CHAPTER VI.
THE CELTIC STOCK OF LANGUAGES, AND THEIR RELATIONS TO THE ENGLISH.
s. 132. The languages of Great Britain at the invasion of Julius Caesar were of the Celtic stock.
Of the Celtic stock there are two branches.
1. The British or Cambrian branch, represented by the present Welsh, and containing, besides, the Cornish of Cornwall (lately extinct) and the Armorican of the French province of Brittany. It is almost certain that the old British, the ancient language of Gaul, and the Pictish were of this branch.
2. The Gaelic or Erse Branch, represented by the present Irish Gaelic, and containing, besides, the Gaelic of the Highlands of Scotland and the Manks of the Isle of Man.
SPECIMENS.
BRITISH.
_The Lord's Prayer in Cornish._
_Old Cornish._
An Taz, ny es yn n[^e]f, bethens thy hannow ughelles, gwr[^e]nz doz thy gulas ker: bethens thy voth gwr[^a]z yn oar kepare hag yn n[^e]f: ro thyn ny hithow agan peb dyth bara; gava thyn ny ny agan cam, kepare ha gava ny neb es cam ma erbyn ny; nyn homfrek ny en antel, mez gwyth ny the worth drok: rag gans te yn an mighterneth, and creveder, hag an' worryans, byz a venitha.
_Modern Cornish._
Agan Taz, leb ez en n[^e]v, benigas beth de hanno, gurra de gulasketh deaz, de voth beth gwr[^e]z en' oar pokar en n[^e]v; ro dony hithow agan pyb dyth bara; ha gava do ny agan cabmow, pokara ny gava an gy leb es cam mo war bidn ny; ha na dege ny en antail, brez gwitha ny dort droge; rag an mychteyrneth ew chee do honnen, ha an cr[^e]vder, ha an 'worryans, rag bisqueth ha bisqueth.
{75}
_Welsh_ (Cambrian).
_Luke_ XV. 11. 19.
_The Prodigal Son._
11. Yr oedd gan ryw wr ddau fab:
12. A 'r jeuangaf o honynt a ddwedoddwrth _ei_ d[^a]dd, Fy nh[^a]d, dyro i mi y rhan a ddigwydd o 'r da. Ac efe a ranodd iddynt _ei_ fywyd.
13. Ac yn [^o]l ychydig ddyddiau y m[^a]b jeuangaf a gasglodd y cwbl ynghyd, ac a gymmerth ei daith i wl[^a]d bell; ac yno efe a wasgarodd ei dda, gan fyw yn affrallon.
14. Ac wedi iddo dreulio 'r cwbl, y cododd newyn mawr trwy 'r wl[^a]d honno; ac yntef a ddechreuodd fod mewn eisiau.
15. Ac efe a aeth, ac a lynodd wrth un o ddinaswyr y wl[^a]d honno; ac efe a 'i hanfonodd ef i 'w faefydd i borthi m[^o]ch.
16. Ac efe a chwennychai lenwi ei fol [^a] 'r cibaua fwytai 'r m[^o]ch; ac ni roddodd neb iddo.
17. A phan ddaeth arto ei hur, efe addywedodd, Pa sawl gw[^a]s cyflog o 'r eiddo fy nh[^a]d sydd yn cael eu gwala a 'i gweddill o fara, a minnau yn marw o newyn!
18. Mi a godaf, ac a [^a]f at fy nh[^a]d, ac a ddwyedaf wrtho, Fy nh[^a]d, pechais yn erbyn y nef, ac o'th flaen dithau.
19. Ac mwyach nid ydwyf deilwng i 'm galw yn f[^a]b i ti: gwna si fel un o'th weision cyflog.
_Armorican of Bas-Bretagne_ (Cambrian).
THE SAME.
11. Eunn d['e]n en doa daou vab.
12. Hag ar iaouanka an['e]zh[^o] a lavaraz d'he d[^a]d.--Va z[^a]d, ro d'in al l[^o]den zanvez a zigou['e]z d'in. Hag h['e]n a rannaz h['e] zanvez gant ho.
13. Hag eunn n['e]be[^u]d derv['e]siou goud['e], ar m[^a]b iaounka, [^o] v['e]za dastumet k['e]mend en doa en em l['e]k['e]az enn hent ['e]vit mond ['e]tr['e]z['e]g eur vr[^o] bell me[^u]rbe['a], hag ['e]n[^o] ['e] tispinaz h['e] zanvez [^o] v['e]va gant gad['e]lez.
14. Ha pa en do['e] dispinet k['e]mend en doa, ['e] c'hoarv['e]zaz eunn naoun['e]gez vr[^a]z er vr[^o]-ze, hag ['e] te[^u]az, da ['e]zomm['e]kaat.
15. Ku[^i]d ['e]z ['e]az eta, hag en em lakaad a r['e]az ['e] g['o]pr gand eunn d['e]n e[^u]z ar vro. Hag h['e] man hen kasaz enn eunn ti d'['e]zhan war ar m['e]az, ['e]vit mesa ar m[^o]c'h.
16. C'hoant['e]ed en divije le[^u]na he g['o]f gand ar c'hlosou a zebr['e] ar m[^o]c'h: ha d['e]n na r[^o]['e] d'['e]zhan.
17. H[^o]gen [^o] veza distr[^o]ed d'ezhan h['e] unar, ['e] lavaraz: a b['e]d g[^o]praer zo ['e] ti va z[^a]d hag en de[^u]z bara ['e] leiz, ha m['e] a varv aman gand ann naoun!
{76} 18. S['e]vet a rinn, hag ['e]z inn ['e]tr['e]z['e] va zad, hag ['e] livirinn d'ezhan: Va z[^a]d, pech 'ed em euz a eneb ann env hag enu da enep.
19. N'ounn k['e]t talvoudek pello 'ch da v['e]za galved da v[^a]b: Va zig['e]mer ['e]vel unar euz da c'h[^o]praerien.
GAELIC.
_Irish Gaelic_ (Gaelic).
THE SAME.
11. Do bh['a]dar di['a]s mac ag duine ['a]irighe:
12. Agus a dubhairt an ti dob ['o]ige aca re _na_ athair, Athair, tabhair dhamh an chuid roitheas _misi_ dod mha['o]in. Agus do roim seision a mhaoin eatorra.
13. Agus tar ['e]is bheag['a]in aimsire ag cruinniughadh a choda uile don mhac dob ['o]ige, do ch['u]aidh s['e] air coigcrigh a dtalamh imchian, agus do dhiombail se ann sin a mha['o]in l['e] na bheathaidh b['a]oth-chaithfigh.
14. Agus tar ['e]is a choda uile do chaitheamh dho, deirigh gorta romh['o]r ann sa t['i]r sin; agus do thosaigh seision ar bheith a r['i]achdanus.
15. Agus do imthigh s['e] roimhe agus do cheangal s['e] e f['e]in do ch['a]thruightheoir don t['i]r sin; noch do chuir f['a] na dh['u]ichte a mach ['e] do bh['u]achuilleachd muc.
16. Agus b['a] mhi['a]n leis a bholg do l['i]noadh do na f['e]ithl['e]oguibh do ithid['i]s na muca: agus n['i] thugadh ['e]unduine dh['o] ['i]ad.
17. Agus an tan do chuimhnigh s['e] air f['e]in, a dubhairt s['e], G['a] mh['e]d do luchd tuarasdail matharsa aga bhf['u]il iomarcdid ar['a]in, agus misi ag dul a m['u]ghd l['e] gorta!
18. E['i]r['e]ochaidh m['e] agus rachaidh m['e] dionnsuighe mathair, agus de['a]ruidh me ris; A athair! do pheacaid m['e] a naghaidh neimhe agusad fh['i]adhnuisisi.
19. Agus n['i] fi['u] m['e] feasda do mhacsa do ghairm dhoim: d['e]ana m['e] mar ['a]on dod luchd thuarasduil.
_Scotch Gaelic_ (Gaelic).
THE SAME.
11. Bha aig duine [`a]raidh dithis mhac:
12. Agus thubhairt _mac_ a b'[`o]ige dhiubh r' _a athair_, Athair, thoir dhomhsa chuid-roim a thig _orm_, do _d_ mhaoin. Agus roinn e eatorra a bheathacahadh.
13. Agus an d['e]igh beagain do l['a]ithibh, chruinnich am mac a b'[`o]ige a chuid uile, agus ghabh e a thurus do dh[`u]thaich fad air astar, agus an sin chaith e a mhaoin le beatha struidheasaich.
14. Agus an uair achaith e a _chuid_ uile, dh' ['e]irich gorta ro mh[`o]r san t['i]r sin; agus thoisich e ri bhi ann an uireasbhuidh.
15. Agus chaidh e agus cheangail se e f['e]in ri aon do shaor-dhaoinibh na d[`u]cha sin: agus chuir ed' fhearan e, a bhiadhadh mhuc.
{77} 16. Agus bu mhiann leis a bhr['u] a li[`o]nadh do na plaosgaibh a bha na mucan ag itheadh; oir cha d' thug neach air bith dha.
17. Agus un uair a thainig e chuige f['e]in, thubhairt e, Cia l[`i]on do luchd tuarasdail m'atharsa aig am bheil aran gu leoir agus r' a sheach-nadh, 'nuair a ta mise a' b[`a]sachadh le gorta!
18. Eiridh me, agus th['e]id omi dh' ionnsuidh m' athar, agus their mi ris athair, pheaeaich mi 'n aghaidh fhlaitheanais, agus a' d' l[`a] thairsa.
19. Agus cha 'n fhiu mi tuilleadh gu 'n goirte do mhacsa dhiom: deon mi mar aon do d' luchd tuarasdail.
_Manks_ (Gaelic).
THE SAME.
11. Va daa vac ec dooinney dy row:
12. As doort y fer saa rish e ayr; Ayr! cur dooys yh ayrn dy chooid ta my chour. As rheynn eh e chooid orroo.
13. As laghyn ny lurg shen, hymsee yn mac saa ooilley cooidjagh as ghow eh jurnah gys cheer foddey, as ayns shen hug he jummal er e chooid liorish baghey rouanagh.
14. As tra va ooilley baarit eihey, dirree genney vooar ayns y cheer shen; as ren eh toshiaght dy ve ayns feme.
15. As hie eh as daill eh eh-hene rish cummaltagh jeh'n cheer shen; as hug eshyn eh magh gys ny magheryn echey dy ve son bochilley muickey.
16. As by-vian lesh e volg y lhieeney lesh ny bleaystyn va ny muckyn dy ee: as cha row dooinney erbee hug eooney da.
17. As tra v'eh er jeet huggey hene, dooyrt eh, Nagh nhimmey sharvaant failt t'ee my ayr ta nyn saie arran oe, as fooilliagh, as ta mish goll mow laecal beaghey!
18. Trog-ym orrym, as hem roym gys my ayr, as jir-ym rish, Ayr! ta mee er n'yannoo peecah noi niau, as kiongoyrt rhyt's.
19. As cha vel mee ny-sodjey feeu dy ve enmyssit dty vac: dell rhym myr rish fer jeh dty harvaantyr failt.
s. 133. Taken altogether the Celtic tongues form a very remarkable class. As compared with those of the Gothic stock they are marked by the following characteristics--
_The scantiness of the declension of Celtic nouns._--In Irish there is a peculiar form for the dative plural, as _cos_=_foot_, _cos-aibh_=_to feet_ (ped-_ibus_); and beyond this there is nothing else whatever in the way of _case_, as found in the German, Latin, Greek, and other tongues. Even the isolated form in question is not found in the Welsh and Breton. Hence {78} the Celtic tongues are preeminently uninflected in the way of _declension_.
s. 134.--2. _The agglutinate character of their verbal inflections._--In Welsh the pronouns for _we_, _ye_, and _they_, are _ni_, _chwyi_, and _hwynt_ respectively. In Welsh also the root=_love_ is _car_. As conjugated in the plural number this is--
car-_wn_ = am-_amus_. car-_ych_ = am-_atis_. car-_ant_ = am-_ant_.
Now the _-wn_, _-ych_, and _-ant_, of the persons of the verbs are the personal pronouns, so that the inflection is really a verb and a pronoun in a state of _agglutination_; _i. e._, in a state where the original separate existence of the two sorts of words is still manifest. This is probably the case with languages in general. The Celtic, however, has the peculiarity of exhibiting it in an unmistakable manner; showing, as it were, an inflexion in the process of formation, and (as such) exhibiting an early stage of language.
s. 135. _The system of initial mutations._--The Celtic, as has been seen, is deficient in the ordinary means of expressing case. How does it make up for this? Even thus. The noun changes its initial letter according to its relation to the other words of the sentence. Of course this is subject to rule. As, however, I am only writing for the sake of illustrating in a general way the peculiarities of the Celtic tongues, the following table, from Prichard's Eastern Origin of the Celtic Nations, is sufficient.
C[^a]r, _a kinsman_.
1. _form_, C[^a]r agos, _a near kinsman_. 2. Ei g[^a]r, _his kinsman_. 3. Ei ch[^a]r, _her kinsman_. 4. Vy ngh[^a]r, _my kinsman_.
T[^a]d, _a father_.
1. _form_, T[^a]d y plentyn, _the child's father_. 2. Ei d[^a]d, _his father_. 3. Ei th[^a]d, _her father_. 4. Vy nh[^a]d, _my father_.
Pen, _a head_.
1. _form_, Pen gwr, _the head of a man_. 2. Ei ben, _his head_. 3. Ei phen, _her head_. 4. Vy mhen, _my head_.
Gw[^a]s, _a servant_.
1. _form_, Gw[^a]s fydhlon, _a faithful servant_. 2. Ei w[^a]s, _his servant_. {79} 3. Vy ngwas, _my servant_.
Duw, _a god_.
1. _form_, Duw trugarog, _a merciful god_. 2. Ei dhuw, _his god_. 3. Vy nuw, _my god_.
Bara, _bread_.
1. _form_, Bara cann, _white bread_. 2. Ei vara, _his bread_. 3. Vy mara, _my bread_.
Lhaw, _a hand_.
1. _form_, Lhaw wenn, _a white hand_. 2. Ei law, _his hand_.
Mam, _a mother_.
1. _form_, Mam dirion, _a tender mother_. 2. Eivam, _his mother_.
Rhwyd, _a net_.
1. _form_, Rhwyd lawn, _a full net_. 2. Ei rwyd, _his net_.
From the Erse.
S['u]il, _an eye_.
1. _form_, S['u]il. 2. A h['u]il, _his eye_.
Sl['a]inte, _health_.
2. _form_, Do hl['a]inte, _your health_.
s. 136. When we have seen that one of the great characteristics of the Celtic tongues is to express inflection by initial changes, we may ask how far the principle of such change is common to the two branches--British or Gaelic; this and a few other details being quite sufficient to show the affinity between them.
_Inflections formed by Changes of Initial Consonants._
The changes in Welsh, classified according to the relationship of the sounds are--
1. From the sharp lenes to the corresponding flats; as _p_ to _b_, _t_ to _d_, _c_ to _g_. The changes in Irish are the same.
2. From the flat lenes to their corresponding so-called aspirates; as _b_ to _v_, _d_ to _dh_. This is the change in Welsh. In Irish we have the same, but only as far as _b_ is concerned; the aspirate of _d_ (_dh_) being wanting in that language. In neither Welsh nor Irish occurs the true aspirate of _g_. In neither Welsh nor Irish occurs the true aspirate of _c_; which, being wanting, is replaced by the sound of the _ch_ in the German _auch_, here spelt _c_.
Now the Welsh grammarians deal with the changes from sharp to flat, and from lene to aspirate, alike; since, in respect to the grammar of their language, they are enabled to state that they take place under the same circumstances. {80} Taken collectively they are called light: and words wherein _p_ is changed to _b_, and those wherein _b_ is changed to _v_, are equally said to assume the light sound. This the Welsh express in spelling, and write _ben_ for _pen_, and _vraint_ for _braint_, &c. In Irish the arrangement is different. When a so-called aspirate is substituted for a lene, the word is said to take an aspiration, and _bheul_ is written _beul_. If, however, the sharp be made flat, the original sound is said to be eclipsed. In spelling, however, it is preserved; so that _teine_, with the _t_ changed, is written _dteine_, and pronounced _deine_. With this view we can now ask how far the change from _p_ to _b_, _t_ to _d_, _c_ to _g_, _b_ to _v_, _c_ to _c_, takes place in Irish and Welsh under similar circumstances.
In _Welsh_--after all verbs, except those of the infinitive mood; as _caravi gaer_ (for _caer_)=_I love a fort_.
In _Irish_--after all verbs, provided that the substantive be masculine; as _ta me ag gearrad crainn_=_I am cutting (at to cut) a tree_. Here _crainn_ comes from _crainn_. This change in Irish extends only to the change from lene to aspirate.
In _Welsh_--after the possessive pronouns _thy_, _thine_, _his_, _its_, _mine_ (but not _my_); as _dy v[^a]r_ (for _b[^a]r_)=_thy wrath_; _ei vraint_ (from _braint_)=_his privilege_. _N. B._ Although the same word (_ei_) means _her_, _his_, and _its_, it induces the light change only when it is either masculine or neuter.
In _Irish_--after the possessive pronouns _my_, _thy_, and _his_. Here the change is of the first sort only, or an aspiration; as _mo v[`a]s_ (_b[`a]s_)=_my death_; _do cos_ (_cos_)=_thy foot_; _ceann_ (_ceann_)=_his head_. _N. B._ Although the same word (_a_) means _her_, _his_, and _its_, it induces the aspirate only when it is either masculine or neuter.
In _Welsh_--the initials of adjectives become light when their substantive is feminine.
In _Irish_--the initials of adjectives singular, aspirated in the oblique cases only of the masculine, are aspirated throughout in the feminine.
In _Welsh_--after certain adverbs called formative, used like the English words _to_, _as_, &c., in the formation of the degrees of nouns, and the moods of verbs (in other words, {81} after certain particles), initial sounds become light; as _rhy vycan_ (_bycan_)=_very_ (_over_) _little_; _ni carav_ (_carav_)=_I do not love_.
In _Irish_--the same, in respect to the change from lene to aspirate; _ro veag_=_very little_; _ni vualim_ (_bualim_)=_I do not beat_; _do vuaileas_=_I struck_, &c.
In _Welsh_--initials are light after all prepositions except _in_ and _towards_.
In _Irish_--the prepositions either eclipse the noun that they govern or else aspirate it. A Welsh grammarian would say that it made them light.
In _Welsh_--initials of feminines become light after the Articles.
In _Irish_--masculines are aspirated in the genitive and dative singular; feminines in the nominative and dative. _N.B._ The difference here is less than it appears to be. The masculine dative is changed, not as a masculine, but by the effect of the particle _do_, the sign of the dative; the genitive, perhaps, is changed _ob differentiam_. This being the fact, the nominative is the only case that is changed _as such_. Now this is done with the feminines only. The inflection explains this.
_Masc._ _Fem._
_Nom._ an crann=_the tree_. _Nom._ an cos=_the foot_. _Gen._ an crainn. _Gen._ an cos. _Dat._ don crann. _Dat._ don cos. _Acc._ an crainn. _Acc._ an cos.
Such the changes from sharp to flat, and from lene to aspirate. The second order of changes is remarkable, _viz._ from the mutes to their corresponding liquids, and, in the case of series _k_, to _ng_. This, in Welsh, is as follows:--
_Sharp._ _Flat._
_p_ to [19]_m=h_. _b_ to _m_. _t_ to [19]_n=h_. _d_ to _n_. _k_ to _ng=h_. _g_ to _ng_.
_e.g._, _nheyrnas_ for _teyrnas_, _ngherdh_ for _cerdh_, _nuw_ for _duw_, &c.
{82}
In Irish the combinations _m_ + _h_, _n_ + _h_, _ng_ + _h_ are wanting: _t_, however, under certain conditions, becomes _h_, as _mo high_ (_tigh_)=_my house_. With the unaspirated liquids the change, however, coincides with that of the Welsh--_ar maile_ (spelt _mbaile_)=_our town_; _ar nia_ (spelt _ndia_)=_our God_; _ar ngearran_=_our complaint_. These words come respectively from _baile_, _dia_, _gearran_. To show that this change takes place in Irish and Welsh under similar circumstances is more than can be expected; since _dh_ being wanting in Irish, leaves _d_ to be changed into _n_.
_Inflections formed by changes in the middle of words_.
_Plurals from Singulars_.
_Welsh._ _Irish._
_Singular._ _Plural._ _Singular._ _Plural._
Aber = _a conflux_; ebyr. Ball = _a spot_; baill. Bardh = _a bard_; beirdh. Cnoc = _a hill_; cnoic. Br[`a]n = _a crow_; brain. Poll = _a pit_; poil. Fon = _a staff_; fyn Fonn = _a tune_; foinn. Maen = _a stone_; mein. Crann = _a tree_; crainn. G[^u]r = _a man_; g[^u]yr. Fear = _a man_; fir. &c. &c.
_Inflections formed by addition._
_Plural forms._--When not expressed by a change of vowel, _-d_ (or an allied sound) both in Welsh and Irish has a plural power; as _merc_, _merced_; _hydh_, _hydhodh_; _teyrn_, _teyrnedh_=_girls_, _stags_, _kings_; Welsh:--_gealac_, _gealacad_; _sgolog_, _sgolagad_; _uiseog_, _uiseogad_=_moons_, _farmers_, _larks_; Irish. In each language there are plural forms in _-d_.
Also in _-n_, as _dyn_=_a person_, _dynion_=_persons_. In Irish there is the form _cu_=_a greyhound_; Plural _cuin_. It may be doubted, however, whether _-n_ is not ejected in the singular rather than added in the plural.
Also in _-au_, Welsh (as _p['e]n-au_=_heads_), and in _-a_, Irish (as _cos-a_=_feet_).
In each language there is, in respect to both case and {83} gender, an equal paucity of inflections. The Irish, however, preserves the Indo-European dative plural in _b_; as _cos-aiv_=ped-_ibus_.
The ordinals in Welsh are expressed by _-ved_; as _saith_=_seven_, _seithved_=_seventh_. The ordinals in Irish are expressed by _-vad_, as _seact_=_seven_, _seact-vad_=_seventh_ (spelt _seachmhadh_).
The terminations _-n_ and _-g_ are diminutive in Welsh; as _dyn-yn_=_mannikin_, _oen-ig_=_lambkin_. They have the same power in Irish; as _cnoc-an_=_a hillock_; _duil-eog_=_a leaflet_. In Irish, currently spoken, there is no inflection for the comparative degrees;--there is, however, an obsolete form in _-d_, as _glass_, _glaiside_=_green_, _greener_. In Welsh the true comparative ends in _c_, as _main_=_slender_, _mainac_=_more slender_. A form, however, exists in _-ed_, meaning equality, and so implying comparison, _viz._, _mein-ed_=_so slender_.
As expressive of an agent, the termination _-r_ is common to both languages. Welsh, _mor-[^u]r_=_a seaman_; _telynaur_=_a harpist_; Irish, _sealg-aire_=_a hunter_; _figead-oir_=_a weaver_.
As expressive of "abounding in," the termination _-c_ (or _-g_) is common in both languages. Welsh, _boli[^u]ag_=_abounding in belly_; _toirteac_=_abounding in fruit_. In each language a sound of series _t_, is equivalent to the English _-ly_. Welsh, _mab-aidh_=_boy-like_. Irish, _duin-eata_=_manly_.
Of the personal terminations it may be said, that those of both the Irish and Welsh are those of the other European tongues, and that they coincide and differ in the same way with those of the Gothic stock: the form in _m_ being the one more constant. For the theory of the personal terminations, the reader is referred to the Eastern Origin of the Celtic Nations, by Dr. Prichard.
The present notices being indicative of grammatical affinities only, the glossarial points of likeness between the Welsh and Irish are omitted.
s. 137. The Celtic tongues have lately received especial illustration from the researches of Mr. Garnett. Amongst other, the two following points are particularly investigated by him:-- {84}
1. The affinities of the ancient language of Gaul.
2. The affinities of the Pictish language or dialect.
s. 138. _The ancient language of Gaul Cambrian._--The evidence in favour of the ancient language of Gaul being Cambrian rather than Gaelic, lies in the following facts:--
The old Gallic glosses are more Welsh than Gaelic.
_a._ _Petorritum_=_a four-wheeled carriage_, from the Welsh, _peaer_=_four_, and _rhod_=_a wheel_. The Gaelic for _four_ is _ceathair_, and the Gaelic compound would have been different.
_b._ _Pempedula_, the _cinque-foil_, from the Welsh _pump_=_five_, and _dalen_=_a leaf_. The Gaelic for _five_ is _cuig_, and the Gaelic compound would have been different.
_c._ _Candetum_=a measure of 100 feet, from the Welsh _cant_=100. The Gaelic for _a hundred_ is _cead_, and the Gaelic compound would have been different.
d. _Epona_=_the goddess of horses_. In the Old Armorican the root _ep_=_horse_. The Gaelic for a horse is _each_.
_e._ The evidence from the names of geographical localities in Gaul, both ancient and modern, goes the same way: _Nantuates_, _Nantouin_, _Nanteuil_, are derived from the Welsh _nant_=_a valley_, a word unknown in Gaelic.
_f._ The evidence of certain French provincial words, which are Welsh and Armorican rather than Erse or Gaelic.
_g._ An inscription on an ancient Celtic tablet found at Paris, A.D. 1711, and representing a bull and three birds (cranes), is TARWOS TRI GARANOS. Now, for the first two names, the Gaelic affords as good an explanation as the Welsh; the third, however, is best explained by the Welsh.
_Bull_ = _tarw_, Welsh; _tarbh_, Gaelic. _Three_ = _tri_, Welsh; _tre_, Gaelic. _Crane_ = _garan_, Welsh; _corr_, Gaelic.
s. 139. _The Pictish most probably Cambrian._--The evidence in favour of the Pictish being Cambrian rather than Gaelic lies in the following facts:--
_a._ When St. Columba preached, whose mother-tongue was Irish Gaelic, he used an interpreter--_Adamnanus apud {85} Colgarum_, 1, 11, c.32. This is a point of external evidence, and shows the _difference_ between the Pict and Gaelic. What follows are points of internal evidence, and show the affinity between the Pict and Welsh.
_b._ A manuscript in the Colbertine library contains a list of Pictish kings from the fifth century downwards. These names are not only more Celtic than Gothic, but more Welsh than Gaelic. _Taran_=_thunder_ in Welsh. _Uven_ is the Welsh _Owen_. The first syllable in _Talorg_ (=_forehead_) is the _tal_ in _Talhaiarn_=_iron forehead_, _Taliessin_=_splendid forehead_, Welsh names. _Wrgust_ is nearer to the Welsh _Gwrgust_ than to the Irish _Fergus_. Finally, _Drust_, _Drostan_, _Wrad_, _Necton_, closely resemble the Welsh _Trwst_, _Trwstan_, _Gwriad_, _Nwython_. _Cineod_ and _Domhnall_ (_Kenneth_ and _Donnell_), are the only true Erse forms in the list.
_c._ The only Pictish common name extant is the well-known compound _pen val_, which is in the oldest MS. of Bede _peann fahel_. This means _caput valli_, and is the name for the eastern termination of the Vallum of Antoninus. Herein _pen_ is unequivocally Welsh, meaning _head_. It is an impossible form in Gaelic. _Fal_, on the other hand, is apparently Gaelic, the Welsh for a _rampart_ being _gwall_. _Fal_, however, occurs in Welsh also, and means _inclosure_.
The evidence just indicated is rendered nearly conclusive by an interpolation, apparently of the twelfth century, of the Durham MS. of Nennius, whereby it is stated that the spot in question was called in Gaelic _Cenail_. Now Cenail is the modern name _Kinneil_, and it is also a Gaelic translation of the Pict _pen val_, since _cean_ is the Gaelic for _head_, and _fhail_ for _rampart_ or _wall_. If the older form were Gaelic, the substitution, or translation, would have been superfluous.
d. The name of the _Ochil Hills_ in Perthshire is better explained from the Pict _uchel_=_high_, than from the Gaelic _uasal_.
_e._ Bryneich, the British form of the province Bernicia, is better explained by the Welsh _bryn_=_ridge_ (_hilly country_), than by any word in Gaelic.--Garnett, in _Transactions of Philological Society_.
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