _Hume_, T. IV. p. 273. _Aikin_, p. 59. | | | | [467] “Now-a-days, if a boy of seven years of age, or a young man | | of twenty years, have not two caps on his head, he and his friends | | will think that he may not continue in health; and yet, if the | | inner cap be not of velvet or satin, a serving-man feareth to lose | | his credence.” _Elyot_, in _Aikin_, p. 64. | | | | [468] ——“ubi homines perpetuo in hypocaustis degunt, multoque | | carnium esu se ingurgitant, et alimentis piperatis continuo | | utuntur. Quare factum est, ut continua hypocaustorum æstuatione | | meatuum cutis relaxatio consequeretur, quæ sudoris promptissima | | et potentissima causa esse solet, _cuius materia in humorum | | exsuperantia consistebat, quam frequens alimentorum multum | | nutrientium et piperatorum usus colligerat_.” _Rondelet_, loc. cit. | | | | [469] The floors of the houses generally are made of nothing but | | loam, and are strewed with rushes, which being constantly put on | | fresh, without a removal of the old, remain lying there, in some | | cases for twenty years, with fish-bones, broken victuals and other | | filth underneath, and impregnated with the urine of dogs and men. | | _Erasm._ Epist. L. xxii. ep. 12. col. 1140. This description is in | | all probability overdrawn, and applicable only to the poorest huts. | | It is, however, certainly not fictitious, and is not refuted by | | _Kaye_. | | | | [470] _Fracastoro_, _Fernel_, _Valleriola_, _Houlier_, and most of | | the other learned physicians of the sixteenth century. | | | | [471] ——“_quod, vulgaria diversoria parum tuta sunt a contagio | | sceleratæ pestis_, quæ nuper ab Anglis—in nostras regiones | | demigravit,” speaking of the English Sweating Sickness in Germany | | (1529). _Erasm._ Epist. L. xxvii. ep. 16. col. 1519. c. | | | | [472] _Brown’s_ “Opportunity.” | | | | [473] _Erasm._ Epist. L. vii. ep. 4. col. 386. | | | | [474] _Mezeray_, T. II. p. 853. _Paré_, p. 823. _Holler_, Comm. II. | | in secund. sect. Coac. Hippocrat. p. 323. | | | | [475] “Un étrange rhûme qu’on nomma coqueluche, lequel tourmenta | | toute sorte de personnes, et leur rendit la voix si enrouée, que | | le barreau et les collèges en furent muets.”—_Mezeray._ Compare | | _Diderot_ et _d’Alembert_, Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné | | des Sciences, etc. T. IV. p. 182. | | | | [476] _Pasquier_, Livr. IV. Ch. 28, pp. 375, 376. The following is | | the passage. “En l’an 1411, y eut une autre sorte de maladie, dont | | _une infinité de personnes_ furent touchez, par laquelle on perdoit | | le boire, le manger et le dormir, et toutefois et quantes que le | | malade mangeoit, il auoit une forte fievre; ce qu’il mangeoit luy | | sembloit amer ou puant, tousiours trembloit, et auec ce estoit si | | las et rompu de ses membres, que l’on ne l’osoit toucher en quelque | | part que ce fust: Aussi estoit ce mal accompagné _d’une forte | | toux_, qui tourmentoit son homme iour et nuit, laquelle maladie | | dura trois semaines entieres, _sans qu’une personne en mourust_. | | Bien est vray que par la vehemence de la toux plusieurs hommes se | | rompirent par les genitoires, et plusieurs femmes accoucherent | | avant le terme. Et quand venoit au guerir, ils iettoient grande | | effusion de sang par la bouche, le nez et le fondement, _sans | | qu’aucun médecin peust iuger dont procedoit ce mal, sinon d’une | | generale contagion de l’air, dont la cause leur estoit cachée_. | | Cette maladie fut appellée le _Tac_: et tel autrefois a souhaité | | par risée ou imprecation le mal du Tac à son compagnon, qui ne | | sçavoit pas que c’estoit.—L’an 1427, vers la S. Remy (1. Oct.) | | cheut un autre _air corrompu_ qui engendra une très mauvaise | | maladie, que l’on appelloit _Ladendo_ (dit un auteur de ce temps | | là) e n’y auoit homme ou femme, qui presque ne s’en sentist durant | | le temps qu’elle dura. _Elle commençoit aux reins, comme si on eust | | eu une forte gravelle_, en après venoient les frissons, et estoit | | en bien huict ou dix iours qu’on ne pouvoit bonnement boire, ne | | manger, ne dormir. Après ce venoit une toux si mauvaise, que quand | | on estoit au Sermon, on ne pouvoit entendre ce que le Sermonateur | | disoit par la grande noise des tousseurs. Item elle eust une très | | forte durée jusques après la Toussaincts (1. Nov.) bien quinze | | iours ou plus. Et n’eussiez gueres veu homme ou femme qui n’eust la | | bouche ou le nez tout esseué de grosse rongne, et s’entre-mocquoit | | le peuple l’un de l’autre, disant: As tu point eu Ladendo?” | | | | [477] _Reusner_, p. 75. | | | | [478] _Valleriola_, Loc. med. Comm. Append. p. 45. _Schenck a | | Grafenberg_, Lib. VI. p. 552. Compare _Short_, T. I. p. 221. | | | | [479] _Reusner_, p. 72. Some of the synonymes here adduced will | | shew the medical views of the period respecting these diseases: | | Catarrhus febrilis. Febris catarrhosa. Ardores suffocantes. | | Febris suffocativa. Catarrhus epidemicus. Tussis popularis. | | _Cephalæa catarrhosa._ Cephalalgia contagiosa. _Gravedo anhelosa_, | | _Fernel_. Der böhmische Ziep (the Bohemian pip). Der Schafhusten | | (the sheep-cough). Die Schafkrankheit (the sheep disease). | | Die Lungensucht (phthisis). Das Hühnerweh (the poultry cough, | | or chicken contracted to chin-cough), and many others. In the | | influenza of 1580, violent perspiration was occasionally observed, | | so that some physicians thought that the English sweating sickness | | was about to return, just as in the Gröninger intermittent (1826), | | and in the cholera of 1831, without any knowledge on the subject, | | they talked of the Black Death.—_Schneider_, L. IV. c. 6. p. 203. | | | | [480] That the physicians of the sixteenth century were familiar | | with this observation, is proved by the following quotation from | | _Houlier_. “Nulla fere corporis humani ægritudo est, quæ non | | defluxione humoris alicuius e capite aut excitari aut incrementum | | accipere possit.” Morb. int. L. I. fol. 68. b. | | | | [481] _Hvitfeldt_, Danmarks Riges Kronike. | | | | [482] _Forest_, Lib. VI. Obs. IX. p. 159. | | | | [483] _Webster_, vol. I. p. 157. 165. _Villalba_, T. I. p. 102. | | 117., and _Schnurrer_. | | | | [484] _Spangenberg_, M. Chr. fol. 408. b. | | | | [485] _Tyengius_, in _Forest_: Lib. VI. Obs. II. Schol. p. 152. | | | | [486] _Forest_ availed himself of the unprinted and probably lost | | works of this distinguished physician, of whom, but for him, we | | should have known nothing. | | | | [487] The moderns, who prefer powerful remedies, employ for this | | purpose, without any better effect, the lunar caustic. | | | | [488] _Wurstisen_, p. 707. In this seventeenth year there arose an | | unknown epidemic. The patients’ tongues and gullets were white, | | as if coated with mould; they could neither eat nor drink, but | | suffered from headache together with a pestilential fever which | | rendered them delirious. By this disease 2000 persons perished in | | Basle within the space of eight months. Besides other means, it was | | found very efficacious to cleanse the mouth and gullet every two | | hours, even to the extent of making the surface bleed, and then to | | soften them with honey of roses. | | | | [489] _Bretonneau’s_ Diphtheritis. Compare _Naumann’s_ treatise on | | the subject in the author’s Wissenschaftlichen Annalen der ges. | | Heilkunde, Vol. XXV. II. 3. p. 271. | | | | [490] _Forest._ Lib. VI. obs. ix. p. 159. | | | | [491] _Petr. Martyr._ Dec. IV. cap. 10. p. 321. Compare _Moore_, p. | | 106. | | | | [492] 24th of Feb. 1525. | | | | [493] _Lautrec._ | | | | [494] At first under _Hugo de Moncada_; afterwards under the Prince | | of _Orange_. | | | | [495] 1495, the year of the epidemic Lues. | | | | [496] Among them some regiments of Swiss. | | | | [497] Two hundred knights under Sir _Robert Jerningham_, and | | afterwards under _Carew_: both died of the Camp Fever. _Herbert of | | Cherbury_, p. 212. seq. | | | | [498] The 6th of May, 1527. | | | | [499] _Jovius_, L. XXVI. Tom. II. p. 129. | | | | [500] Ibid. p. 114. | | | | [501] According to _Mezeray_, the pestilence was at its height at | | the end of July. This is in accordance with _Jovius_, who fixes the | | termination of the great mortality, with rather too much precision | | perhaps, on the 7th of August. | | | | [502] With reference to this seemingly inflammatory state of | | excitement, it is, perhaps, worthy of notice, that the commander | | in chief himself is stated to have been twice bled. _Jovius_, loc. | | cit. p. 125. | | | | [503] _Jovius_, loc. cit. p. 116–118. | | | | [504] _Mezeray_, T. II. p. 963. | | | | [505] _Fracastor._ Morb. Contag. L. II. c. 6. p. 155, 156. | | | | [506] It broke out in the beginning of February, and prevailed | | throughout the following month. _Campo_, p. 151. | | | | [507] _Guicciardini_, p. 1054. | | | | [508] _Mezeray_, T. II. p. 957. | | | | [509] _Guicciardini_, p. 1276. | | | | [510] Ibid. p. 1315. | | | | [511] See above, p. 201. | | | | [512] It was also observed, as is well known, in the summer of | | 1831, before the breaking out of the cholera. | | | | [513] _Gratiol._ p. 129, 130. | | | | [514] See above, p. 204. | | | | [515] _Jovius_, loc. cit. p. 115. | | | | [516] _Mezeray_, p. 963. | | | | [517] The Spanish name for the lues venerea, which it obtained in | | consequence of the prevailing eruptions. It corresponds with the | | French “la vérole,” and with the German “französische Pocken.” We | | must not, therefore, think that it means “buboes.” _Sandoval_, Part | | II. pp. 12. 14. Compare _Astruc_, T. I. p. 4. | | | | [518] In the Madrid edition of the same work, 1675. fol. L. XVII. | | p. 232. b. | | | | [519] “Auster namque ventus per eos dies perflare et mortiferum | | crassioris nebulæ vaporem ex palustri ortum uligine, per castra | | dissipare et circumferre ita cœperat, ut _aliis ex causis conceptæ | | febres_ in contagiosum morbum verterentur.” _Jovius_, L. XXVI. p. | | 127. | | | | [520] In Torgau where, in 1813 and 1814, 30,000 Frenchmen found | | their graves, there prevailed two diseases, typhus and diarrhœa, | | altogether distinct from one another. See _Richter_. | | | | [521] _Schwelin_, p. 143. | | | | [522] See page 189. | | | | [523] Trousser, in an obsolete sense, signifies to cause speedy | | death. | | | | [524] _Mezeray_, T. II. p. 965, where the best notices of it are to | | be found. | | | | [525] His account applies to the town of Puy in the Auvergne, where | | he seems himself to have seen the disease. Livr. XXII. c. 5. p. 823. | | | | [526] _Forest._ L. VI. obs. 7. p. 156. _Sander_ writes from | | numerous observations which he made in and about Cambray. | | | | [527] _Sauvages_, T. I. p. 487, hence calls the Trousse-galant | | “Cephalitis verminosa,” although neither inflammation of the brain | | nor worms existed in all cases, and takes his description from | | _Sander_, as again _Ozanam_ has taken it from _Sauvages_, T. III. | | p. 27. | | | | [528] _Forest._ p. 157. Schol. | | | | [529] _Paré_, loc. cit. | | | | [530] So small-pox and measles, it is well known, are the | | forerunners of plague. | | | | [531] _Fabian_, p. 699. | | | | [532] _Sir William Compton_, and _William Carew_, besides many | | other distinguished persons who are not named. | | | | [533] _Grafton_, p. 412, the principal passage. Compare | | _Holinshed_, p. 735. _Baker_, p. 293. _Hall_, p. 750. _Herbert of | | Cherbury_, p. 215. | | | | [534] During _Henry_ the Eighth’s reign (1509 to 1547), 72,000 | | malefactors were, according to Harrison, executed for theft and | | robbery, making nearly 2000 for each year. _Hume_, T. IV. p. 275. | | | | [535] _Stow_, p. 885. | | | | [536] _Fabian_, loc. cit. | | | | [537] ——“it seeming to be but the same contagion of the aire, | | varied according to the clime.” _Herbert of Cherbury_, loc. cit. | | | | [538] _Stow_, loc. cit. | | | | [539] _Campo_, pp. 150, 151. | | | | [540] _Grafton_, p. 431. _Wagenaar_, Vol. II. p. 516. | | | | [541] _Haftitz_, p. 130. | | | | [542] Annales Berolino-Marchici, (no numbers to the pages.) | | | | [543] _Magnus Hundt_, fol. 4. b., and many others. | | | | [544] _Bonn_, p. 143. A girl in Lübeck died of fright at this | | meteor. | | | | [545] _Haftitz._ p. 131. _Angelus_, p. 317. | | | | [546] It must not be thought that the author, because he has | | brought forward these notices, has any pre-formed opinions whatever | | respecting the import of these heavenly bodies. The historian | | cannot pass over contemporaneous occurrences, whatever may be the | | conclusion which the limited extent of our knowledge enables us to | | draw from them. | | | | [547] _Pingré_, T. I. p. 485. _Spangenberg_, M. Chr. fol. 410. a. | | | | [548] _Pingré_, p. 486. _Angelus_, p. 318. _Crusius_, Vol. II. p. | | 223. | | | | [549] _Pingré_, p. 487. _Campo_, p. 154. _Angelus_, p. 320, and | | numerous other accounts. It performs its revolution in 76 years, | | and was observed in 1456, 1531, 1607, 1682, and 1759. | | | | [550] _Pingré_, p. 491. _Spangenberg_, M. Chr. fol. 433. b. | | | | [551] _Pingré_, p. 496. _Angelus_, p. 322. _Spangenberg_, M. Chr. | | fol. 435. a. | | | | [552] Erfurt Chronicle. _Spangenberg_, who has availed himself | | frequently of this chronicle, makes use of the same words, M. Chr. | | fol. 431. b. | | | | [553] They called the sour wine of this year den | | _Wiedertäufer-Wein_; the Anabaptist wine. _Schwelin_, p. 144. | | | | [554] _Crusius_, Vol. II. p. 323. St. Vitus’s day is on the 15th | | of June. On the river Neckar, at Heidelberg, they took out a child | | which had floated down the stream in its cradle unharmed for a | | distance of six (German) miles. _Franck_, fol. 252. b. | | | | [555] _Spangenberg_, M. Chr. fol. 432. a. | | | | [556] _Klemzen_, p. 254. | | | | [557] _Schwelin_, p. 144. _Newenar_, fol. 69. a. “fecit tamen | | huius anni, ac fortasse etiam præcedentium intemperies, fluminum | | exundationes, frigora cum humiditate perpetuo coniuncta, _ut jam in | | Germania Britannicus quidam aër suscitatus videri possit_.” Similar | | accounts are met with in almost all the chronicles. | | | | [558] _Leuthinger_, p. 90. see “Scriptorum,” etc. | | | | [559] Compare _Autenrieth’s_ excellent work on this subject. | | | | [560] _Schiller_, sect. I. cap. 2. fol. 3. b. | | | | [561] _Franck_, fol. 243. b. | | | | [562] Basle among others was particularly distinguished. | | _Stettler_, part II. p. 34. | | | | [563] _Spangenberg_, loc. cit. | | | | [564] _Leuthinger_, p. 89. | | | | [565] From Whitsuntide till towards St. James’s day, the 25th of | | July. _Klemzen_, p. 254. | | | | [566] Two masters of vessels, who had quitted the helm from a | | sudden attack of this kind, were in danger of grounding upon the | | Mole. Their situation was, however, noticed, and they were saved. | | _Klemzen._ | | | | [567] _Spangenberg_, M. Chr. fol. 432. a. | | | | [568] Ibid. fol. 433. a. 435. b. _Schwelin_, pp. 149, 150. | | | | [569] A Chronicler of the Marches even assures us that it lasted | | until 1546. Annales Berol. Marchic: but the other contemporary | | writers contradict this. | | | | [570] _Spangenberg_, fol. 432. a. | | | | [571] _Newenar_ indeed maintains that the Sweating Fever used to | | break out in England every year, fol. 68. b., but such general and | | unsupported assertions coming from foreigners (the Graf _Hermann | | von Newenar_ was provost of Cologne) are wholly unworthy of | | credence. | | | | [572] About the 25th of July. | | | | [573] From St. James’s day, the 25th of July, until the Assumption | | of the Blessed Virgin Mary on the 15th of August. _Staphorst._ | | | | [574] It appears, for instance, somewhere in the second volume of | | _Leibnitz_, Scriptores rerum Brunsvicensium, that 8000 people had | | died of the Sweating Fever in Hamburgh. An unknown Chronicler in | | _Staphorst_, Part II vol. I. p. 85, states 2000. | | | | [575] “Moreover in the year 1529, about St. James’s day, Almighty | | God sent a terrible disease upon the city of Hamburgh; it was the | | Sweating Sickness, which showed itself in a different manner, and | | began when Captain _Hermann Evers_ came from England on St. James’s | | day with many young companions, of whom, in the course of two days, | | twelve died of this disease, which was unknown as well in Hamburgh | | as in other countries, so that the oldest person did not recollect | | to have seen a similar disease.” An unknown eye-witness, quoted | | in _Staphorst_, Part II. Vol. I. p. 83. Another person expresses | | himself to the same effect, p. 85. “The disease had its origin in | | England, for the people were there attacked in the street when they | | came on shore, and those who came in contact with them, many of | | whom were of the lower class, took it.” Notices of uncertain date | | to be found in _Adelung_, at p. 77. _Steltzner_, Part II. p. 219. | | In the abbrev. Hamb. Chron. p. 45, and elsewhere. | | | | [576] “As soon as the ship arrived in Hamburgh people began to die | | throughout the city, and in the morning it was rumoured that four | | persons had died of it.” From _Reimar Koch’s_ MS. Chron. of Lübeck. | | For the extract from it the author is indebted to the kindness of | | Professor _Ackermann_ of Lübeck. | | | | [577] _Klemzen_, p. 254. It was thought that the waters of the | | Baltic were poisoned. | | | | [578] _Reimar Kock’s_ Chronicle of Lübeck. | | | | [579] “In the year 1529, this violent disease passed in a very | | short time all over Germany, and in Lübeck many of its most | | distinguished citizens died on the vigil of St. Peter in Vinculis.” | | _Regkman_, p. 135. Compare _Kirchring_, p. 143. _Bonn_, p. 144. | | | | [580] _Reimar Kock._ | | | | [581] _Schmidt_, p. 307. | | | | [582] See above, p. 243; and _Klemzen_, p. 254. | | | | [583] _Euric. Cordus._ | | | | [584] _Gruner_, It. p. 23. | | | | [585] Namely, on the Tuesday after the Beheading of John the | | Baptist (29th Aug.), which fell on a Sunday, for S. Ægidius was | | on the Wednesday. The dates are given throughout according to | | _Pilgrim’s_ Calendarium chronologicum. | | | | [586] _Klemzen_, p. 255. | | | | [587] _Curicke_, p. 271. | | | | [588] Kronica der Preussen, fol. 191. b. | | | | [589] _Stettler_, II. p. 33. | | | | [590] In _Gratorol._ fol. 74. b. | | | | [591] _Gruner_, It. p. 25, according to MS. Chronicles. | | | | [592] _Franck_, fol. 253. a. | | | | [593] By _Joseph Franck_, in the latest edition of his Praxeos | | Medicæ Universæ Præcepta. Compare _Gruner_, It. p. 28. | | | | [594] _Klemzen_, p. 254. | | | | [595] This appears from a letter of _Euricius Cordus_ to the | | Hessian private secretary, _Joh. Rau von Nordeck_, at the end of | | the 2d edition of his _Regimen_. | | | | [596] _Magnus Hundt_ closed his on the 7th October. | | | | [597] _Bayer von Elbogen_, cap. 7. | | | | [598] It was called there the _Ingelsche Sweetsieckte_, or the | | Sweating Sickness. | | | | [599] _Forest._ L. VI. Obs. VII. Schol. p. 157. Obs. VIII. c. | | Schol. p. 158. _Wagenaar_, T. II. p. 508. | | | | [600] _Pontan._ p. 762. _Haraeus_, T. I. p. 581. Antwerpsch | | Chronykje, p. 31. _Ditmar_, p. 473. | | | | [601] “Laquelle (sa suette) s’estendit par le pays d’Oostlande, de | | Hollande, Zeelande, et autres des pays bas, on en étoit endedens | | vingt et quatre heures mort ou guarry, elle ne dura in Zeelande | | pour le plus que 15 jours, dont plusieurs en moururent.” _Le | | Petit_, T. I. Livr. VII. p. 81. | | | | [602] _Forest_, loc. cit. | | | | [603] _Erasm._ Epist. Lib. XXVI. ep. 58. col. 1477. b. At _Zerbst_ | | the Sweating Fever lasted, in like manner, only five days. | | _Gruner_, It. p. 29. | | | | [604] It was called there “den engelske Sved.” | | | | [605] _Frederick I._ Histor. p. 181. The same words in _Huitfeld_, | | T. II. p. 1315. | | | | [606] _Boesens_ Beskrivelse over Helsingöer. For this statement the | | author has to thank Dr. _Mansa_, regimental physician at Copenhagen. | | | | [607] Dr. _Baden_, D. C. L., took much pains, at the request of | | _Gruner_, in making researches, but has elicited nothing more than | | _Huitfeld_ has given. A copy of his Latin letter to _Gruner_ on | | this subject, has likewise reached the author through Dr. _Mansa_. | | | | [608] _Dalin_, D. III. p. 221. _Engelske Svetten._ In _Tegel’s_ | | History of king Gustavus I. Part I. p. 267, general notices only | | are to be found respecting the English Sweating Sickness in | | Sweden, without any exact date (autumn of 1529) or description | | of the disease, such as are met with without number in the | | German Chronicles. _Sven Hedin_ clearly estimates the mortality | | in the epidemic sweating fever too highly, when he compares | | it, p. 27, with the depopulation caused by the Black Death. He | | gives (p. 47) a striking passage on the Sweating Sickness from | | Linneus’s pathological prælections. The great naturalist has, | | however, allowed free scope to his imagination, and, like all the | | physicians of modern times who have delivered their sentiments on | | the English Sweating Sickness, knows far too little of the facts | | to be able to form a right judgment on the subject. (Supplement | | till Handboken för Praktiska Läkare-vetenskapen, rörande | | epidemiska och smittosamma sjukdomar i allmänhet, och särdeles de | | Pestilentialiska. 1 sta St. Stockholm, 1805. 8vo.) | | | | [609] From _Reimar Kock’s_ MS. Chronicle of Lübeck, and _Forest_, | | loc. cit. Compare _Gruner’s_ Itinerarium, which is prepared | | throughout with laudable and even tedious diligence, but which met | | with so little acknowledgment in the Brunonian age, that it has | | already become a rare work. | | | | [610] “According to which it was given out by some, that a sweat | | must be kept up for twenty-four hours in succession, and in the | | mean time, that no air should be admitted to the patient. This | | treatment sent many to their graves.”—Erfurt Chronicle. | | | | [611] Erfurt Chronicle, and in the same strain _Spangenberg_, | | M. Chr. fol. 402. b. _Pomarius_, p. 617. and _Schmidt_, p. 305. | | _Gemma_ writes of the Netherlands, L. I. c. 8. p. 189, having | | received his account from his father, who was himself the subject | | of the Sweating Sickness: “Consuti (sewn up) et violenter operti | | clamitabant misere, obtestabantur Deum atque hominum fidem, | | sese dimitterent, se _suffocari iniectis molibus, sese vitam in | | summis angustiis exhalare_, sed assistentes has querelas ex rabie | | proficisci, _medicorum opinione persuasi_, urgebant continue usque | | ad 24 horas,” etc. | | | | [612] _Schmidt_, loc. cit. | | | | [613] ——“_Animos omnium terrore perculit adeo ut multis metus et | | imaginatio morbum conciliarit._” _Erasm._ Epist. L. XXVI. ep. 56. | | c. 1476. a. _Spangenberg_, loc. cit. | | | | [614] “Many an one sweats for fear and thinks he has the English | | sweat, and when he afterwards hath slept it off, acknowledges that | | it was all nonsense.” _Bayer v. Elbogen_, cap. 8. | | | | [615] The author could adduce some extraordinary instances of this | | kind which have occurred in his own practice. | | | | [616] It was a greengrocer in Paris. _Berliner Vossische Zeitung_, | | Sept. 2, 1833. | | | | [617] _Carlstadt_, _Nic. Storch_, _Marcus Thomii_, _Marus Stubner_, | | _Marlin Cellarius_ and _Thomas Münzer_. | | | | [618] “For all love hath grown cold in all nations; the axe lieth | | at the root of the tree, the rope is already applied, no one | | observeth it. For the world is stricken with thick blindness, faith | | is extinguished. All singleness and Godly fear hath withdrawn from | | the land for ever, and nothing but false hypocritical make-believe | | work is to be found among the Baptists, and at most a false, | | fictitious, fruitless, dead, tottering faith in the other sects, | | and yet the world thinks, notwithstanding, that she sees and sits | | in light. In short, for the one devil of the Baptists whom she | | has driven out, she is beset with seven more subtle and wickeder | | spirits, though she think that she be freed, and that they all be | | gone forth.” _Franck_, fol. 248, a. This same Chronicle contains a | | very lively description of the Peasant-war. | | | | [619] _Ad. Clarenbach_ and _Peter Flistedt_. | | | | [620] _Schmidt_, p. 308. | | | | [621] Nusquam pax, nullum iter tutum est, rerum charitate, penuria, | | fame, pestilenti laboratur ubique, sectis dissecta sunt omnia: ad | | tantam malorum lernam accessit letali sudor, multos intra horas | | octo tolleus e medio, etc. _Erasm._ Epist. L. XXVI. ep. 58. c. | | 1477. b. | | | | [622] _Fuhrmann_, Part II. p. 745. | | | | [623] Chronicon Monasterii Mellicensis. In _Pez_, T. I. col. 285. | | | | [624] The Assembly of the Reformers began there on the 2nd of | | October. | | | | [625] The pamphlet written by _Magnus Hundt_ is ornamented with a | | wood-cut, where, under the throne of God, and seated on lions who | | are spitting forth fire, a great host of angels, armed with swords, | | are hovering round men, whom they treat worse than Herod’s soldiers | | treated the children of Bethlehem. | | | | [626] _Reimar Kock’s_ Chronicle of Lübeck. | | | | [627] _Kersenbroick_ in Sprengel, II. p. 687. Compare _Sleidan_, L. | | VI. Tom. I. p. 380, who plainly and simply states the fact. | | | | [628] Culpam eius rei plerique conferebant in theologos | | concionatores, qui suppliciis impiorum placandam esse clamabant | | iram Dei, novo morbi genere nos verberantis. _Sleidan_, loc. cit. | | p. 380. | | | | [629] _Haftitz_, p. 131. _Angelus_, p. 319. _Cramer_, Book III. p. | | 76, and many others. | | | | [630] “Verum quamplurimi, tam nobiles quam populares viri ac | | mulieres, hoc morbo misere suffocati sunt, _ob libellos erroneos_, | | ab indoctissimis hominibus in vulgus emissos, qui in eiusmodi lue | | curanda peritiam et experientiam jactabant, multosque in Angliâ | | aliisque regionibus sese curasse dicebant, cum omnia falsa essent. | | Tales inquam minima pietate fulti erga ægrotos, _illorum loculos | | tantum expilabant_, ac in sui commodum convertebant, nullam de | | aliorum damnis nec morte ipsa curam gerentes, sed quæ sua sunt | | tantum curantes, nulla arte instructi miseros ægros, passim sua | | ignorantia trucidabant.” _Forest._ L. VI. obs. 8. p. 158. a. | | | | [631] “Ditissimi negociatores, lectis adfixi medicos ad se | | vocabant, montes auri promittentes, si curarentur.” _Ditmar_, p. | | 473. | | | | [632] “Nam occlusis rimis omnibus, et excitato igne copioso, | | opertisque stragulis, quo magis tutiusque suderent, æstu præfocati | | sunt.” _Forest._ loc. cit. p. 157. b. | | | | [633] _Wild_, in _Baldinger_, p. 278. | | | | [634] The printer _Frantz_. _Schmidt_, p. 307. | | | | [635] _Stelzner_, Part II. p. 219. | | | | [636] This appears from the Wittenberg regimen. | | | | [637] _Reimar Kock’s_ Chronicle of Lübeck. | | | | [638] _Klemzen_, p. 255. | | | | [639] In _Gratoroli_: _Petrus_, proto medicus, fol. 90. | | | | [640] See his pamphlet. | | | | [641] I here give the whole pamphlet, which only occupies five | | pages. It is entitled, “The Remedy, Advice, Succour and Consolation | | against the dreadful, and as yet by us Germans unheard-of, speedy, | | and mortal Disease, called the English Sweating Sickness, from | | which may Almighty God mercifully protect us.” | | | | “When the disease and sweating sets in, ask what o’clock it is, and | | note it. “If any one be afflicted with this pestilence (may God | | protect us from it!) it attacks him either with heat or with cold, | | and he will sweat violently; and this will take place all over his | | body. Some take the disease with sudden eructations, and do not | | sweat; and to those who do not sweat, a flower of mace with warm | | beer is given, and then they sweat. | | | | “But if the pestilence and disease, from which may God preserve | | us! attack any one after he has lain down in bed, he must be left | | there; but if he has a feather bed, though a thin one, over him, | | cut it open and take the feathers out, that it may consist only of | | the ticking or covering. If it be too thin, add a cool coverlet, | | and let the patient lie under that, covered up to the neck, and | | take care that the air do not touch or strike upon his breast, or | | under his arms, and the soles of his feet, and let him not toss | | about. | | | | “Item. Two men should attend the patient, to prevent him from | | uncovering himself, and from going to sleep. | | | | “Item. The same two men must watch the patient, and guard him | | against sleeping: if they neglect this, and do not so prevent him, | | and the patient sleep, he will lose his senses, and go raving mad. | | | | “In order, however, that he may be prevented from sleeping, take a | | little rosewater, and by means of a sponge or clean napkin, bathe | | his temples with it between the eyes and the ears, and by means of | | a sponge or napkin, apply pungent wine or beer vinegar to his nose, | | and talk constantly to him so that he fall not asleep. | | | | “If he would drink, give him a thin beverage, which should be a | | little warm; and he ought not to be given more than two spoonfuls | | at a time. | | | | “Item. On the patient’s head should be placed a linen night-cap, | | and a woollen one over it. | | | | “Item. A warm towel should be taken, and with it the sweat wiped | | from the face. | | | | “Item. Whoever is attacked in the day-time must be put to bed: if | | it be a man, in his stockings and breeches; if a woman, in her | | clothes; and let them be covered over with not more than two thin | | coverings; and, above all things, no feather bed; and then treat | | them as above written. | | | | “Item. The disease attacks most people from great dread and from | | irregular living, from which a man should guard himself with great | | pains. | | | | “Once for all, the patient must not have his own way; what he would | | have you do for him, that must not be done. | | | | “Item. With respect to those whom it attacks in the night, and who | | lie naked, if they will not lie still, let them be sewn up in the | | sheets, and let the sheets be sewn to the bed, so that no air can | | come from beneath; and then cover them as before. | | | | “Summa. Whoever can thus endure for twenty-four hours, by the | | blessing of God, will be cured of the sickness, and get well. | | | | “If a man has held out for twenty-four hours, let him be taken | | up, and wrapped in a warm sheet lest he become cold, and throw | | something over his feet, and bring him to the fire; and above all | | things, let him not go into the air for four days, and let him | | avoid much and cold drink. | | | | “If he would sleep, provided twenty-four hours have been passed, | | let him sleep freely; and may God preserve him! | | | | “The Lord is Almighty over us! Amen.” | | | | The place of publication is wanting. It was, probably, either | | Leipzig or Wittenberg. | | | | [642] _Magnus Hundt_, fol. 27. a. “Nullis vero aliis medicamentis | | utuntur adversus ipsam, quam expectatione sudoris, nam quibus | | advenit, omnes fere evadunt, quibus autem retinctur, maxima pars | | perit.” _Forest._ loc. cit. p. 159. a. Schol. | | | | [643] Born about 1483; died 1549. | | | | [644] Born 1492; died 1555. | | | | [645] Died 1558. | | | | [646] Died 1545. “Vir gravis; eximia litterarum cognitione, | | singulari judicio, summa experientia, et prudenti consilio Doctor.” | | _Aikin_, p. 47. | | | | [647] In _Henry VIII._ | | | | [648] See their biography, in _Aikin_. | | | | [649] _Thomas Gale’s_ description of this class of medical | | practitioners gives the best notion of their abilities. “I | | remember,” says he, “when I was in the wars at Montreuil, (1544,) | | in the time of that most famous Prince, Henry VIII., there was | | a great rabblement there, that took upon them to be surgeons. | | Some were sow gelders, and some horse gelders, with tinkers and | | cobblers. This noble sect did such great cures, that they got | | themselves a perpetual name; for like as Thessalus’ sect were | | called Thessalions, so was this noble rabblement, for their | | notorious cures, called dog-leaches; for in two dressings they | | did commonly make their cures whole and sound for ever, so that | | they neither felt heat nor cold, nor no manner of pain after. But | | when the Duke of Norfolk, who was then general, understood how | | the people did die, and that of small wounds, he sent for me and | | certain other surgeons, commanding us to make search how these | | men came to their death, whether it were by the grievousness of | | their wounds, or by the lack of knowledge of the surgeons, and we, | | according to our commandment, made search through all the camp, and | | found many of the same good fellows which took upon them the names | | of surgeons, not only the names, but the wages also. We asking of | | them whether they were surgeons or no, they said they were; we | | demanded with whom they were brought up, and they, with shameless | | faces, would answer, either with one cunning man, or another, which | | was dead. Then we demanded of them what chirurgery stuff they had | | to cure men withal; and they would show us a pot or a box, which | | they had in a budget, wherein was such trumpery as they did use | | to grease horses’ heels withal, and laid upon scabbed horses’ | | backs, with verval and such like. And others that were cobblers and | | tinkers, they used shoemakers’ wax, with the rust of old pans, and | | made therewithal a noble salve, as they did term it. But in the | | end this worthy rabblement was committed to the Marshalsea, and | | threatened by the Duke’s Grace to be hanged for their worthy deeds, | | except they would declare the truth, what they were and of what | | occupations, and in the end they did confess, as I have declared to | | you before.” | | | | In another place Gale says, “I have, myself, in the time of King | | Henry VIII., holpe to furnish out of London, in one year, which | | served by sea and land, three score and twelve surgeons, which were | | good workmen, and well able to serve, and all English men. At this | | present day there are not thirty-four, of all the whole company, of | | Englishmen, and yet the most part of them be in noblemen’s service, | | so that if we should have need, I do not know where to find twelve | | sufficient men. What do I say? sufficient men: nay, I would there | | were ten amongst all the company, worthy to be called surgeons.” | | | | [650] _Klemzen_, p. 255. | | | | [651] Part I. cap. 8. | | | | [652] _Gruner_, Script, p. 11. | | | | [653] “Vix malevolorum _cachinnos_ morsusque præteriit.” | | _Schiller_, Epist. nuncupator. the title which _Gruner_, Script. p. | | 12, gives to the original work, still existing in the library at | | Strasburg, and a Latin extract from it. _Gratoroli_, fol. 39. | | | | [654] See the Catalogue in the Appendix, “Ein Regiment,” &c. | | | | [655] Any kind of weak beer with the chill off. Warm beer was | | a beverage in general use in the north of Germany. The beer of | | _Eimbeck_ and _Bernau_ was stronger, and was recommended by medical | | men during the convalescence. | | | | [656] “I had in my house seven lying ill with the same disease, of | | which, thank God, none died.” From the letter of an inhabitant of | | Hamburgh, given in the same pamphlet, “Ein Regiment,” &c. | | | | [657] _Gratorol._ fol. 87. b. | | | | [658] _Gratorol._ fol. 90. | | | | [659] _Stettler_, Part II. p. 33. | | | | [660] _Wagenaar_, op. cit. p. 509. | | | | [661] His proper name was _Henry Spaten_, (German _Spät_, in | | English _late_,) whereof _Cordus_ (the last born or late-born) | | seems to have been a translation. | | | | [662] The second of September. | | | | [663] ℞ Pulveris cardiaci, (very complex, containing precious | | stones and many other ingredients,) Ʒij; Pulveris cornu cervi Ʒj; | | Seminis Santonici, Myrrhæ, aā Ʒſs ♏. ft. Pulv. Sum^t. Ʒj; in warm | | wine-vinegar. | | | | [664] Chronicle, p. 473. | | | | [665] Born 1505; died 1577. | | | | [666] It is the _Electuarium liberans Gasseri_:—℞ Spec. liberant. | | Galen, Spec. de gemm. aā Ʒj, Pulveris Dictamn., Tormentill, | | Serpentinæ, aā ℈iv, Pimpinell. Zedoariæ. aā Ʒſs, Bol. Armen, lot.; | | Terr. sigillat. aā ℈ij Rasur. Cornu cervin. ℈j, Zingiber. Ʒſs, | | Conserv. Rosar, rec. ℥ſs, Theriac. veteris ℥j, Syrup. acetositatis | | citri. q. s. ut ft. electuar. spiss.—Velsch, p. 19.—_Gasser_ states | | in his Augsburg Chronicle, that there were more than 3000 cases of | | the disease there, but that not more than 600 died. See _Mencken_, | | Scriptores rerum Germanicarum. | | | | [667] _Gratorol._ fol. 74. b. | | | | [668] _Gratorol._ fol. 85. Probably this epistle does not differ | | essentially from the Latin work of this author on the sweating | | fever which appeared separately. (De ἱδροπυρετοῦ seu sudatoræ | | febris curatione Liber. Coloniæ, 1529. 4.) | | | | [669] _Gratorol._ fol. 64. | | | | [670] _Gratorol._ fol. 69. b. | | | | [671] Videmus, quam multi de sudore convalescant, fol. 66. a. | | | | [672] This town is called in Flemish Tienen, (Thenæ in Montibus,) | | translated by _Damianus_ Decicopolis. | | | | [673] Fol. 117. a. | | | | [674] Fol. 109. a. | | | | [675] Fol. 116. b. | | | | [676] Fol. 118. a. _Damianus_ wrote his, by no means unimportant, | | treatise, during the prevalence of the epidemic sweating fever in | | Ghent. | | | | [677] He styles himself _Schiller von Herderen_, from an estate in | | the village of that name close to Freiburg. | | | | [678] _Schiller_ says with great naïveté, “that the symptoms of the | | disease are evident, and that those which he has not indicated must | | be imagined.” Sect. II. c. 1. fol. 206. | | | | [679] “Habet inconstantes notas morbus.” _Schiller._ “Diversos | | diversimode adoritur.” _Damian._ fol. 115. b. | | | | [680] See above, the remedium, p. 267, note e. Sudoris absentia | | plurimum nocebat.—_Forest._ p. 158. Schol. | | | | [681] See above, p. 245. _Klemzen_, p. 254. | | | | [682] _Bayer_, cap. 6. _M. Hundt_, fol. 5. a. | | | | [683] _Bayer_, loc. cit. | | | | [684] _Angelus_, p. 319. _Schiller_, _Stettler_, locis cit.: and | | many others. | | | | [685] _Damian._ fol. 115. b. | | | | [686] _Schiller_, loc. cit. | | | | [687] The Regimen of Wittenberg. | | | | [688] _Damian._ fol. 115. b. | | | | [689] _Klemzen_, p. 255. | | | | [690] “Ungues potissimum excruciat, alas ita comprimit, ut etiam | | si velis, non posses attollere.” _Forest._ p. 157. Schol. “In | | extremitatibus puncturis retorquentur dolorosis—extremitates | | obstupefiunt, dolet orificium ventriculi, nervorum contractiones | | nascuntur, plantarum pedumque dolores.”—_Damian._ fol. 116. a. | | | | [691] _Damian._ loc. cit. | | | | [692] _Klemzen_, loc. cit. | | | | [693] “Nec quenquam vidimus ita delirantem restitutum | | incolumitati.”—_Damian._ fol. 116. a. | | | | [694] _Schiller_, _Stettler_. | | | | [695] Somnolentia et _inevitabilis sopor_, _Schiller_; _a deep | | sleep_, in almost all the chroniclers. | | | | [696] _Schiller._ | | | | [697] “Aliis mox tument manus et pedes, aliis facies, quæ et | | in pluribus livet; nonnullis sola labia et superciliorum loca: | | mulieribus etiam inguina inflantur.”—_Damian._ fol. 116. a. | | | | [698] “Maximus denique calor haud procul a corde sentitur, | | qui ad cerebrum devolans delirium adducit, internecionis | | nuncium.”—_Damian._ loc. cit. | | | | [699] _Damian._ loc. cit. | | | | [700] _Schiller_, loc. cit. | | | | [701] “Primo insultu aliis cervices aut scapulas, aliis crus | | aut brachium _occupavit_,” p. 15. _Kaye_ does not state what he | | precisely means by this “occupare.” From an analogous more modern | | observation, it appears, however, that by it are meant tearing | | rheumatic pains. “Add to this, that the patients complained one and | | all, some more some less, of a tearing pain in the neck.” _Sinner_, | | p. 10. | | | | [702] Pulsus concitatior, frequentior. The only remark upon the | | pulse which is to be found in all the writers. _Caius_, p. 16. | | Probably most of the physicians were afraid of contagion, and, on | | this account, omitted to examine the pulse. | | | | [703] Page 252. | | | | [704] Odoris teterrimi. _Tyengius_ in _Forest._, p. 158. | | | | [705] _Newenar_, fol. 72. b. | | | | [706] Page 190. | | | | [707] _Schiller_, _Kaye_, loc. cit. | | | | [708] —— “cum alvi solutione ac lotii haud modica eiectione, in ea | | morbi specie, quæ curatum itura est.” _Damian._ fol. 116. a. | | | | [709] _Rondelet_, de dignosc. morbis, loc. cit. | | | | [710] To avoid exposure to cold, they preferred allowing the | | patient to pass his evacuations in bed. Bed-pans were unknown. | | _Kaye_, p. 110, and most of the other writers. | | | | [711] _Tyengius_ in _Forest._, p. 158. b. “Febrem sudor finiebat, | | _post se relinquens_ in extremitatibus corporis, _pustulas parvas_, | | admodum _exasperantes_ diversas et malignas secundum humorum | | malignitatem.” | | | | [712] When care was not taken that the hands and feet were kept | | under the clothes they died, and _their bodies became as black as a | | coal all over, and were covered with vesicles_, and stunk so, that | | it was necessary to bury them deep in the earth by reason of the | | stench. _Staphorst_, Part II. Vol. I. p. 83. | | | | [713] Spots, (maculæ quas ronchas (?) vocant,) which were on other | | occasions considered as signs of approaching death, or which did | | not come out until death had occurred, broke out, after a return of | | sweating which had been repressed, all over the body of the learned | | _Margaretha Roper_, the eldest daughter of _Thomas More_, who was | | the subject of sweating fever in 1517 or 1528, and recovered. _Th. | | Stapleton_, Vita et obitus Thomæ Mori, c. 6, p. 26. See _Mori_ | | Opera. | | | | [714] And certainly only after very appropriate and careful | | treatment. See the Wittenberg Regimen, _Kaye_, loc. cit. _Schmidt_, | | p. 307, and _Klemzer_, p. 256. | | | | [715] _Newenar_, fol. 72. b. | | | | [716] _Erasm._ Epist. L. XXVI. Ep. 58. p. 1477. b. “Et crebro quos | | reliquit brevi intervallo repetens, nec id semel, sed bis, ter, | | quater, donec in hydropem aut aliud morbi genus versus, tandem | | extinguat miseris excarnificatum modis.” | | | | [717] _Kaye_, p. 110. | | | | [718] Idem. p. 113. | | | | [719] _Staphorst_, Part II. vol. I. p. 83. | | | | [720] “Immunes erant pueri et senes ab hoc malo.” _Ditmar_, | | p. 473. “Pueri infra decem annos rarissime hac febre | | corripiuntur.” _Newenar_, fol. 72. a. “Senibus solis quandoque | | pepercit,—præternavigavit etiam magna ex parte atrabilarios et | | emaciatos corpore, quoniam et horum corpora putris succi expertia | | erant.” _Schiller_, fol. 4. a. | | | | [721] _Schmidt_, p. 307. | | | | [722] As for instance, _Schiller_, to name but one among thousands. | | “Juvit etiam auxitque malum frequens multaque crapula, et in | | potationibus otiosa vita nostra,” fol. 3. b. | | | | [723] Let it be observed _under similar circumstances_. It ought | | not to be affirmed that they are free from rheumatic diseases, but | | only that they are less disposed to be affected by them. | | | | [724] That _a rheumatic state makes the body an isolator_, _A. | | von Humboldt_ discovered as early as 1793, and he found that the | | observation was confirmed by subsequent experiments. “I have | | observed in myself that, when labouring under a severe attack of | | catarrhal fever, I was unable, by the most powerful metals, to | | excite the galvanic flash before my eyes; that I interrupted every | | connecting link between the muscular and nervous apparatus. As | | the rheumatic malady lessens the irritability of organs, so also | | it seems to diminish their conducting power. How is this? As yet | | nothing is known about it. I have every now and then met with | | isolating persons who were in perfect health, but can we not yet, | | amidst such an ocean of uncertainty, discover a condition by which | | we may determine every case?” _Versuche_ in Vol. I. p. 159. _Pfaff_ | | believes that, during the existence of rheumatic diseases, the | | proper electricity of the body sinks down to nothing. See his Essay | | on the peculiar Electricity of the Human Body in _Mechel’s_ Archiv. | | Vol. III. No. 2. p. 161. | | | | [725] The author has at times made extraordinary experiments of | | this kind upon himself. | | | | [726] This phenomenon may justly be compared with the very similar | | but more enduring morbid sequelæ of cholera. Paralysis and a | | repletion of the returning vessels must be regarded in the same | | light in both. | | | | [727] After _Henry_ VIIIth’s death in 1547, _Edward_ VI., who was | | only nine years old, came to the throne. He died in 1553. | | | | [728] _Caius_, p. 2. | | | | [729] Ibid. p. 28. | | | | [730] _Godwyn_, p. 142. _Stow_, p. 1023. | | | | [731] _Caius_, p. 3. | | | | [732] Ibid. p. 7. | | | | [733] “Which miste in the countrie wher it began, was sene flie | | from toune to toune, with suche a stincke in morninges and | | evenings, that men could scarcely abide it.”—_Kaye._ See Appendix, | | also Lat. edit. pp. 28, 29. It is to be remarked here, that in the | | year 1529, _Damianus_ observed in Ghent, that more people sickened | | in the morning at sunrise than at any other time. p. 115. b. | | | | [734] _Hosack_ admits in cases of this kind, a “_fermentative or | | assimilating process_” in the atmosphere. T. I. p. 312. Laws of | | Contagion. _Lucretius_ had already expressed the same thought in | | poetry. L. VI. v. 1118. to 1123. | | | | [735] _Caius_, p. 29. | | | | [736] Ibid. pp. 2–8. | | | | [737] _Holinshed_, p. 1031, and others. | | | | [738] _Stow_, p. 1023. _Baker_, p. 332. | | | | [739] _Godwyn_, p. 142. | | | | [740] Among others, the Duke of _Suffolk_ and his brother. | | _Godwyn_, loc. cit. | | | | [741] “And the same being whote and terrible, inforced the people | | greatly to call upon God and to do many deedes of charity: but _as | | the disease ceased, so the devotion quickly decayed_.” _Grafton_, | | p. 525. | | | | [742] History of Medicine, Vol. II. p. 136. | | | | [743] _Caius_, p. 30, and at other places quoted. “And it so | | folowed the Englishmen, that such marchants of England, as were | | in Flaunders and Spaine, and other countries beyond the sea, were | | visited therewithall, and none other nation infected therewith.” | | _Grafton_, loc. cit. Compare _Baker_, p. 332. _Holinshed_, p. 1031. | | | | [744] _Caius_, p. 48. | | | | [745] See Appendix, “these thre contryes (England, the Netherlands, | | and Germany) whiche destroy more meates and drynckes without | | al order, convenient time, reason, or necessitie then either | | Scotlande, or all other countries under the sunne, to the great | | annoiance of their owne bodies and wittes,” &c. Compare p. 46 of | | the Lat. edit. | | | | [746] _Godwyn_, loc. cit., expressly assures us, that gluttons who | | were taken with the disease when their stomachs were full, fell | | victims to it; and _Kaye_ states, that besides aged persons and | | children, the poor, who from necessity lived frugally, and endured | | hardships, either remained free, or bore the disease more easily, | | p. 51. | | | | [747] See above, pp. 231, 232. | | | | [748] _Caius._ See Appendix. | | | | [749] _Schwelin_, p. 177. | | | | [750] _Spangenberg_, fol. 463. a. | | | | [751] Chron. Chron. p. 401. | | | | [752] Ibid, and _Spangenberg_, loc. cit. | | | | [753] Chron. Chron. loc. cit. | | | | [754] _Spangenberg_, fol. 463. b. | | | | [755] _Angelus_, p. 344. _Spangenberg_, fol. 464. a. Chron. Chron. | | p. 401. | | | | [756] _Spangenberg_, fol. 464. a. | | | | [757] Chron. Chron. p. 402. | | | | [758] _Haftitz_, p. 167. _Angelus_, p. 344. | | | | [759] Chron. Chron. p. 403. _Leuthinger_, p. 248. | | | | [760] _Angelus_, loc. cit. | | | | [761] _Spangenberg_, fol. 465. a. Magdeburg was besieged at this | | time for having refused to accept the “Interim.” | | | | [762] _Wurstisen_, p. 624. _Spangenberg_, fol. 466. a. | | | | [763] In the March of Brandenburg, crosses, as they were called, | | were seen upon clothes in the year 1547 (_Leuthinger_, p. 216); | | red water was seen at Zörbig, in the year 1549, (Ibid. p. 231,) | | and frequently likewise in the year 1551. (Chron. Chron. p. 402.) | | _Agricola_ seems to point to these connected phenomena in the | | passage already quoted; see p. 206, note e. | | | | [764] “Pestis insuper in certis sæviebat Germaniæ provinciis | | (1533,) præsertim Nurenbergæ et Babenbergæ, et villis oppidisque | | per girum. Et est stupenda res, quod hæc plaga nunquam totaliter | | cessat, sed omni anno regnat, jam hic, nunc alibi, de loco | | in locum, de provincia in provinciam migrando, et si recedit | | aliquamdiu, tamen post paucos annos et circuitum revertitur, | | et juventutem interim natam in ipso flore pro parte majore | | amputat.”—_Jo. Lange_, Chron. Nuremburgens. eccles., in _Mencken_, | | T. II. col. 88. | | | | [765] _Spangenberg_, fol. 369. b. | | | | [766] _Fernel_, de abditis rerum causis, L. II. p. 107. | | | | [767] See _Fernel_. _Wurstisen_, (p. 613,) however, states that the | | preceding winter had been very warm. Thus Aph. 12. sect. III. would | | hold good. | | | | [768] _Wurstisen_, loc. cit. | | | | [769] L’année des vins rostis, of the French. _Stettler_, p. 119. | | | | [770] _Spangenberg_, fol. 439. a. Chron. Chron. p. 375. | | | | [771] _Kircher_, p. 147. | | | | [772] _Spangenberg_, fol. 439. b. | | | | [773] _Villalba_, T. I. p. 93. They committed great ravages in | | Spain. | | | | [774] See Appendix, and p. 25. of the Latin edition.—Compare | | _Haftitz_, p. 149, and others. | | | | [775] _Spangenberg_, fol. 439. b. | | | | [776] _Jordan_, Tr. I. c. 19. p. 220. | | | | [777] _Spangenberg_, fol. 440. b. | | | | [778] _Villaba_, T. I. p. 94. The author has not been able to | | obtain the work of Sixtus Kepser, an observer of this disease. | | (Consultatio saluberrima de causis et remediis epidemiæ sive | | pestiferi morbi Bambergensium civitatem tum infestantis.) Bambergæ, | | 1544. 4to. | | | | [779] See p. 236. | | | | [780] _Mezeray_, p. 1036. | | | | [781] See p. 236. | | | | [782] _Thuan._ L. IV. p. 73. | | | | [783] _Spangenberg_, fol. 458. a. b. 459. a. | | | | [784] _Leuthinger_, p. 241. | | | | [785] _Spangenberg_, fol. 460. a. | | | | [786] _Crusius_, p. 280. | | | | [787] _Villalba_, T. I. p. 95. | | | | [788] See above, p. 221. | | | | [789] _Wurstisen_, (1552, pestilential epidemic in Basle,) | | p. 627.—_Spangenberg_, fol. 467. b., 468. a. (Pestilence and | | Phrenitis.) | | | | [790] _Aikin_, p. 103, et seq. | | | | [791] See Appendix. | | | | [792] 1556.—This edition is very rare, and is probably not to be | | found in Germany. The edition brought out by the author, (1833,) is | | taken from a very good London reprint of 1721. | | | | [793] In the German, sometimes called “eines Tags pestilentziches | | Fieber.” | | | | [794] P. 15. Lat. edit.—II. ἑλώδης τυφώδης, ἱδρώδης. | | | | [795] Ibid. p. 17. seq. | | | | [796] Ibid. p. 49. | | | | [797] P. 31. Lat. edit. | | | | [798] See above, p. 272. | | | | [799] P. 43. Lat. edit. | | | | [800] P. 44. Lat. edit. See above, p. 214. | | | | [801] Ibid. p. 74. | | | | [802] P. 94. Lat. edit. | | | | [803] Practica, fol. 43. a. 263. a. | | | | [804] _Fallop._ de compos. medic. cap. 41. p. 208. | | | | [805] P. 102. Lat. edit. | | | | [806] P. 106, 7. Ibid. | | | | [807] Shortly before his death he resigned the Mastership, but | | continued to reside in the College as a fellow-commoner. See | | _Aikin_, p. 109.—_Transl. note._ | | | | [808] He gave for a new building to this establishment, more than | | 1,800_l._, a very considerable sum for those times. | | | | [809] De medendi methodo, ex Cl. Galeni Pergameni, et Joh. Bapt. | | Montani, Veronensis, principum medicorum, sententia, Libri | | duo. Basil. 1554. 8. He dedicated this frivolous book to the | | _court-physician in ordinary_, _Butts_. See _Balæus_, fol. 232. b. | | | | [810] Compare his own work, “De Libris Propriis,” in _Jebb_, which | | is a similar imitation of Galen, and is written in nearly the same | | spirit. | | | | [811] De canibus Britannicis et de rariorum animalium et stirpium | | historia, in _Jebb_. | | | | [812] See p. 270. | | | | [813] “Sudor anglicus fere similis ei sudori, quem cardiacum | | dicebamus.” De morb. int. L. II. fol. 60. a. | | | | [814] “Est autem _cor_ præstans atque salutaris corpori particula, | | præministrans omnibus sanguinem membris, atque spiritum.” _Cæl. | | Aurel._ Acut. L. II. c. 34. p. 154. Compare _the Author’s_ | | “Doctrine of the circulation, before _Harvey_,” Berlin, 1831. 8. | | | | [815] _Cæl. Aurel._ cap. 30. p. 146. | | | | [816] Ibid. cap. 34. p. 156. | | | | [817] The whole 34th chapter, loc. cit. _Aurelian_ gives, from | | the 30th to the 40th cap., the fullest information respecting the | | Morbus cardiacus. | | | | [818] Torpor frigidus, C. 35. p. 157. | | | | [819] Hallucinatio. | | | | [820] _Cæl. Aurel._ p. 157. | | | | [821] Spiratio præfocabilis. | | | | [822] C. 34. p. 154. Thoracis gravedo. | | | | [823] C. 35. p. 156. | | | | [824] _Aretæus_, L. II. c. 3. p. 30. | | | | [825] _Cæl. Aurel._ loc. cit. | | | | [826] Diaphoretici, cardiaci. | | | | [827] Febres continuæ flaminatæ. _Cæl. Aurel._ c. 31. p. 147. | | | | [828] _Aretæus_, Cur. ac. L. II. c. 3. p. 188. | | | | [829] _Cæl. Aurel._ c. 33. p. 150. | | | | [830] L. II. c. 3. p. 30. | | | | [831] _Aret._ Cur. ac. L. II. c. 3. p. 193. | | | | [832] _Cæl. Aurel._ c. 31. p. 146. | | | | [833] _Cæl. Aurel._ c. 31. p. 146. | | | | [834] _Cæl. Aurel._ c. 33. p. 153. A perfectly similar observation | | is made in the present day, on the increasing frequency of liver | | complaints in England. Parents who have been a long time in the | | East Indies, entail the predisposition to these diseases, which | | are altogether foreign to the temperate zones, on their posterity, | | among whom there is no need of a tropical heat, but merely common | | causes acting in their own country, to call forth various liver | | complaints. See _Bell_ (_George Hamilton_). | | | | [835] _Cæl. Aurel._ c. 36. p. 159. | | | | [836] On this subject, read the classical work of _Baccius_. | | | | [837] _Celsus_, L. III. c. 19. p. 140. _Cæl. Aurel._ from c. 37. on. | | | | [838]Ἢν γὰρ ἐπὶ συγκοπῇ καὶ σμικρὸν ἁμαρτῴη, ῥηϊδίως εἰς ἅδου | | τρέπει. Cur. ac. L. II. c. 3. p. 188. | | | | [839] _Cæl. Aurel._ c. 37. p. 169. | | | | [840] _Cæl. Aurel._ c. 38. p. 171. | | | | [841] Græcum salsum, οἶνος τεθαλασσωμένος, a mixture of wine and | | sea-water which was very much in use. | | | | [842] _Cæl. Aurel._ c. 39. pp. 174, 175. | | | | [843] _Cæl. Aurel._ c. 38. p. 171. | | | | [844] “nihil jugulatione differre.” Ibid. | | | | [845] _Celsus_ recommended a sextarium and a half a-day, which is | | about 42 cubic inches, loc. cit. Cardiacorum morbo unicam spem in | | vino esse, certum est. _Plin._ Hist. Nat. L. xxiii. c. 2. T. II. | | p. 303. Bibere et sudare vita cardiaci est. _Senec._ Epist. 15. T. | | II. p. 68. Ed. Ruhkopf. Cardiaco cyathum nunquam mixturus amico. | | _Juvenal._ Sat. v. 32. | | | | [846] _Celsus._ | | | | [847] Aspergines, sympasmata, diapasmata. _Cæl. Aurel._ c. 38. p. | | 171. | | | | [848] _Cæl. Aurel._ c. 37. p. 161. | | | | [849] _Aretæus_, p. 192. | | | | [850] _Celsus_, loc. cit. | | | | [851] For instance, in the villages of Rue-Saint-Pierre and | | Neuville-en-Hez, between Beauvais and Clermont. _Rayer_, Suette, p. | | 74. | | | | [852] _Godofredi Welschii_ Historia medica novum puerperarum morbum | | continens. Disp. d. 20. April. 1655. Lipsiæ, 4to. The principal | | work upon the first visitation of miliary fever in Germany. | | | | [853] For example, in the epidemic of 1782, which, during the | | course of a few months, carried off in Languedoc upwards of 30,000 | | people. _Pujol_ observed in that epidemic four forms of exanthem. | | 1. A Purpura urticata—elevated rose-like spots, or papulæ of | | smaller circumference: it was very favourable, and sometimes passed | | off without fever. 2. Spots consisting of very small miliary | | vesicles and pustules which ran into each other: less favourable. | | 3. Small hemispherical pimples, from the size of a mustard seed | | to that of a corn of maize. They were surmounted by a white point | | before they died away, and the large kind became converted into | | pustules, filled with matter or greyish semitransparent phlyctænæ, | | with red inflamed bases. This form was the commonest, and extended, | | mixed with the others, over the whole surface, especially the | | trunk. 4. An exanthem resembling flea-bites, of a bright red, with | | a small grey miliary vesicle in the middle, almost invisible, | | except through a lens: this form was the worst. _Pujol_, Œuvres | | diverses de Médecine Pratique, 4 vols. _Castres_, 1801. 8vo. | | | | [854] _Foderé_, III. p. 222. | | | | [855] On this point see _Allioni_, who drew his classical | | description of miliary fever from the Piedmont epidemics. | | | | [856] _Bellot_, An febri putridæ, Picardis Suette dictæ sudorifera? | | Diss. præs. _Ott. Cas. Barfeknecht_. Paris, 1733. 4to. | | | | [857] _Rayer_, Suette, p. 426, where the principal passage of | | _Bellot’s_ dissertation is reprinted word for word. | | | | [858] Best in _Rayer_, p. 421. Not so well in _Ozanam_, T. iii. p. | | 105. The writers are very numerous. | | | | [859] _Rayer_, _Mazet_, _Bally_, _François_, _Pariset_, and many | | others. | | | | [860] _Bally_ and _François_, in the Journal Général de Médecine, | | T. LXXVII. p. 204. Compare _Foderé_, T. III. p. 227. _Ozanam_, T. | | III. p. 116. _Rayer_, Suette, p. 148. Mal. d. l. p. T. I. p. 320. | | | | [861] We may add to them also those observed in the south of | | Germany, in the œtiology of which _Schönlein_ lays much stress | | on the contamination of the air in the process of steeping hemp. | | _Vorlesungen_, II. p. 324. | | | | [862] It is not complete, but may render apparent the power and | | extent of the disease. See _Rayer_, Suette, p. 465. | | | | [863] At that time inhabited by about two hundred and fifty country | | people. _Sinner_, p. 7. | | | | [864] _Dr. Thein_, government physician of the town of Aub. | | | | [865] The whole number of cases and of deaths is not stated. _Dr. | | Sinner_ found nine bodies, none of which had been opened, shortly | | before the cessation of the disease. | | | | [866] Everything heating was avoided; the air was cautiously | | purified, cooling beverage was given, and contrary to the method | | of Brown, at that time in vogue, few medicines, such as valerian, | | spirits of hartshorn, Hoffman’s drops, &c., were employed. Blisters | | were of service, and likewise, under some circumstances, camphor. | | The convalescents were well nourished. | | | | [867] Those works only which have been consulted by the author | | himself are here enumerated. | | | | [868] He treats only of petechial fevers, and that very | | superficially. | | | +----------------------------------------------------------------------+

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