Part 69

To be Corrected in the Print.

#I,#

135 b, #P# 13^2. _Read_ There’s.

188 b, line 15. _Read_ 207.

200 b, line 6. _Read_ Vidyádharí.

401 b, fourth paragraph, line 3 f. _Read_ No 68, III, 117.

#II,#

10 a, eighth line from below. _Read_ #B# _for_ #C#.

26 b 13^1. _Read_ moon.

84 b, last line of third paragraph. _Read_ #G# 21.

266, #B# 5^3. _Read_ you.

428 b, #e#. _Read 3^4 for 3^1._

482 b, third paragraph, last line. _Read_ V, 101.

507 a, Josefs Gedicht. Eighth line, _read_ Den . . . in queme. First line of answer, _read_ De; third, deme; seventh, konde.

#III,#

41 b, third paragraph, second line. _Read_ MS. _for_ Mr.

264 a, 17^4. _Read_ hee. b, 23^2. _Read_ soe.

276 a, line 7. _Read_ queen’s own son.

281 a, 5^2. _Read_ new.

288 a, line 4 of the first paragraph. _Read_ William Lord Douglas. b, line 16. _Read_ wail.

306 a, note *, fourth line. _Read_ Minstrelsy, II, 325, ed. 1802.

348 b, [#A# 12^1]. _Read_ sais. 15^2. _Read_ mirrie.

376 b, #G# 2^1. _Read_ g_rea_t.

379 a, 173, #A a#, first line. _Read_ Sharpe’s.

383 a, line 32. _Read_ pavlovsk.

384 a, 5^1. _Read_ was never.

397, #P# 1^1. _Read_ father is.

435 a, #E# 5^2. _Read_ loon.

448 a, #A#, heading. _Read_ 1750.

459 a, 7^1. _Read_ Buss. 10^2. _Read_ o the Dun.

463 a, first line of citation from Maitland. _Read_ spuilzie.

473 b, 24^4. _Read_ never.

475 b, citation from Maitland, line 5. _Read_ ane guyd.

477 b, third paragraph, line 2. _Read_ moss-trooper.

485 b, first paragraph, line 9 from the end. _Read_ would.

489 b, #B# 9^1. _Read_, There (==There are) six.

499 a, #9#, line 8 f. _Read_ Vuk, II, 376, No 64.

504 a, third line from the bottom. _Read #O# for #J#._

504 b, third line. _Read_ Rae.

505 a, 13^4. _Read_ And aye. 18^1. _Read_ o the.

510 b. The note to p. 215 belongs under No 76.

#IV#,

6 a, 8^1. _Read_ whan. (10^1. Gar seek in the early editions, Gae in ed. 1833.)

7 b, 41^1. _Read_ thy kye.

8 a, 46^3. _Read_ dare.

18 a, 10^3. _Read_ Then. 12^4. _Read_ [to]. b, 19^2. _Read_ Whan.

21 b, 17^3. _Read_ grey.

23 a, #A a#, fourth line. _Read_ former [#B#].

28 a. Title of 194 #B#, Laird o Waristoun, in the MS. copy; Laird of Wariestoun, in the printed.

34 b, #B#. Lord Maxwell’s Goodnight is the title in Scott’s Minstrelsy. It is Lord Maxwell’s Farewell in the Table of Contents of Glenriddell.

36 a, preface, last line but two, and b, line 3. _Read_ Lord Maxwell _for_ Lord John.

38 a, 11^2. _Read, perhaps,_ fathers’: cf. their, in line 3.

45 b, #B# 7^1. _Read_ he’s.

47 b, 18^1. _Read_ Lady.

54 a, No 199, #B#. _Insert the title_: ‘Bonny House of Airly.’

66 a, #B# 5^1. _Read_ Gar . . . manteel.

68 a, #D#, third line. _Read_ Corse _for_ Cragievar.

69 a, 6^3. _Read_ Stincher. 8^3. _Read_ kill.

75 a, ninth line of preface. _Read_ in his Poems.

76 a, fifth line. _Read_ Beauchie.

81 b, seventeenth and twenty-fourth lines. _Read_ Abergeldy.

82 b, note, first line. _Read_ Brachally in Dee Water Side.

90 a, #E#. _Insert_ ‘Laird of Blackwood,’ as the title of the printed copy.

91 a, tenth line of the second paragraph. _Read_ after the birth of his son _for_ after that event. note *. _Read_ IV, 277 f, II, 449 f.

92 a, second line. _Read_ #A#, #C#.

93 b, #A# 2^1. _Read_ cam.

94 a, #B# 1^4. _Read_ wont.

95 b, #B# 12^3. _Read_ I’me. #C# 6^4. _Read_ country. 8^{1,2}. _Read_ well.

96 a, #D# 3^3. _Read_ fire-boams.

105 a, sixth line of Appendix. _Read_ Broadside.

110 b, No 207, #D#, third line. _Read_ p. 135.

123 b, #I b#. _Strike out_ (Lord?) #K.# _Read_ p. 370.

124 b, fifth paragraph, last line but four. _Read_ Pitbagnet’s.

129 a, 23^3. _Read_ feght. b, 28^3. _Read_ burd. #C b.# _Read_ in Wilkie’s hand, _dropping what follows_.

138 b, #C b# 12^{1,2}. _Read Wanting, for_ A man spoke loud.

139 a, #I b# 3^4, 4^1. _Read_ Pitbagnet’s.

152 b, 10^3. _Read_ showd.

153 b, 9^2. _Read_ was.

155 a, second line after title. _After_ library, _insert_ P. 6.

157 a, 2^2. _Read_ nourice.

168 a, 7^2. _Read_ doon.

201 b, 26^3. _Read_ kye.

202 a, #K# 2^2. _Read_ It is.

207 a, 20^2. _Read_ them a’ out.

212 a, 4^3. _Read_ sallads.

221 b, 13^2. _Read_ grey.

224 b, 22^1. _Read_ hes he.

226 a, 6^3. _Read_ Lammington.

248 a, 2^2. _Read_ ladie.

Footnote 1:

The brother is Peter o Whitfield. ‘Jock o the Side,’ #A#, begins, ‘Peeter a Whifeild _he_ hath slaine, and John a Side he is tane.’ ‘The great Earl of Whitfield,’ 10^3, seemed to Scott a corruption, and he suggested ‘the great Ralph’ Whitfield; but Surtees gave him information (which has not transpired) that led him to think that the reading ‘Earl’ might be right. Whitfield, in Northumberland, is a few miles southwest of Hexham, and about twenty-five, in a straight line, from Kershope, or the border.

Footnote 2:

Nicolson and Burn, History of Westmorland and Cumberland, p. xxxi.

Footnote 3:

[I have received, too late for present use, three traditional copies of ‘Hughie Grame’ from Abbotsford, two of which are varieties of #B#, the third the original of #C#. #C# 2–5, 16, were taken from Ritson, not without changes. One of the varieties of #B# has #E# 15 in a form very near to No 169, #B b#, #c#.]

Footnote 4:

I do not know whether the document cited is extant or accessible, or whether it was examined by Mr T. J. Carlyle for his paper on the Debateable Land; he mentions no Hugh Grame, p. 13 f.

Though Grames are numerous (in 1592 they were considered the greatest surname on the west border of England, R. B. Armstrong), I have found only one Hugh out of the ballad. Hugh’s Francie, that is Hugh’s son Francie, is in the list of the Grames transported to Ireland in 1607. Nicolson and Burn, History of Westmorland and Cumberland, I, cxx.

Footnote 5:

Nicolson and Burn, I, lxxxi, II, 279 f. As for Bishop Aldridge’s character, his being a trimmer does not make him a “limmer.” Ecclesiastics are not infrequently accused in ballads, but no man is to lose his reputation without better evidence than that.

Footnote 6:

Nicolson and Burn, I, x, xiii, xcii.

Footnote 7:

Ballads and Songs of Ayrshire, 1st Series, p. 50.

Footnote 8:

See also a paper by Dr Arthur Mitchell in the Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, XII, 260, June 11, 1877. Dr Mitchell was with Mr Murray when he visited Sarah Rae, and he supplies the date 1866. The last stanza of the ballad and the burden are cited in this paper.

Footnote 9:

The innocent comments of certain editors must not be lost. “The whole incident surely implies a very early and primitive system of manners, not to speak of the circumstance of the court being held at Carlisle, which never was the case in any late period of English history.” (Chambers’s Scottish Ballads, p. 306.) “In our version [#E#] the scene of the theft is laid at London, but Carlisle, we are inclined to think, is the true reading. The great distance between Scotland and London, and the nature of the roads in times of old, would render the event an improbable, if not altogether an impossible, one to have occurred; and we can easily imagine, when the court was at Carlisle, that such a good practical joke was planned and carried into execution by some waggish courtiers.” (Dixon, p. 93 f.)

Footnote 10:

So the Memorial referred to in the next note, p. VI. Sharpe, in his preface, p. iv, says nineteen. #B# 9 is of course quite wrong as to the duration of her married life.

Footnote 11:

A Memorial of the Conversion of Jean Livingston, Lady Waristoun, etc., printed from the manuscript by C. K. Sharpe, Edinburgh, 1827. An Epitaphium Janetæ Livingstoune is subjoined. The record of Weir’s trial is given in the preface: see also Pitcairn’s Criminal Trials, II, 445 ff. The Memorial is powerfully interesting, but, in Sharpe’s words, would have been a mischievous present to the world, whatever one may think of the change of heart in this “dear saint of God,” as she is therein repeatedly called. It may be noted that Jean Livingston, when it was supposed her last hour had come, called for a drink and drank to all her friends. Memorial, p. XIII: cf. “Mary Hamilton.”

Footnote 12:

Rolling in a spiked barrel is well known as a popular form of punishment. For some examples later than Regulus, see Grundtvig, II, 174, No 58; Grundtvig, II, 547, No 101, A-D, Prior, I, 349, Afzelius, No 3 (two copies), Wolff, Halle der Völker, II, 161; Grundtvig, III, 700, No 178, A-D, Prior, II, 160, Arwidsson, II, 62, No 80, and Grundtvig, _ib._ p. 698; Hoffmann, Niederländische Volkslieder, 1856, p. 19, No 3, Le Jeune, p. 87, No 3, Prior, II, 238; Pidal, Asturian Romances, p. 163, No 36; Grimms, K.-u. H. märchen, Nos 13, 89, 135; Asbjørnsen og Moe, p. 464. Sharpe, in his preface to the Memorial, p. v, gives #B# 8 in this form, “partly from tradition:”

Up spak the laird o Dunypace, Sat at the king’s right knee; ‘Gar nail her in a tar-barrel And hurl her in the sea.’

Footnote 13:

The day before the execution Lady Wariston desired to see her infant son. The minister feared lest the sight of him should make her wae to leave him, but she assured that the contrair should be seen, took the child in her arms, kissed him, blessed him, and recommended him to the Lord’s care, and sent him away again without taking of any sorrow. Memorial, p. IX.

Footnote 14:

Fraser, The Book of Carlaverock, I, 300. “John, ninth Lord Maxwell, was born about the year 1586.” He was married in 1601, and imprisoned for his papistical propensity in the same year. Either the date is too late, or Maxwell was one of those avenging children who mature so very fast: see ‘Jellon Grame,’ II, 303, 513.

Footnote 15:

Some sort of “agreement” had been made in 1605, as we see by the “Summons” referred to further on, and Lord Maxwell mentions this agreement in a conversation with Sir Robert Maxwell. Pitcairn’s Trials, III, 36, 44.

Footnote 16:

In the indictment (“Summons, etc., against John, Lord Maxwell”), it is said that Johnstone was shot through the shoulder with two poisoned bullets. If there was evidence as to this aggravating circumstance, it has not been made accessible. In his “Offers of Submission,” etc., by which Lord Maxwell hoped to avoid the extreme penalty of the law, he makes oath on his salvation and damnation that the unhappy slaughter was nowise committed upon forethought felony or set purpose; and on the scaffold, while declaring that he had justly deserved his death and asking forgiveness of the Johnstone family, he protested that his act had been without dishonor or infamy; meaning, of course, perfidy.

Footnote 17:

Spotiswood’s History, ed. 1655, pp. 338 f., 400 f., 504 f.; Historie of King James the Sext, pp. 209 f., 297–99; Moysie’s Memoirs, p. 109 f.; Pitcairn’s Criminal Trials, III, 31–40, 43–47, 51–53; Fraser, The Book of Carlaverock, 1873, pp. 300 f., 314, 321; Taylor, The Great Historic Families of Scotland, 1887, II, 10, 14–25.

Footnote 18:

In a petition presented to the Privy Council by Robert Maxwell in behalf of his brother, the ‘sometime’ Lord Maxwell, by his attorney, craves “forgiveness of his offence done to the Marquís of Hamilton [his wife’s brother] and his friends.” Pitcairn, III, 52. Whether this was penitence or policy, it shows that great offence had been taken. Some verses inserted by Scott in his edition of the ballad, in which his lady urges Maxwell to go with her to her brother’s stately tower, where “Hamiltons and Douglas baith shall rise to succour thee,” are quite misplaced.

Footnote 19:

Frendraught is in the parish of Forgue, Aberdeenshire, Rothiemay in Banffshire; they lie on opposite sides of the Deveron.

Footnote 20:

A Genealogical History of the Earldom of Sutherland, 1813, pp. 412, 416 ff. Sir Robert Gordon’s book stops before the (inconclusive) legal and judicial proceedings were finished. He seems to share the suspicion of the “most part,” that the Leslies and Meldrum set the fire.

Footnote 21:

See Spalding, Memorialls of the Trubles in Scotland and in England, 1624–1645, Spalding Club, I, 45–51, 420–23, 430–35, and the continuator of Sir Robert Gordon, p. 474 f. Frendraught is generally represented to have been utterly ruined in his estate, but that is probably an exaggeration. His sufferings are thus depicted in the Charges against the Marquis of Huntly and others anent the disorders in the North (Spalding, I, 420): “Forasmuch as the Lords of Secret Council are informed that great numbers of sorners and broken men of the clan Gregor, clan Lachlan (etc.), as also divers of the name of Gordon ... have this long time, and now lately very grievously, infested his Majesty’s loyal subjects in the north parts, especially the laird of Frendraught and his tenants, by frequent slaughters, herships, and barbarous cruelties committed upon them, and by a late treasonable fireraising within the said laird of Frendraught his bounds, whereby not only is all the gentleman’s lands laid waste, his whole goods and bestial spoiled, slain and maigled, some of his servants killed and cruelly demeaned, but also the whole tenants of his lands and domestics of his house have left his service, and himself, with the hazard of his life, has been forced to steal away under night and have his refuge to his Majesty’s Council, etc.” It was reported that Frendraught obtained a decree against the marquis for 200,000 merks (Scots) for scathe, and another for 100,000 pounds (or merks) for spoliation of tithes, but that he recovered the money does not appear. (Spalding, I, 71, 115.) In 1636, through the exertions of Sir Robert Gordon, Huntly and Frendraught were brought to submit all differences on either side, “and particularly a great action of law prosecuted by Frendraught against the marquis,” to the arbitrament of friends. Huntly died before a decision was reached, but “the Laird of Frendraught retired himself home to his own lands, and there lived peaceably.” (Genealogical History of Sutherland, p. 479.)

Footnote 22:

Memorials, I, 17 ff., and the Appendix, p. 381 ff.

Footnote 23:

So John Gordon, Viscount Melgum, the second son of the Marquis of Huntly, was indifferently called, though the title of Viscount Aboyne belonged to his elder brother, George, and was not conferred upon _him_ until after John’s death. Sir Robert Gordon says that the Marquis of Huntly “ordained” for Melgum the lands of Aboyne, and others. Melgum was married to Sophia Hay, daughter of the Earl of Errol, as appears also in the ballad.

Footnote 24:

What manner of helping Frendraught could have given Spalding does not “condescend upon.” The way down stairs was barred by fire, the windows were barred with iron. [“But the stairs or monty being in fire, and the windows grated with strong bars of iron, there was no moyen to escape:” Blakhal’s Narration, Spalding Club, p. 125.] Ladders and crowbars occur to us, but a tower with walls ten feet thick was not expected to burn, the servants had not been drilled in managing fires, people smoked from their beds at two in the morning are not apt to have their wits about them, and the combustion was rapid.

Footnote 25:

All the documents will be found in the Appendix to Spalding. Dr John Hill Burton, in Narratives from Criminal Trials in Scotland, 1852, I, 202 ff, leans hard against Frendraught. “With pretty abundant materials, it is impossible, even at the present day, entirely to clear up the mystery, but we can see by what machinations inquiry was baffled.” “It will be seen that no evidence against him was received, that it was considered an offence to accuse him.” “Frendraught, though he had with a high hand averted even the pretence of inquiry on the part of the government, did not go unpunished, _whether he was guilty or not_.” Dr Burton speaks with more reserve in his History of Scotland, VI, 209; little more is insisted on than a wish of the Court to foster the Crichtons as a balance to the power of the house of Huntly. It is clear that Frendraught had all the consideration and help from the government which he could claim. Mr Charles Rampini, who has discussed the affair in The Scottish Review, X, 143 ff., 1887, concludes favorably to Frendraught’s innocence of the fire.

Footnote 26:

“Many years ago, when the well was cleared out, this tradition was corroborated by their finding the keys: at least, such was the report of the country.” (Finlay, I, xxi, citing a correspondent.) Of course we should have had to believe everything against Lady Frendraught, even that she had been so simple as to throw them in, if keys had been found in the well; but the land-steward of the proprietor of the estate informed the late Mr Norval Clyne that the draw-well was searched, and no keys were found.

Footnote 27:

This is, of course, the style of the kirk. The fifty-third psalm of the Vulgate would not have been out of place for Lord John, who was a Catholic; but no doubt Lord John is taken for a Presbyterian in the ballad, and the ‘three’ is for rhyme. Father Blakhal maintains that Frendraught burnt his tower, not to rid himself of Rothiemay, but out of theological malice to Melgum “for his zeal in defending and protecting the poor Catholics against the tyranny of our puritanical bishops and ministers.” “As he [Melgum] was dying for the defence of the poor Catholics, God did bestow upon him the grace to augment the number at the last hour of his life, persuading the Baron of Rothiemay to abjure the heresy of Calvin, and make the profession of the Catholic faith openly, to the hearing of the traitor and all who were with him in the court. They two being at a window, and whilst their legs were burning, they did sing together _Te Deum_; which ended, they did tell at the window that their legs being consumed even to their knees, etc.... And so this noble martyr finished this mortal life, at the age of four and twenty years.” A Brief Narration, etc., p. 124 f.

Blakhal, who is far from being a cautious writer, also tells us that “the traitor,” Frendraught, “with his men,in arms, walked all the night in the court,” to kill Gordon and Rothiemay, if they should escape from the fire. There is a passage of the same purport in one of Arthur Johnston’s two poems on the burning of Frendraught, “Querela Sophiæ Hayæ,” etc.:

Cur vigil insuetis noctem traduxit in armis, Cætera cum somno turba sepulta foret?

The other piece ends with a ferocious demand for the use of torture to discover the guilty party. (Delitiæ Poetarum Scotorum, Amsterdam, 1637, pp. 585, 587; or, A. I. Poemata Omnia, Middelburg, 1642, pp. 329, 331.)

Footnote 28:

Stanza 21 recalls the verses in Hume of Godscroft:

Edinburgh castle, towne, and tower, God grant thou sink for sinne! etc.

Footnote 29:

Gordon’s History of Sutherland, p. 414; Spalding’s Memorials, I, 11, 21–23, 29 f., 43 f.

Footnote 30:

Gordon’s History, pp. 481, 460; Spalding, with details, I, 70.

Footnote 31:

Spalding, I, 141, 188, 244.

Footnote 32:

Gordon, History of Scots Affairs, II, 276–80; Spalding, Memorials, I, 209–11. Seton is called a bold, or brave, _baron_, in #A# 2, #B# 3, not in the mediæval way, but as one of the gentlemen of the king’s party. The Gordons and their associates “at this time were called the Barons, and their actings, by way of derision, the Barons’ Reign.” Gordon, p. 261. “Northern,” #B# 1^3, should be southern, as in #A#.

Footnote 33:

Gordon, II, 274; Spalding, I, 208; Napier’s Montrose and the Covenanters, I, 284 f. The Hieland men, says Baillie, “avowed that they could not abide _the musket’s mother_, and so fled in troops at the first volley.” Letters, ed. Laing, I, 221.

Footnote 34:

History of Scots Affairs, II, 281, note: see also what is added to that note.

Footnote 35:

“‘The deep, deep den’ referred to in the ballad is the Den of Airlie, celebrated for its fine scenery and romantic beauty. It extends about a mile below the junction of the Isla and the Melgum.” Christie, Traditional Ballad Airs, II, 296.

Footnote 36:

Spalding’s Memorials, ed. 1850, I, 290–2; Gordon’s History of Scots Affairs, III, 164 f.; also, II, 234; Gardiner, History of England, 1603–1642, ed., 1884, IX, 167 f. Both Spalding and Gordon say that Montrose besieged Airlie but did not succeed in taking it. Argyle, continues Spalding, “raises an army of about 5,000 men and marches towards Airlie; but the Lord Ogilvie, hearing of his coming with such irresistible forces, resolves to fly and leave the house manless, and so for their own safety they wisely fled. But Argyle most cruelly and inhumanly enters the house of Airlie,” etc. A letter of Argyle’s to one Dugald Campbell (dated July, 1640) would seem to show that he was not there in person during the razing and burning. “You need not let know,” says Argyle, “that ye have directions from me to fire it.” Notes and Queries, Fifth Series, IX, 364; reprinted by Gardiner.

Footnote 37:

Napier, Montrose and the Covenanters, 1838, I, 129.

Footnote 38:

In 18–21 the lady makes her lord not only forgive the abettors of Jockie Faa, whom he was about to hang, but present ten guineas to Jockie, whom he was minded to burn.

Footnote 39:

“Corse field may very possibly be Corse, the ancient seat of the Forbeses of Craigievar, from the close vicinity of which the reciter of this ballad came.” Burton, in Kinloch MSS, V, 334.

Footnote 40:

Recalling Carrick, of which Maybole is the capital. “The family of Cassilis, in early times, had been so powerful that the head of it was generally termed the King of Carrick:” Sharpe. But Garrick may have come in in some other way.

Footnote 41:

#F# 7, if it belongs to the countess, gives her an unlady-like taste for brandy.

Footnote 42:

“There is indeed a stanza of no merit, which, in some copies, concludes the ballad, and states that eight of the gypsies were hanged at Carlisle, and the rest at the Border:” Finlay, II, 43.

Footnote 43:

Pitcairn’s Criminal Trials, III, 201, 307 f., 397–9, 559–62, 592–94; Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, IV, 440.

Footnote 44:

Sharpe’s Ballad Book, ed. Laing, 1880, pp. 142, 154. I have unluckily lost my voucher for Johnny Faa’s figuring in ‘The Douglas Tragedy.’

Footnote 45:

Finlay, II, 35; The Scots Magazine, LXXX, 306, and the Musical Museum, 1853, IV, *217, Sharpe; Chambers, Scottish Ballads, p. 143; The New Statistical Account of Scotland, V, 497; Paterson, The Ballads and Songs of Ayrshire, I, 10; Maidment, Scotish Ballads and Songs, 1868, II, 179.

Footnote 46:

She had four children according to the Historical Account of the Noble Family of Kennedy, Edinburgh, 1849, p. 44.

Footnote 47:

‘We were a’ put down _but ane_’ first appears in Herd, 1769.

Footnote 48: