Chapter I shall faithfully commend unto the Presse.

CHAP. XV.

_Describing the Countrey of_ Chiapa, _with the chiefest Townes and Commodities belonging unto it._

Though _Chiapa_ in the opinion of the _Spaniards_ be held to be one of the poorest Countries of _America_; because in it as yet there have been no mines discovered, nor golden sands found in the rivers, nor any haven upon the South-sea, whereby commodities are brought in and carried out, as to _Mexico, Guaxaca_ and _Guatemala_; yet I may say it exceedeth most Provinces in the greatness and beauty of fair Towns, and yeeldeth to none except it be to _Guatemala_; nay it surpasseth all the rest of _America_ in that one, and famous and most populous Towne of _Chiapa_ of the _Indians_. And it ought not to be so much slighted by the _Spaniards_ as it is, if they would looke upon it as standing between _Mexico_ and _Guatemala_, whose strength might be all _Americaes_ strength, and whose weakenesse may prove dangerous to all that flourishing Empire, for the easy entrance into it by the river of _Tabasco_, or for its neer joyning and bordering unto _Jucatan_. Besides, the commodities in it are such as doe uphold a constant trading and commerce amongst the inhabitants themselves, and with other neighbouring Countries, and from no one part of _America_ doth _Spaine_ get more _Cochinil_ then from one of the Provinces of _Chiapa_; the Townes also being great and populous, by their yeerly pole tribute do adde much to the King of _Spaines_ revenues.

This Country is divided into three Provinces, to wit, _Chiapa, Zeldales_, and _Zoques_; whereof _Chiapa_ it selfe is the poorest. This containes the great Towne of _Chiapa_ of the _Indians_, and all the Townes and farmes North-ward towards _Maquilapa_, and West-ward the Priory of _Comitlan_, which hath some ten Townes, and many farmes of Cattle, Horses, and Mules subject unto it; and neighbouring unto it lieth the great valley of _Capanabastla_, which is another Priory reaching towards _Soconuzco_. This valley glorieth in the great river, which hath its spring from the mountaines called _Cuchumatlanes_, and runneth to _Chiapa_ of the _Indians_, and from thence to _Tabasco_. It is also famous for the abundance of fish, which the river yeeldeth, and the great store of Cattell which from thence minister food and provision both to the City of _Chiapa_, and to all the adjacent Townes. Though _Chiapa_ the City, and _Comitlan_ as standing upon the hils, bee exceeding cold, yet this valley lying low is extraordinary hot, and from _May_ to _Michaelmas_ is subject to great stormes and tempests of thunder and lightning. The head Towne where the Priory stands, is called _Capanabastla_, consisting of above eight hundred _Indian_ inhabitants. But greater than this is _Izquintenango_ at the end of the valley and at the foot of the mountaines of _Cuchumatlanes_ Southward. And yet bigger then this is the Towne of _St. Bartholomew_ Northward at the other end of the valley, which in length is about fourty miles, and ten or twelve onely in breadth. All the rest of the Townes lie towards _Soconuzco_, and are yet hotter and more subject to thunder and lightning, as drawing neerer unto the South-sea coast. Besides the abundance of cattell, the chiefe commoditie of this valley consisteth in Cotton-wooll, whereof are made such store of mantles for the _Indians_ wearing, that the Merchants far and neer come for them. They exchange them to _Soconuzco_ and _Suchutepeques_ for _Cacao_, whereby they are well stored of that drinke. So that the inhabitants want neither fish (which they have from the river) nor flesh (for that the valley abounds with Cattell) nor clothing (for of that they spare to others) nor bread, though not of wheat, for there growes none; but _Indian_ Maiz they have plenty of; and besides they are exceedingly stored with fowles and Turkeys, fruits, Hony, Tobacco and Sugar-canes. Neither is mony here nor in _Chiapa_ so plentifull as in _Mexico_ and _Guaxaca_; and whereas there they reckon by Patacones, or pieces of Eight; here they reckon by Tostones which are but halfe Patacones. Though the river be many waies profitable to that valley, yet it is cause of many disasters to the inhabitants, who lose many times their children, and their Calves and Colts drawing neere to the water-side, where they are devoured by Caymanes, which are many and greedy of flesh, by reason of the many prizes they have got. The City of _Chiapa Real_, is one of the meanest Cities in all _America_, consisting of not above four hundred housholders _Spaniards_, and about an hundred houses of _Indians_ joyning to the City, and called _el barrio de los Indios_, who have a Chappell by themselves. In this City there is no Parish Church, but onely the Cathedrall, which is mother to all the inhabitants. Besides, there are two Cloisters, one of Dominicans, and the other of Franciscans, and a poore Cloister of Nuns, which are burdensome enough to that City. But the Jesuites having got no footing there (who commonly live in the richest and wealthiest places and Cities) is a sufficient argument of either the poverty of that City, or of want of gallant parts, and prodigality in the gentry, from whose free and generous spirits they like Horse-leeches are still sucking extraordinary and great almes for the Colledges where they live; but here the Merchants are close handed, and the Gentlemen hard, and sparing, wanting of wit and Courtiers parts and bravery, and so poore _Chiapa_ is held no fit place for Jesuites. The Merchants chiefe trading there is in _Cacao_, Cotton-wool from the adjacent parts of the Country, in Pedlers small wares, and in some Sugar from about _Chiapa_ of the _Indians_, in a little _Cochinil_; for commonly the Governour (whose chiefe gaine consisteth in this) will not suffer them to be too free in this commoditie, lest they hinder his greedy traffique. These have their shops all together in a little Market-place before the Cathedrall Church, built with walkes and Porches, under which the poore _Indian_ wives meet at five a clock at evening to sell what slap and drugges they can prepare most cheape for the empty Criolian stomackes. The richer sort of these Merchants go and send yet further to _Tabasco_ for wares from _Spaine_, such as wines, Linnen cloth, Figs, Raisins, Olives, and Iron, though in these commodities they dare not venture too much, by reason the _Spaniards_ in that Country are not very many, and those that are there, are such as are loath to open their purses to more then what may suffice nature. So that what are _Spanish_ commodities are chiefly brought for the Friers who are the best and joviallest blades of that Countrey. The Gentlemen of _Chiapa_ are a by-word all about that Country, signifying great Dons (_dones_, gifts or abilities I should say) great birth, phantasticke pride, joyned with simplicity, ignorance, misery and penury. These Gentlemen will say they descend from some Dukes house in _Spain_, and immediately from the first Conquerors; yet in carriage they are but clownes, in wit, abilities, parts and discourse as shallow brained, as a low brooke, whose waters are scarce able to leap over a pibble stone; any small reason soone tries and tires their weak braine, which is easily at a stand when sense is propounded, and slides on speedily when non-sense carrieth the streame. The chiefe families in this City, are named, _Cortez, Solis, Velasco, Toledo, Zerna_, and _Mendoza_. One of these, who was thought the chiefe in my time, called _Don Melchor de Velasco_, one day fell into discourse with mee concerning _England_, and our _English_ nation, and in the best, most serious and judicious part of his Don-like conference, asked me whether the sun and moone in _England_ were of the same colour as in _Chiapa_, and whether _English_ men went barefoot like the _Indians_, and sacrificed one another as formerly did the Heathens of this Countrey? and whether all _England_ could afford such a dainty as a dish of Frixoles (which is the poorest _Indians_ daily food there, being black and dry Turkey or French beanes boyled with a little biting Chille or _Indian_ pepper with garlicke, till the broath become as black as any Inke)? And whether the women in _England_ went as long with child, as did the _Spanish_ women? And lastly, whether the _Spanish_ nation were not a farre gallanter nation then the _English_? When I perceived my Don ran farther and farther into his simple and foolish questions, I cut him off suddenly, telling him, Sir, It is long since I came out of _England_, if you give me leave to recollect my memory, I will answer some of these your hard questions the next time we meet (thinking hereby to try my Dons wit further, whether he could perceive I jeared him.) To which my simple Don replyed, I pray Sir doe, and whensoever you come, you shall be welcome to a dish of Frixoles. With this I tooke my leave of him, and at our farewell, he againe desired mee to study well his questions, and to return him a speedy answer, whereby I was more confirmed in my conceit of my _Don_, that he was either _tonto_ or _bobo_, foole or simple. Yet thought I my best way to answer is to answer a fool according to his folly, and so resolved within two or three daies to return unto him some simple answer according to his simple and foolish questions. Therefore speedily I singled out a good occasion of meeting with him at his own house, who welcomed me with much _Spanish_ gravity, and sitting down before _Donna Angela_, his painted wife and Angel; began to answer, or more to jeer his _Donship_. I began with the Sun and Moon, telling him that they were planets, & had their speciall influences upon severall nations, as all planets have upon mans body. And so they did shew themselves according to the inclination of the people of severall Kingdomes. And therefore as the _Spaniards_ were much inclined to _Venus_ and to beauty, and not contenting themselves with the naturall beauty of their faire Ladies, would yet have Art add to nature by the skill and use of the best painting colours; so these glorious planets of the Sun and Moon among the _Spaniards_, and especially in _Chiapa_, shewed themselves most comely, bright, glorious and beautifull, working the like inclination to beauty upon, and in all _Spaniards_. My instance was in the land of the Blackmores, where I told them that their bodies were black, and that among them the Sun appeared with a dark and sad visage. Here my _Don_ cried out; An excellent example. I gave him yet a second instance from the Eclipse of the Sun; which being eclipsed, made all the Earth, mens faces and bodies seeme of a darke, or yellow colour, to shew the proportion or sympathy of sublunary bodies to that high and overmastering planet. To this that good _Don_ replyed; _sennor no se puede decir mas_, sir, nothing can be answered or said more or better. _Vengamos agora a Ingalatierra_, Let us draw now to _England_. To which I answered him, that in _England_ the Sun and Moon appeared halfe yeer of one colour, and half of another; for the women one half yeer it appeared as in _Spain_ and _Chiapa_, beautifull and glorious, for that naturally without painting they yeelded to none in beauty. But the other half yeer it appeared as red as blood, or scarlet; and the reason might easily bee guessed at, for that no Nation is more warlik and high spirited then the _English_, whose very clothes were fiery, wearing more scarlet then any nation in the World; as hee might perceive by their coming so much with their ships to the _Indian_ Coasts to fight with the _Spaniards_; and that as they delighted to goe in red, and to bee like the Sun, so naturally they were brought to those Seas to single out such ships as from _America_ carried the rich Commodity of _Cochinill_, whereof they make more use then _Spain_ it selfe to die their cloaths and Coats withall. Here my _Don_ jogged his head, and replyed; Sir, I thought no nation had been so like the Sun as the _Spaniards_; for I have read that when our Ancestors came to conquer these parts, the _Indians_ called them, _hijos del Sol_, that is, sons of the Sun, being comely and gallant, and more like the Sun then any other people. To this I answered him. Sir, no doubt but you are like the Sun here, and none more glittering and bright, your very hatbands shining with Pearls and Diamonds like the brightnesse of the Sun; But as I said before the Blackmores are like their Sun, so I say, the _English_ is like their Sun, which is red, and so doe and will affect to wear Scarlet, as long as any _Cochinill_ is to be found in the _India's_.

Now _Don Melchor_ began to understand mee, and told mee, never man had satisfied him with better reasons then my self. Hee thanked mee heartily, and told mee, hee thought no Gentleman in _Chiapa_ could tell so well as himself now why the _English_ ships came so much upon their Coasts; and that my discourse had satisfied him to the full. Hee desired mee to goe on to his other questions. To his second demanding whether the _English_ went barefoot like the _Indians_, I told him I thought that the Count of _Gondomar_, (who had been many yeers Ambassadour from _Spain_ in _England_) had satisfied all the _Spaniards_ that doubt, who coming from _England_ to _Madrid_, and being there asked by some Courtiers, whether _London_ was as big as _Madrid_, and as well peopled; he made answer, that hee thought there was scarce a hundred left in _London_. Hee proved it from the use and custome of his own Countrymen of _Spain_; who when they are to make a journey, shew themselves two or three daies before in colours, walking with boots and spurs, that their friends may take notice that they are departing out of the Towne or City. So said the Count of _Gondomar_, I think by this there are very few People in _London_; for when I came from thence I left them all almost in cloaths of colours, booted and spurred as ready to depart and take some journey. And truely my _Don_ (quoth I) your owne Count hath answered for mee; yet I say, the _English_ are so farre from going barefoot, that they goe booted, and are all in a readinesse to move out of _England_ for any noble and generous designe; but above all they are still ready for _America_, where they know is store and abundance of Hydes to make them Bootes to cover the barenesse of their legges, that they may not be suspected to be like bare-footed _Indians_. Here _Don Melchor_ replyed, I pray sir, when they come by Sea to these parts doe they come also booted and spurred? For I should thinke, when they fight, their Spurs should hinder them. To this his doubt I answered first, as concerning spurres in the ships, with the example of one of his own Nation, and of the best Divines in _Spain_, living in my time in _Valladolid_, called _Maestro Nunno_, (Reader of Divinity in the Colledge of St. _Gregorie_, but in his carriage and experience in the World a simple noddy) who being invited by a Noble man to goe with him in his Coach out of the City a mile or two to a garden of recreation, went hastily about the Colledge to borrow boots and spurs; and when he had put them on, being asked whither he went, and why he put on boots and spurs, answered that he was to goe in a Coach out of the City, and that hee thought the Coach and Mules would want spurs to goe and come the sooner. Even so my _Don_ (quoth I) the _English_ men come booted and spurred in their ships, to make their ships sail on the swifter. And this is the reason why the _English_ ships saile faster, and when they are in fight turn about quicker then a _Spanish_ Galeon, because they are spurred & kicked within. O Sir, I humbly thank you (said _Don Melchor_) for that by your discourse now I know the truth of what indeed I have often heard say, that the _English_ ships are nimbler, and quicker at Sea then our heavy Galeons. Now as for fighting the _English_ mens spurs (said I) are no hinderance to them, but rather a great advantage. For they fight with weapons, with their hands and with their feet, wherein they exceed the _Spaniards_; for when they have shot with their peeces, or cut down with their swords any enemy, or knocked him with their holbards, then with their feet and spurres, they fall upon him, and so soone rid him out of the way, that hee may no more rise up against them. All you have told mee (said the wise _Velazco_) stands with so much reason, that my judgment is convinced by you. As for eating and sacrificing one another like the _Indians_ (I told him) that the _English_ filled their bellies so well with fat Beef and Mutton, fowles, Rabbits, Partridges and Pheasants, that they had no stomacke at all to mans flesh. And that truly for frixoles dressed with garlick, that onely daintie dish was wanting in _England_; and that for Garlick, three reasons moved the _English_ not to bee lavishing of that little they had; first, for feare they should want it for their horses drenches; secondly, for that they felt not themselves so much troubled with the wind, nor puffed up with windy and vaine conceits as other nations did; but thirdly and chiefly they refrained from it among themselves, that they might not smell of it, and that by the sent and smell of it a farre off at Sea they might when they came to the Coast of _America_, smell out a _Spanish_ ship, and know it from a _Hollander_. Here my _Don Melchor_ fell into admiration, assuring mee, hee had never heard more solid reasons from any man. Alas poore Criolian of _Chiapa_ (thought I) if I had spoken sense, thy shallow braine had not beene able to have leaped over it, but after non-sense thou art easily carried away. As for his last question, I told him that was above my reach, for that poore Fryers ought not to meddle with women, neither had my mother ever told mee how long shee went with mee. But how ever if _Donna Angela_ would tell mee how long shee went with her children, I would by the constellations of the Heavens search out against our next meeting, how long the _English_ women went with their children. To this my _Don Melchor_ answered that he would not trouble me to study what he thought was not belonging to my profession; but he knew that if I would study that or any other hard & difficult point, I could give him more & better satisfaction then any scholar in that City.

And thus (Reader) by this Don _Melchors_ wit and ability would I have thee judge of the Gentlemen Criolians or natives of _Chiapa_; and yet as presumptuous they are and arrogant, as if the noblest bloud in the Court of _Madrid_ ran through their veines. It is a common thing amongst them to make a dinner only with a dish of Frixoles in black broath, boyled with pepper and garlicke, saying it is the most nourishing meat in all the _India's_; and after this so stately a dinner they will be sure to come out to the street-dore of their houses to see and to be seen, and there for halfe an houre will they stand shaking off the crums of bread from their cloaths, bands (but especially from their ruffes when they used them) and from their mustachoes. And with their tooth-pickers they will stand picking their teeth, as if some small Partridge bone stuck in them; nay if a friend passe by at that time, they will be sure to find out some crum or other in their mustacho (as if on purpose the crums of the table had been shaken upon their beards, that the losse of them might be a gaining of credit for great house keeping) and they will be sure to vent out some non-truth, as to say, _A Senor que linda perdiz he comido oy,_ O Sir, what a dainty Partridge have I eat to day, where as they picke out nothing from their teeth but a black husk of a dry frixole or Turkey bean. Though great in blood and in birth they say they are, yet in their imployments they are but rich Grasiers, for most of their wealth consisteth in farmes of Cattell and Mules. Some indeed have Townes of _Indians_ subject unto them, whereof they are called Encomendero's, and receive yeerly from every _Indian_ a certaine Pole tribute of fowles and mony. They have most cowardly spirits for warre, and though they will say, they would faine see _Spaine_, yet they dare not venture their lives at sea; they judge sleeping in a whole skin the best maxime for their Criolian spirits. One hundred fighting souldiers would easily lay low those _Chiapa Dons_, and gain the whole City, which lyeth so open to the fields, that the Mules and Asses come in and grase, the streets being very commodious to entertain Asses from within, and from without. Yet in this City liveth commonly a Governour, or Alcalde Major, and a Bishop. The Governours place is of no small esteem and interest, for that his power reacheth farre, and he tradeth much in Cacao and Cochinil, and domineers over both _Spaniards_ and _Indians_ at his will and pleasure. But ill gotten goods never thrive, as was seen in _Don Gabriel de Orellana_ (Governour of this City and Countrey in my time) who having sent the worth of eight thousand crownes in Cochinil, Cacao, Sugar, and Hydes by the river of _Tabasco_ towards the _Havana_ lost it all into the hands of the _Hollanders_, who doubtlesse knew how to make better use of it, then would have done that tyrannizing Governour. The Bishops place of that City is worth at least eight thousand duckats a yeer, which truly he had need of that comes so far from _Spain_ to live in such a City where are such able _Dons_, as _Don Melchor de Velasco_, and where Asses are so freely fed and bred. Most of this Bishops revenues consisteth in great offerings which he yeerly receiveth from the great _Indian_ Townes, going out to them once a yeer to confirme their children, whose confirmation is such a means to confirme and strengthen the Bishops revenues, that none must be confirmed by him who offer not a faire white Wax-candle, with a ribban and at least foure Rials. I have seen the richer sort offer him a Candle of at least six pound weight with two yards of twelve penny broad ribban, and the Candle stucke from the top to the bottom with single Rials round about. Nay the poore _Indians_ make it the chiefe masterpiece of their vanity to offer proudly in such occasions. _Don Bernardino de Salazar_ was the Bishop of this City in my time, who desired my company to ride with him his circuit but one moneth, about the Townes neer to _Chiapa_, and in this time I was appointed by him to hold the basin wherein the _Spaniards_ and _Indians_ (whilst he confirmed their children) did cast their offerings, which my selfe and another Chaplaine did alwaies tell and cast up by good account before we carried the mony up into his chamber, and I found that at our returne at the moneths end he had received one thousand and six hundred duckats of onely offerings, besides the fees due to him for visiting the severall companies, or sodalities and confraternities belonging to the Saints or soules in their purgatory (which are extraordinary rich there) whereof he and all other Bishops in their district take account yeerly. This Bishop was (as all the rest are there) somewhat covetous; but otherwise a man of a temperate life and conversation, very zealous to reforme whatsoever abuses committed in the Church, which cost him his life before I departed from _Chiapa_ to _Guatemala_. The women of that City it seems pretend much weakenesse and squeamishnesse of stomack, which they say is so great, that they are not able to continue in the Church while a Masse is briefly hudled over, much lesse while a solemn high Masse (as they call it) is sung, and a Sermon preached, unlesse they drinke a cup of hot Chocolatte, and eat a bit of sweet-meats to strengthen their stomackes. For this purpose it was much used by them to make their maids bring to them to Church in the middle of Masse or Sermon a cup of Chocolatte, which could not be done to all, or most of them without a great confusion and interrupting both Masse and Sermon. The Bishop perceiving this abuse and having given faire warning for the omitting of it, but all without amendment, thought fit to fixe in writing upon the Churches dores an excommunication against all such as should presume at the time of service to eat or drinke within the Church. This excommunication was taken by all, but especially by the Gentlewomen much to heart, who protested if they might not eat or drinke in the Church, they could not continue in it to heare what otherwise they were bound unto. The chiefe of them knowing what great friendship there was between the Bishop and the Prior, and my selfe, came to the Prior and mee desiring us to use all meanes wee could with the Bishop for the revoking that his excommunication so heavily laid upon them, and threatning their soules with damning judgement for the violation of it. The good Prior and my selfe laboured all we could, alleadging the custome of the Countrey, the weakenesse of the sex whom it most concerned, and also the weaknesse of their stomackes, the contempt that might from them ensue unto his person, and many inconveniences which might follow to the breeding of an uproar in the church and in the City, whereof we had some probable conjecture from what already we had heard from some. But none of these reasons would move the Bishop; to which he answered that he preferred the honour of God, and of his house before his owne life. The women seeing him so hard to be intreated, began to stomacke him the more and to sleight him with scornefull and reproachfull words; others sleighted his excommunication, drinking in iniquity in the Church, as the fish doth water, which caused one day such an uproare in the Cathedrall, that many swords were drawne against the Preists and Prebends, who attempted to take away from the maids the cups of Chocolatte, which they brought unto their mistresses; who at last seeing that neither faire nor foule meanes would prevaile with the Bishop, resolved to forsake the Cathedrall, where the Bishops own and his Prebends eies must needs be watching over them; and so from that time most of the City betooke themselves to the Cloister Churches, where by the Nuns and Friers they were not troubled nor resisted, though fairely counselled to obey the command of the Bishop; whose name now they could not brooke, and to whose Prebends they denied now all such reliefe and stipend for Masses which formerly they had used to bestow upon them, conferring them all upon the Fryers who grew rich by the poor impoverished Cathedrall. This lasted not long, but the Bishop began to stomacke the Fryers, and to set up another excommunication, binding all the City to resort unto their owne Cathedrall Church; which the women would not obey, but kept their houses for a whole month; in which time the Bishop fell dangerously sick, and desired to retire himselfe to the Cloister of the Dominicans, for the great confidence he had in the Prior that he would take care of him in his sickenesse. Physitians were sent for far and neere, who all with a joynt opinion agreed that the Bishop was poisoned; and he himself doubted not of it at his death, praying unto God to forgive those that had been the cause of it, and to accept of that sacrifice of his life, which he was willing to offer for the zeale of Gods house and honour. He lay not above a week in the Cloister, and as soone as he was dead, all his body, his head and face did so swell, that the least touch upon any part of him caused the skin to break and cast out white matter, which had corrupted and overflowne all his body. A Gentlewoman with whom I was well acquainted in that City, who was noted to be somewhat too familiar with one of the Bishops Pages, was commonly censured to have prescribed such a cup of Chocolatte to be ministred by the Page which poysoned him who so rigorously had forbidden Chocolatte to be drunk in the Church. My self heard this Gentlewoman say of the deceased Bishop, that she thought few grieved for his death, & that the women had no reason to grieve for him, and that she judged, he being such an enemy to Chocolatte in the Church, that which he had drunk at home in his house had not agreed with his body. And it became afterwards a Proverbe in that Country, Beware of the Chocolatte of _Chiapa_; which made me so cautious, that I would not drinke afterwards of it in any house, where I had not very great satisfaction of the whole Family. The women of this City are somewhat light in their carriage, and have learned from the Devill many entising lessons and baits to draw poore soules to sinne and damnation; and if they cannot have their wills, they wil surely work revenge either by Chocolatte or Conserves, or some faire present, which shall surely carry death along with it. The Gentlewoman that was suspected (nay was questioned for the death of the Bishop) had often used to send me boxes of Chocolatte or conserves; which I willingly received from her, judging it to be a kind of gratuity for the paines I tooke in teaching her son _Latin_. She was of a very merry and pleasant disposition, which I thought might consist without sin; untill one day she sent unto mee a very faire plantin wrapped up in a hankerchief, buried in sweet Jazmines and roses; when I untied the handkerchief, I thought among the flowers I should find some rich token, or some peeces of eight, but finding nothing but a plantin, I wondred; and looking further upon it, I found worked upon it with a knife the fashion of a heart with two of blind Cupids arrows sticking in it, discovering unto my heart the poisoned heart and thoughts of the poisoner that sent it. I thought it a good warning to be wary and cautious of receiving more presents or Chocolatte from such hands, and so returned unto her againe her plantin with this short rhyme cut out with a knife upon the skinne _fruta tan fria, amor no cria_, as much as to say, fruit so cold, takes no hold. This answer and resolution of mine was soone spread over that little City, which made my Gentlewoman outragious, which presently she shewed by taking away her sonne from schoole, and in many meetings threatning to play me a _Chiapaneca_ tricke. But I remembred the Bishops Chocolatte and so was wary, and staid not long after in that poisoning and wicked City, which truly deserves no better relation then what I have given of the simple _Dons_, and the Chocolatte-confectioning _Donna's_.

There is yet twelve leagues from this City of _Chiapa_, another _Chiapa_ which deserveth better commendations. This consisteth most of _Indians_, and is held to be one of the biggest _Indian_ Townes in all _America_, containing at least four thousand families. This Towne hath many priviledges from the King of _Spain_, and is governed chiefly by _Indians_ (yet with subordination unto the _Spanish_ government of the City of _Chiapa_) who doe choose an _Indian_ Governour with other inferiour officers to rule with him. This Governour may wear a rapier and dagger, and enjoyeth many other liberties which to the rest of the _Indians_ are denied. No Towne hath so many _Dons_ in it of _Indian_ blood as this. _Don Philip de Guzman_ was Governour of it in my time, a very rich _Indian_, who kept up commonly in his stable a dozen of as good Horses for publike shewes, and ostentation as the best _Spaniard_ in the Countrey. His courage was not inferiour to any _Spaniard_, and for defence of some priviledges of his Town sued in the Chancery of _Guatemala_ the proud and high minded Governour of the City of _Chiapa_, spending therein great sums of money till he had overcome him, whereupon he caused a feast to be made in the Towne, both by water and land, so stately, that truly in the Court of _Madrid_ it might have been acted.

This Towne lyeth upon a great river, whereunto belong many boats and Canoas, wherein those _Indians_ have been taught to act sea-fights, with great dexterity, and to represent the Nymphes of _Parnassus, Neptune, Æolus_, and the rest of the heathenish Gods and Goddesses, so that they are a wonder of their whole nation. They will arme with their boats a siege against the Town, fighting against it with such courage til they make it yeeld, as if they had been trained up all their life to sea-fights. So likewise within the Town they are as dexterous at baiting of buls, at _juego de Cannas_, at Horse-races, at arming a Campe, at all manner of _Spanish_ dances, instruments, and musick as the best _Spaniards_. They will erect Towers and Castles made of wood and painted cloth, & from them fight either with the boats or one against another, with squibs, darts, and many strange fire-works, so manfully, that if in earnest they could perform it as well as they do it in sport and pastime, the _Spaniards_ and Fryers might soon repent to have taught them what they have. As for acting of playes, this is a common part of their solemne pastimes; and they are so generous, that they nothing think too much to spend in banquets & sweet-meats upon their Friers, and neighbouring Towns, whensoever they are minded to shew themselves in a publike feast. The Towne is very rich, & many _Indians_ in it that trade about the Country as the _Spaniards_ do. They have learned most trades befitting a Common-wealth, and practise and teach them within their Town. They want not any provision of fish or flesh, having for the one that great river joyning unto their Towne, and for the other many Estantia's (as they call them) or farmes abounding with cattell. In this Towne the Dominican Fryers bear all the sway, who have a rich and stately Cloister with another Church or Chappel subordinate unto it. The heat here is so great, that both Fryers and _Indians_ commonly wear a linnen towel about their necks to wipe off the constant swet from their laces, which maketh the Friers sit longer at their dinner then els they would do, for that at every bit they eate, and draught they drinke, they are faine to make a stop to wipe their dropping browes. Yet the evenings are fresh and cool, which are much made of there, and spent in the many walkes and gardins which joyne close unto the River side. Two or three leagues from the Towne, there are two _Ingenio's_ or Farmes of Sugar, the one belonging to the Cloister of the Dominicans of the City of _Chiapa_; the other unto the Cloister of this Towne, which containe neer two hundred Blackmores, besides many _Indians_, who are imployed in that constant worke of making Sugar for all the Country. Hereabouts are bread great store of Mules, and excellent horses for any service. The Towne of _Chiapa_ of the _Indians_, and all the Townes about it want nothing but a more temperate climate and cooler aire, and Wheat, which there cannot bee sowne, yet for _Spaniards_ and such as cannot live without it, it is brought from _Chiapa_ of the _Spaniards_ and from about _Comitlan_; yet this is not generally acknowledged a want by reason of the great plenty of _Maiz_ which all the Townes enjoy, and which is now more used both by _Spaniards_ and dainty toothed Fryers then bread of Wheat. Yet your poore _Spaniards_, and some _Indians_ who have got the trick of trading from them doe gaine not a little in bringing to these Townes bisquets of wheaten bread, which though it be dry and hard, yet because they are novelties to the _Indians_; they get by changing them for other commodities, especially of Cotton wooll, which here is more abounding then in the Valley of _Copanabastlau_.

Upon this Country of _Chiapa_ of the _Indians_ bordereth the Province of _Zoques_, which is absolutely the richest part of _Chiapa_. This reacheth on the one side to _Tabasco_, and by the River named _Grijalva_ sendeth commonly the Commodities which are in it with safety unto St. _John de Ulhua_, or _Vera Cruz_. It trafiqueth also with the Country of _Jucatan_ by the Haven called _Puerto Real_, which lyeth betweene _Grijalva_ and _Jucatan_. Yet these two, the River of _Tabasco, alias Grijalva_, and _Puerto Real_, though they bee commodious to this Province of _Zoques_, yet they are causes of daily feares unto the _Spaniards_, who well know the weaknesse of them, and that if a forraine Nation should manfully thrust into that Country by any of these two wayes, they might so conquer all _Chiapa_, and from thence passe easily unto _Guatemala_. But the River of _Tabasco_ lying low, and being somewhat hot, and the Towns about it infested with many gnats, and the chiefest commodity there being but _Cacao_, have often discouraged both our _English_ and _Hollanders_, who have come up some part of the River, and minding more the foresaid reasons, then what was forward to bee had, have turned back, losing a rich Country and slighting an eternall name, for few and frivolous present difficulties. In this Province of _Zoques_, the Towns are not very bigge, yet they bee very rich; the chief Commodities are Silk and _Cochinill_; whereof the latter is held the best of _America_, and the store of it so great that no one Province alone exceeds it. Few _Indians_ there are who have not their Orchards planted with the trees whereon the worms breed which yeeld unto us that rich Commodity; not that the _Indians_ themselves esteem otherwise of it, then as they see the _Spaniards_ greedy after it, offering them mony for it, & forcing them to the preservation of it in those parts, which have proved most successeful for this kind. There is great store of silk in this Country, in so much that the _Indians_ make it their great Commodity to imploy their wives in working Towels with all colours of silk, which the _Spaniards_ buy, and send into _Spain_. It is rare to see what works those _Indian_ women will make in silk, such as might serve for Patterns and samplers to many School-mistresses in _England_. The people of this Country are witty, and ingenious, and faire of complexion; the Country towards _Tabasco_ is hot, but within in some places very cold. There is also plenty of _Maiz_, but no wheat; neither is there such plenty of Cattell as about _Chiapa_, but Fowles and Turkies as many as in other parts. The Province called _Zeldales_ lyeth behind this of the _Zoques_, from the North Sea within the continent, running up towards _Chiapa_, and reacheth in some parts neer to the borders of _Comitlan_ north-westward. South-eastward it joyns to such _Indians_ which as yet have not been conquered by the _Spaniards_, who make many invasions upon the Christian _Indians_, and burn their Towns, and carry away their Cattell. The chief and head Town in this Province is called _Ococingo_, which is a Frontier against those Heathens. This Province is esteemed rich for the _Spaniards_, who make much of _Cacao_, which serveth to make their drink of _Chocolatte_, and here is great store of it. There is also another Commodity, great among the _Spaniards_, called _Achiotte_, wherewith they make their _Chocolatte_ looke of the colour of a brick. Here is also plenty of Hogs and Bacon, Fowles, Turkies, Quailes, Cattell, Sheep, Maiz, Hony, and not farre from _Ococingo_, in my time was setting up an _Ingenio_, or Farm of Sugar, which was thought would prove as well as those about _Chiapa_ of the _Indians_. The Country in most parts is high and hilly; but _Ococingo_ stands in a pleasant Valley, injoying many Brookes and streams of fresh water, and therefore hath been thought a fit place for Sugar. Here also in this Valley the fryers have attempted to sow Wheat, which hath proved very good. Thus Reader, I have shewed you the Country of _Chiapa_, which as it is compassed about on the one side by _Soconuzco_, and from thence almost to _Guatemala_, by the Province of _Suchutepeques_, on the other side by _Tabasco_, and on the other side by _Zeldales_ with excessive plenty of _Cacao_ and _Achiotte_, which are the chief drugs for the making of _Chocolatte_; I wil yet before I depart from _Chiapa_ to _Guatemala_, say somewhat of that drinke so much used by the _Spaniards_, and in my judgment not to be sleighted, but rather to bee published and made known to all Nations, whose use might remedy the great abuse of wines and strong drinks which too much are esteemed amongst us here in _Europe_.

CHAP. XVI.

_Concerning two daily and common Drinkes, or Potions much used in the_ India's, _called Chocolatte, and Atolle._

Chocolatte being this day used not onely over all the _West-India's_, but also in _Spain, Italy_, and _Flanders_, with approbation of many learned Doctors in Physick, among whom _Antonio Colmenero_ of _Ledesma_; (who lived once in the _India's_) hath composed a learned and curious Treatise concerning the nature and quality of this drink; I thought fit to insert here also somewhat of it concerning my own experience for the space of twelve yeers. This name Chocolatte is an _Indian_ name, and is compounded from Atte, as some say or as others, Atle, which in the _Mexican_ language signifieth water, & from the sound which the water (wherein is put the Chocolatte) makes, as Choco, Choco, Choco, when it is stirred in a cup by an instrument called a Molinet, or Molinillo, untill it bubble and rise unto a froath. And as there it is a name compounded, so in _English_ wee may well call it a compounded or a confectioned drink wherein are found many and severall Ingredients, according to the different disposition of the body of them that use it. But the chief Ingredient (without which it cannot be made) is called Cacao, a kind of nut or kernell bigger then a great Almond, which growes upon a tree called the tree of Cacao, and ripens in a great huske, wherein sometimes are found more, sometimes lesse Cacao's, sometimes twenty, sometimes thirty, nay forty, and above. This Cacao, though as every simple, it containes the quality of the foure Elements, yet in the common opinion of most Physitians, it is held to bee cold and dry, _a prædominio_; It is also in the substance that rules these two qualities, restringent and obstructive, of the nature of the Element of the earth. And as it is thus a mixed, and not a simple Element, it hath parts correspondent to the rest of the Elements; and particularly it partakes of those which correspond with the Element of Aire, that is, heat and moisture, which are governed by unctious parts; there being drawn out of the Cacao much Butter, which in the _India's_ I have seen drawn out of it by the Criolian women for to oint their faces. And let not this seeme impossible to believe, that this graine or nut of Cacao should bee said to bee first cold and dry, and then hot and moist; for though experience bee a thousand witnesses, yet instances will further clear this truth; and first in the Rubarbe, which hath in it hot and soluble parts, and parts which are binding, cold and dry, which have a virtue to strengthen, bind and stop the loosenesse of the belly. Secondly, wee see this cleerly in the steel, which having so much of the nature of the earth, as being heavy, thick, cold, and dry, should be thought unproper for the curing of Oppilations, but rather to bee apt to increase them; and yet it is given for a proper remedy against them. The authority of _Galen_ may further cleare this in the third booke of the Qualities of simples, where hee teacheth that almost all those medicines, which to our sense seeme to be simple, are notwithstanding naturally compounded, containing in themselves contrary qualities, that is to say, a quality to expell, and to retaine, to incrassate and to extenuate, to rarifie and to condense. And in the fifteenth Chapter following in the same booke, he puts an example of the broth of a Cock, which moves the belly, and the flesh hath the virtue to binde. Yet further that this differing virtue and quality is found in divers substances, or parts of simple medicaments, he shewes in the first book of his simple medicines in the seventeenth Chapter, bringing the example of milke, in which three substances are found and separated, that is to say, the substance of cheese, which hath the virtue to stop the fluxe of the belly; and the substance of whay, which is purging, and butter, as it is expressed Chap. 15. Also we find in wine which is in the Must, three substances, that is to say, earth, which is the chiefe; and a thinner substance, which is the flower, and may be called the scum, or froath; and a third substance which we properly call wine; and every one of these substances containes in it selfe divers qualities and virtues, in the colour, in the smell, and in other accidents.

And this is very comformable to reason, if we consider that every aliment, be it never so simple, begets and produceth in the liver four humours, not only differing in temper, but also in substance; and begets more or lesse of that humour, according as the aliment hath more or fewer parts corresponding to the substance of that humour, which is most ingendred. From which examples we may gather that when the Cacao is grinded and stirred, the divers parts, which nature hath given it, doe artificially and intimately mixe themselves one with another; and so the unctuous, warme, and moist parts, mingled with the earthy represseth, and leaveth them not so binding, as they were before; but rather with a mediocrity, more inclining to the warme, and moist temper of the aire, then to the cold and dry of the earth; as it doth appear, when it is made fit to drink, that scarce two turnes are given with the Molinet, when there ariseth a fatty scum, by which is seen, how much it partaketh of the oyly part. So that from all that hath been said, the error of those is wel discovered, who speaking of this drink of Chocolatte, say, that it causeth oppilations, because Cacao is astringent; as if that astriction were not corrected and modified by the intimate mixing of one part with another, by meanes of the grinding, as is said before. Besides it having so many ingredients, which are naturally hot, it must of necessity have this effect, that is to say, to open, attenuate, and not to binde. And leaving aside more reasons, this truth is evidently seen in the Cacao it selfe; which if it be not stirred, grinded and compounded to make the Chocolatte; but be eaten as it is in the fruit (as many Criolian and _Indian_ women eat it) it doth notably obstruct and cause stoppings, and make them looke of a broken, pale and earthy colour, as doe those that eat earthen ware, as pots, or pieces of lime-walls (which is much used among the _Spanish_ women thinking that pale and earthy colour, though with obstructions and stoppings, well becomes them) and for this certainly in the Cacao thus eaten there is no other reason, but that the divers substances which it containes, are not perfectly mingled by the mastication onely, but require the artificiall mixture, which wee have spoken of before.

The tree which doth beare this fruit, is so delicate, and the earth where it groweth so extream hot, that to keep the tree from being consumed by the sunne, they first plant other trees, which they call, _las Madres del Cacao_, mothers of the Cacao; and when these are grown up to a good height fit to shade the Cacao trees, then they plant the Cacaotals, or the trees of Cacao; that when they first shew themselves above the ground, those trees, which are already grown may shelter them, and as mothers nourish, defend, and shadow them from the sunne; and the fruit doth not grow naked, but many of them (as I have said before) are in one great huske or cod, and therein besides every grain is closed up in a white juicy skin, which the women also love to suck off from the Cacao, finding it coole, and in the mouth dissolving into water. There are two sorts of Cacao; the one is common, which is of a darke colour inclining towards red, being round and peeked at the ends; the other is broader, and bigger, and flatter, and not so round, which they call, Patlaxte, and this is white, and more drying, and is sold a great deal cheaper then the former. And this especially, more then the other, causeth watchfullnesse, and drives away sleep, and therefore is not so usefull as the ordinary, and is chiefly spent by the ordinary and meaner sort of people. As for the rest of the ingredients which make this Chocolatticall confection, there is notable variety; for some put into it black Pepper, which is not well approved of by the Physitians, because it is so hot and dry, but onely for one who hath a very cold liver; but commonly instead of this Pepper, they put into it long red Pepper, called Chile, which though it be hot in the mouth, yet is cool and moist in the operation. It is further compounded with white Sugar, Cinnamon, Clove, Anniseed, Almonds, Hasell-nuts, _Orejuela, Bainilla, Sapayoll_, Orenge flower water, some Muske, and as much of Achiotte, as will make it looke of the colour of a red bricke. But how much of each of these may be applyed to such a quantity of Cacao, the severall dispositions of mens bodies must be their rule. The ordinary receipt of _Antonio Colmenero_ was this; To every hundred Cacao's, two cods of Chile, called long red Pepper, one handfull of Anniseed and _Orejuela's_, and two of the flowers called _Mechasuchil_, or _Bainilla_, or instead of this six roses of _Alexandria_, beat to powder, two drams of Cinnamon, of Almonds and Hasel-nuts, of each one dozen; of white Sugar halfe a pound, of Achiotte, enough to give it the colour. This Author thought neither Clove, nor Musk, nor any sweet water fit, but in the _India's_ they are much used. Others use to put in Maiz, or _Paniso_, which is very windy; but such doe it onely for their profit, by increasing the quantity of the Chocolatte; because every fanega or measure of Maiz containing about a bushel and a half, is sold for eight shillings, and they that sell Chocolatte, sell it for four shillings a pound, which is the ordinary price. The Cinnamon is held one of the best ingredients, and denied by none, for that it is hot and dry in the third degree, it provokes urine, and helpes the kidneys and reines of those who are troubled with cold diseases, and it is good for the eyes, and in effect it is cordiall, as appeareth by the Author of these verses,

_Commoda & urinæ Cinamomum & renibus affert, Lumina clarificat, dira venena fugat._

The _Achiotte_ hath a piercing, attenuating quality, as appeareth by the common practice of the Physitians in the _India's_, experienced daily in the effects of it, who do give it to their Patients to cut and attenuate the grosse humors, which doe cause shortnesse of breath, and stopping of urine: and so it is used for any kind of oppilations, and is given for the stoppings which are in the breast, or in the region of the belly, or any other part of the body. This _Achiotte_ also groweth upon a tree in round huskes, which are full of red graines, from whence the _Achiotte_ is taken, and first made into a paste, and then being dried up is fashioned either into round balls or cakes, or into the forme of little brickes, and so is sold. As concerning the long red Pepper, there are foure sorts of it; one is called _Chilchotes_; the other is very little, which they call _Chilterpin_, and these two kinds are very quick and biting. The other two are called, _Tonalchiles_, and these are but moderately hot, for they are eaten with bread by the _Indians_, as they eat other fruits. But that which is usually put into Chocolatte, is called _Chilpaclagua_, which hath a broad huske, and is not so biting as the first, nor so gentle as the last. The _Mechasuchil_, or _Bainilla_ hath a purgative quality. All these ingredients are usually put into the Chocolatte, and by some more, according to their fancies. But the meaner sort of people, as _Blackmores_ and _Indians_, commonly put nothing into it, but _Cacao, Achiotte, Maiz_, and a few _Chiles_ with a little Anniseed. And though the _Cacao_ is mingled with all these ingredients, which are hot; yet there is to be a greater quantity of _Cacao_, then of all the rest of the ingredients, which serve to temper the coldnesse of the _Cacao_; from whence it followeth that this Chocolatticall confection is not so cold as the _Cacao_, nor so hot as the rest of the ingredients, but there results from the action and reaction of these ingredients, a moderate temper, which may be good, both for the cold and hot stomacks, being taken moderately.

Now for the making or compounding of this drinke, I shall set downe here the method. The Cacao, and the other ingredients must be beaten in a morter of stone, or (as the _Indians_ use) ground upon a broad stone, which they call _Metate_, and is only made for that use. But first the ingredients are all to be dried, except the _Achiotte_, with care that they may be beaten to powder, keeping them still in stirring, that they be not burnt, or become black; for if they be overdried, they will be bitter, and lose their virtue. The Cinnamon and the long red pepper are to be first beaten, with the Anniseed, and then the Cacao, which must be beaten by little and little, till it be all powdred; and in the beating it must be turned round, that it may mixe the better. Every one of these ingredients must be beaten by it selfe, and then all be put into the vessell, where the Cacao is, which you must stirre together with a spoon, and then take out that paste, and put it into the morter, under which there must be a little fire, after the confection is made; but if more fire be put under then will only warme it, then the unctuous part will dry away. The _Achiotte_ also must be put in in the beating, that it may the better take the colour. All the ingredients must be searsed, save onely the Cacao, and if from the Cacao the dry shell be taken, it will be the better. When it is well beaten, and incorporated (which will be known by the shortnesse of it) then with a spoon (so in the _India's_ is used) is taken up some of the paste, which will be almost liquid, and made into tablets, or else without a spoon put into boxes, and when it is cold it will be hard. Those that make it into tablets, put a spoonefull of the paste upon a peece of paper (the _Indians_ put it upon the leaf of a plantin tree) where, being put into the shade (for in the sunne it melts and dissolves) it growes hard; and then bowing the paper or leaf, the tablet falls off, by reason of the fatnesse of the paste. But if it be put into anything of earth, or wood, it stickes fast, and will not come off, but with scraping or breaking. The manner of drinking it, is divers; the one (being the way most used in _Mexico_) is to take it hot with Atolle, dissolving a tablet in hot water, and then stirring and beating it in the cup, where it is to be drunke, with a Molinet, and when it is well stirred to a scumme or froath, then to fill the cup with hot Atolle and so drinke it sup by sup. Another way is, that the Chocolatte, being dissolved with cold water and stirred with the Molinet, and the scumme taken off and put into another vessel; the remainder be set upon the fire, with as much sugar as will sweeten it, and when it is warme, then to powre it upon the scum which was taken off before, and so to drinke it. But the most ordinary way, is, to warme the water very hot, and then to powre out halfe the cup full that you mean to drinke; and to put into it a tablet or two, or as much as will thicken reasonably the water, and then grind it well with the Molinet, and when it is well ground and risen to a scum, to fill the cup with hot water, and so drinke it by sups (having sweetned it with Sugar) and to eat it with a little conserve, or maple bread, steeped into the Chocolatte. Besides these waies there is another way (which is much used in the Island of _Santo Domingo_) which is, to put the Chocolatte into a pipkin, with a little water, and to let it boyle well till it be dissolved, and then to put in sufficient water and sugar according to the quantity of the Chocolatte, and then to boyle it againe, untill there comes an oily scumme upon it, and then to drinke it. There is another way yet to drinke Chocolatte, which is cold, which the _Indians_ use at feasts, to refresh themselves, and it is made after this manner. The Chocolatte (which is made with none or very few ingredients) being dissolved in cold water with the Molinet, they take off the scumme or crassy part, which riseth in great quantity, especially when the Cacao is older and more putrefied. The scumme they lay aside in a little dish by it selfe, and then put sugar into that part from whence was taken the scum, and then powre it from on high into the scumme, and so drinke it cold. And this drinke is so cold, that it agreeth not with all mens stomacks; for by experience it hath been found, that it doth hurt, by causing pains in the stomack, especially to women. The third way of taking it is the most used, and thus certainly it doth no hurt, neither know I why it may not bee used as well in _England_ as in other parts both hot and cold; for where it is so much used, the most, if not all, as well in the _India's_, as in _Spaine, Italy, Flanders_ (which is a cold Countrey) find that it agreeth well with them. True it is, it is used more in the _India's_, then in the _European_ parts, because there the stomackes are more apt to faint then here, and a cup of Chocolatte well confectioned comforts and strengthens the stomack. For my self I must say, I used it twelve yeers constantly, drinking one cup in the morning, another yet before dinner between nine or ten of the clock; another within an houre or two after dinner, and another between four and five in the afternoon; and when I was purposed to sit up late to study, I would take another cup about seven or eight at night, which would keep me waking till about midnight. And if by chance I did neglect any of these accustomed houres, I presently found my stomacke fainty. And with this custome I lived twelve yeers in those parts healthy, without any obstructions, or oppilations, not knowing what either ague, or feaver was. Yet I will not dare to regulate by mine owne the bodies of others, nor take upon me the skil of a Physitian, to appoint and define at what time and by what persons this drinke may be used. Onely I say, I have known some that have been the worse for it, either for drinking it with too much sugar, which hath relaxed their stomackes, or for drinking it too often. For certainly if it be drunke beyond measure, not only this Chocolatte but all other drinkes, or meats, though of themselves they are good and wholesome, they may be hurtfull. And if some have found it oppilative, it hath come by the too too much use of it; as when one drinkes overmuch wine, instead of comforting and warming himselfe, he breeds and nourisheth cold diseases, because nature cannot overcome it, not turne so great a quantity into good nourishment. So he that drinkes much Chocolatte, which hath fat parts, cannot make distribution of so great a quantity to all the parts; and that part which remaines in the slender veines of the liver must needs cause oppilations and obstructions. But lastly, to conclude with this _Indian_ drinke, I will adde what I have heard Physitians of the _India's_ say of it, and have seen it by experience in others (though never I could find it in my selfe) that those that use this Chocolatte much, grow fat and corpulent by it; which indeed may seem hard to beleeve; for considering that all the ingredients, except the Cacao, doe rather extenuate, then make fat, because they are hot and dry in the third degree. And we have already said, that the qualities which doe predominate in Cacao, are cold and dry, which are very unfit to adde any substance to the body. Neverthelesse it may be answered that the many unctuous parts, which have been proved to be in the Cacao, are those which pinguifie and make fat; and the hotter ingredients of this composition serve for a guide, or vehicall, to passe to the liver, and the other parts, untill they come to the fleshy parts; and there finding a like substance which is hot and moist, as is the unctuous part, converting it selfe into the same substance, it doth augment and pinguifie. But how then might this Cacao with the other _Indian_ ingredients be had in _England_? even by trading in _Spaine_ for it, as we doe for other commodities; or not sleighting it so much as we and the _Hollanders_ have often done upon the _Indian_ seas; of whom I have heard the _Spaniards_ say that when we have taken a good prize, a ship laden with Cacao, in anger and wrath we have hurled over board this good commoditie, not regarding the worth and goodnesse of it, but calling it in bad _Spanish, Cagaruta de Carnero_, or sheeps dung in good _English_. It is one of the necessariest commodities in the _India's_, and nothing enricheth _Chiapa_ in particular more then it, whither are brought from _Mexico_ and other parts, the rich bags of Patacons onely for this _Cagaruta de Carnero_, which we call sheeps dung. The other drinke which is much used in the _Indians_ is called Atolle, of which I will say but a little, because I know it cannot be used here. This was the drinke of the ancient _Indians_, and is a thick pap made of the flower of Maiz, taking off the huskes from it, which is windy and melancholy. This is commonly carried by the _Indian_ women to the Markets hot in pots, and there is sold in cups. The Criolian students, as wee goe to a Taverne to drink a cup of wine, so they go in company to the publike Markets, and as publikely buy and drinke by measure of this Atolle; which somtimes is seasoned with a little Chile, or long Pepper, and then it pleaseth them best. But the Nuns and Gentlewomen have got a trick of confectioning it with Cinnamon, Sweet-waters, Amber, or Muske, and store of Sugar, and thus it is held to be a most strong and nourishing drinke, which the Physitians doe prescribe unto a weake body, as we doe here our Almond-milke. But of what _England_ never knew nor tasted, I will say no more, but hasten my penne to _Guatemala_, which hath been my second _patria_.

CHAP. XVII.

_Shewing my journy from the City of_ Chiapa, _unto_ Guatemala, _and the chief places in the way._

The time now being come that I was to leave the little City of _Chiapa_, I took some occasion before-hand to take my leave of my best friends, whose children I had taught, and at my departure I must confesse I found them kind and bountifull, except it were _Donna Magdalena de Morales_, from whom I did not expect, neither did I desire any farewell, or Adieu token. But among all, the Governours wife was most liberall unto mee, sending mee many boxes of Aromaticall Chocolatte, and one extraordinary great box with foure severall divisions of different conserves gilt over, besides many Maple breads, and Biskets made with Egs and Sugar, a present it was which might have been sent to a greater man then to a poor worthlesse Mendicant Fryer, and with this in a handkerchief a dozen peeces of eight. _Don Melchor del Velazco_ yet exceeded her, in words and complements I meane, but in deeds, hee and all the crew of the Criolians must thinke to come short of them, who are borne in _Spain_. The first Town I went unto, was _Theopixca_, six leagues from _Chiapa_, a faire and great Towne of _Indians_, who are held to bee next unto the _Indians_ of the other _Chiapa_ in sitting and riding a horse. In this town is nothing so considerable as the Church, which is great and strong, and the musick belonging unto it sweet and harmonious. The Vicar or Curate of this place was one Fryer _Peter Martir_ a Criolian, whom I knew could not indure the Prior nor mee, yet he would dissemble a love complementall exceeding well, and in outward shews raise it up to _gradus ut Octo_. He knowing my prevalency with the Prior, durst not but give mee very good entertainment, which continued two dayes, untill I was weary of his complements.

The third day I tooke my leave of him, who would not yet leave mee, but would conduct mee to _Comitlan_, whither I was invited by the Prior of that Cloister, named Fryer _Thome Rocolano_, a _French_ man, who being a stranger to the _Spaniards_ (for besides him and my selfe there was no other stranger in that County) desired acquaintance with mee, which hee began to settle by meeting mee at the half way with many _Indians_ on horse back, having provided an harbour where wee might more conveniently conferre and rest while our Chocolatte and other refreshments were provided. But the Criolian _Peter Martir_ was not a little envious, (as I was afterwards informed in the Cloister) to see mee so much made of and esteemed in the Country, yet his faire words and complements farre exceeded the sincerity and down-rightnesse of my _French_ friend. At _Comitlan_ I staied a whole weeke, riding about with the Prior unto the _Indian_ townes, and downe the hill to the valley of _Copanabastla_, where I injoyed much pastime and recreation among the Fryers and _Indians_ and was feasted after the manner of that Country, which knoweth more of an Epicurian diet then doth _England_, or any part of _Europe_; nay I am perswaded (and I have heard _Spaniards_ confesse it) that _Spain_ hath taken from the _Indians_ since the conquest many lessons for the dressing of severall dishes and compleating a feast or banquet. After the week was ended my _French_ friend the Prior conducted mee to _Izquintenango_, to see mee well furnished up the Mountaines of _Cuchumatlanes_. This Towne (as I have formerly observed) standeth almost at the end of the Valley of _Copanabastla_, and within two leagues of the _Cuchumatlanes_. It is one of the finest _Indian_ Townes of all the Province of _Chiapa_, and very rich, by reason of the much Cotton wooll in it, and especially by reason of its situation, for standing in the Roade way to _Guatemala_, all the Merchants of the Country that trade with their mules that way, passe through this Towne, and there buy and sell, enriching it with mony and farre brought Commodities. It is most plentifully stored with fruits, especially with what they call Pina's or Pine fruit. It standeth close by the great River, which runneth to _Chiapa_ of the _Indians_, and hath its spring not farre off from the _Cuchumatlanes_, and yet at this Town is very broad and deep. No man nor beast travelling to _Guatemala_ can goe into it, or from _Guatemala_ can goe out of it, but by ferrying over. And the Rode being much used and beaten by travellers, and by such as they call Requas of mules (every Requa consisting of fifty or threescore mules) this Ferry is day and night imployed, and yeelds much treasure to the town at the yeers end. The _Indians_ of the Town besides the ferry boat, have made many other little boats, or Canoa's to goe up and down the River. Hither when the Prior of _Comitlan_ had brought me, we were waited for by the Vicar or Fryer of that Town with the chief and principall _Indians_, and most of the Canoa's. As we ferryed over, the little Canoa's went before us with the Quiristers of the Church singing before us, and with others sounding their Waits and Trumpets. The Fryer that lived in this Town, was called Fryer _Geronymo de Guevara_, little in stature, but great in state, pride and vanity, as hee shewed himself in what hee had provided for us both of fish and flesh. A brave professour or vower of Mendicancy and poverty he was, who in twelve yeers that hee had lived in that Towne, what by mumming of Masses for the dead and living, what by shearing and fleecing the poore _Indians_, what by trading and traffiquing with the Merchants that used that Rode, had got six thousand Duckats, which hee had sent to _Spain_ to the Court of _Madrid_, to trade with them Simoniacally for the Bishoprick of _Chiapa_, which if he obtained not, (yet when I came out of that Country the report went that hee had obtained it) hee would and was well able with a second supply to obtaine a better. After two daies feasting with him, hee and the Prior of _Comitlan_ both joyned their power and authority to see mee well manned with _Indians_, to the first Towne of the _Cuchumatlanes_. A mule was prepared to carry my bedding, (which wee commonly carried with us in chests of leather called Petaca's) another _Indian_ to carry my Petaquilla wherein was my Chocolatte and all implements to make it; and three more _Indians_ to ride before and behinde to guide me; but to all these nothing was to be paid, (lest a custome of paying should bee brought in, for so they doctrined mee as a novice in that Country) except it were to give them a cup of Chocolatte if I drank in the way, or when I came to my journeys end. Here I tooke my leave of my good _French_ friend, (who yet continued friendship with mee by frequent letters to _Guatemala_) and of my low but high minded _Guevara_, who bad mee expect no friendly entertainment, untill I were well passed over the _Cuchumatlanes_ and arrived at _Sacapula_, which was foure daies journey from thence. Yet hee told mee I might demand what service I list from the _Indians_, and call for what I had a minde to eat without paying any mony, so that I did write down my expences in the common Town Book.

Thus I went away from my friends somewhat heavy having no other company but unknowne _Indians_, leaving a pleasant and delightsome valley behind mee, and seeing nothing before mee but high and steepy hils and mountaines, and considering that in foure or five dayes I should see no more gallant Dominicans and of mine own profession. Now I wished I had the company of my _Melendez_ and other friends, who were a comfort one to another upon the hills and rocks of _Maquilapa_. Yet at last I concluded, up _English_ heart and courage, _quondam hæc meminisse juvabit_. Though the mountaines seemed high afar off, yet as I travelled on, I found the way lie between them very easie and passable, and met now and then Requas of mules, which were no little comfort unto mee to consider, if they being heavily laden could goe through those Mountaines, my mule that had in mee but a light burden would easily overcome any danger; it comforted mee also to consider that there were Townes (though but little ones) where I might rest every night. The further I went, the better and more open I found the Rode; Onely the raine and dirt troubled me, which I could not avoid, it being the end of _September_, or as there they reckon, the end of winter. The first Town I came to amongst those Mountaines was called St. _Martin_, a little place of some twenty houses; I went to the house that belonged to the Franciscan Fryers (who seldome in the yeer came to that poverty of house and house roome) where I lighted and caused the _Indians_ to bee called who were appointed to give attendance to travellers and passengers. I found them very tractable and dutifull, bidding mee welcome, bringing mee hot water for my Chocolatte, which I drunke off heartily, and gave unto my _Indians_ of _Izquintenango_, who refreshed themselves and their mules well for nothing, this being a custome among those Townes in the Rode to welcome one another whensoever they come with travellers. I might have had for my supper any thing that place would afford, but I made choice of a pullet, which I thought would bee cheapest for the poore _Indians_. I was glad I had brought with mee a good big Frasco, as they call it, or bottle of wine, for I began already to find the _Cuchumatlanes_ cooler then the valley of _Copanabastla_. My bed was made in a little thatched Cobe, and _Indian_ boyes appointed to sleep in the next room to me, and to be at hand if in the night I should want any thing. Thus having appointed what attendance I had need of in the morning to the next Town, discharging the _Indians_ that had brought me from _Izquintenango_, I went unto my rest, which I tooke as quietly as if I had been in the company of my best friends. The next day being accompanied by two _Indians_, having sent my carriage by another, I tooke my journey to the next Towne, which is called _Cuchumatlan grande_, because it standeth on the highest part of those Mountaines, and in the way the _Indians_ shewed mee the head spring or fountaine of the great River of _Chiapa_ of the _Indians_, which is the onely remarkable thing in that Rode. _Cuchumatlan grande_ is a Towne a little bigger then St. _Martin_, and of _Indians_ very curteous, who are used and beaten to daily travellers, and so make very much of them. Here I was entertained as the night before; and found the poore _Indians_ willing to give mee whatsoever I demanded for my better and safer guiding and conducting the next day, and that night for my supper what I pleased to call for, without any pay, but onely writing down my name and expences with the day and moneth in their common booke of accounts. This are those poore wretches brought to by the Fryers and commanding Justices, though of themselves they have no more then a Milpa of Maiz as they terme it, or a little _Indian_ Wheat Plantation, with as much Chile as will suffice them for the yeer, and what the Merchants and Travellers give them voluntarily, which is little enough. From this Town I would not follow the Rode to the next, which was a long journy of seven or eight leagues without baiting by the way; and also because I had beene informed at _Chiapa_ and at _Copanabastla_ of a strange picture of our Lady, which was amongst these Mountaines in a little Towne of _Indians_ called _Chiantla_, which in this dayes journy being not above a league out of my way, I was resolved to see. The wayes were bad, lying out of the Rode, yet by noon I got to _Chiantla_, which is a Town belonging unto Mercenarian Fryers, who doubtlesse would not be able to subsist in so poore a place, had they not invented that loadstone of their picture of _Mary_, and cried it up for miraculous, to draw people farre and neere, and all travellers from the Rode to pray unto it, and to leave their gifts and almes unto them for their prayers and Masses. Such an income of treasure and riches hath beene from deluded and ignorant soules to this beggerly Towne, that the Fryers have had wherewith to build a Cloister able to maintaine foure or five of them. The Church is richly furnished, but especially the high Altar where the picture standeth in a Tabernacle with half a dozen curtaines of Silk, Sattin, cloth of gold, with borders of golden lace before it, wearing a rich Crowne of gold, thickly beset with Diamonds and other pretious stones. There hang before it at least a dozen rich lampes of silver; and in the vestry of the Church are many gownes, Candlestickes of silver, Censers to burn Frankincense before it, besides rich Copes, Vestments, Ornaments for the Altar, and hangings for all the Church.

To conclude, here is a treasure hid in the Mountaines; Oh that it could bee found out to doe the Lord service. I was welcomed to this place by those Fryers, who were strangers unto mee; my head was filled that day by them with relations of strange and many miracles or lies, which they told mee of that picture; but the heavinesse of my head did mee good in something, for it made mee more drowsie at night and apter to take good rest. The next day I got into the Rode againe, and went to the last Town of these _Cuchumatlanes_ called _Chautlan_, where I stayed all that day and night, and sent before a letter to the Prior of _Sacapula_ of my going thither the next day. In _Chautlan_ I was very kindly used by the _Indians_, and liked the Towne the better for the excellent grapes which there I found, not planted like vineyards, but growing up in harbours, which shew that if that land were planted, it would certainly yeeld as good grapes for wine, as any are in _Spain_. They are carried from that place to _Guatemala_, which stands from it neer forty leagues, and are sold about the streets for rarities and great dainties; and well may they, for from _Mexico_ to _Guatemala_ there are none like them. The next morning I made haste to be gone, that I might come sooner to _Sacapula_, where I was to finde those of mine owne profession, with whom I knew I might stay and rest a whole weeke if I pleased. I had not rid above three leagues, when I began to discover at a low and deep bottome, a pleasant and goodly valley, laced with a River, whose waters receiving the glorious brightnesse of _Phoebus_ beames reverberated up to the top of the Mountaine, a delightsome prospect to the beholders; the more I hasted to that seeming Paradise, the more did the twinkling and wanton streame invite mee downe the hill; which I had no sooner descended, but I found in an harbour by the water side the Prior of _Sacapula_ himselfe with a good traine of _Indians_ waiting for mee with a cup of Chocolatte. At the first light I was a little daunted to behold the Prior, who looked most fearfully with a bladder from his throat swelled almost round his necke, which hung over his shoulders and brest, and stayed up his chin, and lifted up his head so, that hee could scarce looke any whither but up to heaven. In our discourse he told mee that disease had beene upon him at least ten yeers, and that the water of that River had caused it in him, and in many others of that Town. This made mee now as much out of love with the River, as above the hill I had liked the goodly sight of it, and therefore resolved not to stay so long in that place as I had thought, lest the waters should marke me for all my life, as they had done this Prior; whose name was Fryer _John De la Cruz_, a Biscaine borne, and (like some of that Nation) a little troubled with the simples, but a good hearted man, humble, and well beloved over all the Country both by _Spaniards_ and _Indians_. When I came to the Towne I discovered many men and women with bladders in their throats like the poore Prior, which made mee almost unwilling to drink there any Chocolatte made with that water, or eat any thing dressed with it; untill the Prior did much incourage mee and told mee that it did not hurt all but onely some, and those who did drink it cold; wherewith I resolved to stay there foure or five daies, because of the old Priors importunity, who would faine have had mee continue to live with him, promising to teach mee the _Indian_ language in a very short time. But higher matters calling mee to _Guatemala_, I excused my selfe, and continued there five dayes with much recreation. The Town though it be not in the generall very rich, yet there are some _Indian_ Merchants who trade about the country and especially to _Suchutepeques_ where is the chief store of Cacao, and thereby some of this Towne of _Sacapula_, have inriched themselves; the rest of the people trade in pots and pans, which they make of an earth there fit for that purpose. But the principall Merchandize of this place is salt, which they gather in the morning from the ground that lyeth neere the River. The aire is hot, by reason the Town standeth low, and compassed with high hills on every side. Besides many good fruits which are here, there are Dates as good as those that come from _Barbary_, and many trees of them in the Garden belonging to the Cloister. After I had here wearied out the wearinesse, which I brought in my bones from the _Cuchumatlanes_, I departed taking my way to _Guatemala_, and from _Sacapula_ I went to a Town called St. _Andres_, or St. _Andrews_, which standeth six or seven leagues from _Sacapula_, a great Town, but nothing remarkable in it, save onely Cotton wooll and Turkies, and about it some rich Estancia's or Farmes of Cattell, which are commodiously seated here, it being a plain Champaigne Country. Yet at further end of this plain there is a Mountaine which discourageth with the sight all such as travell to _Guatemala_; from St. _Andres_ I prepared my selfe for the next daies journey, which was of nine long leagues, to a very great Town called by two names, by some _Sacualpa_, by others Sta. _Maria Zojabah_, to the which I could not goe without passing over that Mountaine. I sent word of going to _Zojabah_ the day before (as is the custome there) that mules and horses might meet mee upon the Mountaine; and the night before I went to a Rancho (which is a lodge built for travellers to rest when the journey is long) which stood within a league of the Mountaine by a River, where with the waters murmur, and refreshing gales I tooke good rest. In the morning having refreshed my selfe, and my _Indians_ with Chocolatte I set out to incounter with that proud Mountaine; and when I came unto it I found it not so hard to overcome, as I had conceited, the way lying with windings and turnings; But the higher I mounted the more my eyes were troubled with looking to the River below, whose rockes were enough to astonish and make a stout heart tremble. About the middle of the Mountaine the _Indians_ of _Zojabah_ met with a mule for mee, and another for my carriage in a narrow passage where the way went wheeling. Here I lighted, whilst the _Indians_ helped one another to unload and load the mule that came of refresh. Out of the narrow way the side of the Mountaine was steepy, and a fearefull precipice of two or three miles to the bottome, almost bare of trees, here and there one onely growing. My heart was true unto mee, wishing mee to walke up a foot untill I came unto some broader passage; but the _Indians_ perceiving my feare told me there was no danger, assuring mee further that the Mule they had brought was sure, and had been well used to that mountaine. With their perswasions I got up, but no sooner was I mounted when the Mule began to play her prankes and to kick, and to leap out of the way, casting me down and herselfe, both rouling and tumbling a pace to the rockes and death, had not a shrub prevented me, and a tree stopped the Mules blind fury. The _Indians_ cried out, _milagro, milagro_, miracle, miracle, _Santo, Santo_, a Saint, a Saint, to me so loud as if they would have had their cry reach to _Rome_ to helpe forward my canonization; for many such miracles have some been noised at _Rome_, and with further contribution of mony have been enrolled in the booke and Catalogue of Saints. Whilst the _Indians_ helped me up and brought the Mule againe into the way, they did nothing but flatter me with this terme Saint; which they needed not have done, if as they considered my dangerous fall and stopping at a shrub (which was by chance, and not by miracle) they had further considered my passion and hasty wrath (not befitting a Saint) wherewith I threatned to bast their ribs for deceiving mee with a yong Mule not well accustomed to the saddle. But all my hasty words and anger could not discredit me with them, nor lessen their conceipt of my holinesse and sanctity, who hold the anger and wrath of a Preist to be the breath of Gods nostrils, and with this their foolish conceipt of mee, they kneeled before me kissing my hands. The businesse being further examined, they confessed that they had been mistaken in the Mules, having sadled for me that which should have carried my Petaca's, or leatherne chests, which was a young Mule accustomed onely to carriages, and not to the saddle, and upon that which should have been sadled they put my carriage. Whilst they unloaded and loaded again and sadled the right Mule, I walked up the hill about a mile, and when they overtooke me I got up and rid till I met with my refreshing harbour and Chocolatte, and many _Indians_ that came to receive me, among whom it was presently noised that I was a Saint and had wrought a miracle in the way; with this the rest of the _Indians_ kneeled to me and kissed my hands, and in the way that we went to the Towne, all their talk was of my sanctity. I was much vexed at their simplicity, but the more they saw mee unwilling to accept of that honour, the more they pressed it upon me. When I came to the Town I told the Frier what had happened, and what the foolish _Indians_ had conceited; at which he laughed, and told me that he would warrant me if I staied long in the Towne, all the men and women would come to kisse my hands and to offer their gifts unto me. He knew well their qualities, or else had taught them this superstition with many others; for no sooner had we dined, but many were gathered to the Church to see the Saint that was come to their Towne, and that had wrought a miracle in the mountaine as he came. With this I began to be more troubled then before at the folly of the simple people, and desired the Fryer to checke and rebuke them, who by no means would, but rather laughed at it, saying, that in policy we ought to accept of any honour from the _Indians_, for as long as we had credit and an opinion of Saints among them, so long we should prevaile to do any thing with them, yea even to command them and their fortunes at our pleasure. With this I went downe with the Frier to the Church, and sate downe with him in a chaire in the Quire, representing the person of such a Saint as they imagined me to be, though in reality and truth but a wretched sinner.

No sooner had we taken up our places, when the _Indians_, men, women, and children came up by three and four, or whole families to the Quire, first kneeling down for my blessing, and then kissing my hands, they began to speake to me in their _Indian_ complements to this purpose, that their Town was happy and doubtlesse blessed from heaven by my coming into it, and that they hoped their soules should be much the better if they might partake of my praiers to God for them. And for this purpose some offered unto me money, some hony, some egs, some little mantles, some Plantins, and other fruits, some fowles, and some Turkeys. The Frier that sate by me I perceived was overjoyed with this, for he knew I was to be gone, and would leave unto him all those offerings. I desired him to make answer unto the _Indians_ in my behalfe, excusing me as not well versed in their language (yet the fooles if they thought and judged me to be a Saint, might have expected from me also the gift of tongues) which he did telling them that I had been but a while in that Country, and though I understood part of their language, yet could not speake nor pronounce it perfectly, and therefore from me he did give them hearty thankes for the great love they had shewed unto an Ambassadour of God, witnessing it with so many sorts of offerings, which assuredly should remind him and mee of our offerings for them, in our praiers and hearty recommendations of them and their children unto God. Thus was that ceremony ended, the _Indians_ dismissed, and the Frier and I went up to a chamber, where he began to tell his egs and fowles and to dispose of some of them for our supper; he told me he would take them, but at my departure would give me somewhat for them; he bad me keep what money they had given me, and told me I was welcome unto him, and no burdensome guesse, but very profitable, who had brought with me store of provision for my selfe and for him many daies after. The money I received came to fourty Rials, besides twenty which he gave me for the other offerings, which might be worth fourty more; all this I got for having a fall from a Mule, and for not breaking my necke. I would faine have departed the next morning, but _John Vidall_ (so was the Frier named) would not permit me, for that the next journey was of at least ten leagues, and therefore he would have me rest my selfe the next day.

This Towne of _Zojabah_, or _Sacualpa_ is the biggest and fairest of all the Towns that belong unto the Priory of _Sacapula_; the _Indians_ are rich, and make of their Cotton-wool many mantles, they have plenty of hony, and great flocks of goats and kids; but here, nor in all the Townes behind there is no wheat, save only _Indian_ Maiz. The next day some small offerings fell unto mee, but nothing like the day before; and so I told the Frier, that now the peoples devotion was decaied, I would bee gone in the morning before day. That night the chiefe _Indians_ of the Towne came to offer their service and attendance upon me to a Rancho or lodge that standeth in the middle way; but I would not accept of the great ones, but desired that I might have three onely of the meaner sort to guide mee till I met with company from the Towne whither I was going, and whither I had sent warning of my comming. The time appointed was three of the clock in the morning; at which houre after a little sleep I was called, and having drunke my Chocolatte, and eat a maple bread with a little conserve, I prepared my selfe for my journey, and found the _Indians_ ready waiting for me in the yard, with pieces of pine-wood, which burn like torches, and with which they use to travell in the night, and to shew the way to him whom they guide. A little from the Towne wee had some craggy wayes, which indeed had need of lights, but afterwards we came into a plaine champaigne Countrey, which continued till within a league of the middle way lodge; to the which we were to descend a steep hill. When we came thither (which was about seven in the morning) we found our fresh supply waiting for us, who had set out from their Towne at midnight to meet us (note the _Indians_ subjection to their Preists command) and had made us a fire, and warmed water for our Chocolatte. Which whilst I was drinking, the _Indians_ of _Zojabah_, who had guided me thither, gave notice to those that came to receive from _St. Martin_ (so was the Towne called whither I was that day minded) of my miracle and sanctity, wishing them to reverence and respect me in the way. But not for this their foolish report did I make the _Indians_ of _Zojabah_ drinke every one a cup of Chocolatte, and so dismissed them; and took forwards my journey to _St. Martin_. Most of the way was hilly and craggy till we came within two miles of the Towne; to the which we arrived by noone. This Towne is cold, standing high, yet pleasant for the prospect almost to _Guatemala_; here, and in most of the Towns about it is most excellent wheat. The hony of this Towne is the best in the Countrey; but above all it furnisheth _Guatemala_ with Quailes, Partridges, and Rabbits. It is the first Towne wee enter into belonging to the City and command of _Guatemala_; which did not a little comfort me, that now I wanted but one good journey to make an end of my long, tedious and wearisome travelling. The Frier of this Towne named _Thomas de la Cruz_ belonged unto the Dominican Cloister of _Guatemala_; he was a Criolian, but yet he entertained me very lovingly. I staied with him but that night. And in the morning (though I might have gone to dinner to _Guatemala_) I would needs goe by the way to one of the biggest Townes in that Countrey, called _Chimaltenango_, standing in an open valley three leagues from the City, consisting of a thousand house-keepers, and rich _Indians_ who trade much about the Countrey. In this Towne in my time there was one _Indian_, who alone had bestowed upon the Church five thousand duckates. The Church yeelds to none in the City of _Guatemala_, and in musick it exceeds most about the Country. The chief feast of _Chimaltenango_ is upon the 26. day of _July_, (which they call St. _Annes_ day) and then is the richest faire that ever my eyes beheld in those parts of all sorts of Merchants and Merchandize; It is further set forth with Bull-baiting, Horse-racing, Stage-playes, Maskes, dances, Musick, and all this gallantly performed by the _Indians_ of the Town. The Fryer of this Town was a Dominican, belonging to the Cloister of the Dominicans of _Guatemala_, named _Alonso Hidalgo_, a foure eyed old man, for hee alwaies wore spectacles. Hee was a _Spaniard_ borne, but having beene brought up in that Country from his youth, and having taken his habit and vowes in _Guatemala_ amongst the Criolians, hee degenerated from his birth and Country-men, hating all such as came from _Spain_. Hee was a deadly enemy to the Provinciall (ayming indeed himselfe to bee Provinciall with the favour of the Criolians) and so I perceived hee would have picked a quarrell with mee, whilst I was with him; hee told mee I was welcome, though hee had little reason to bid any welcome that had come from _Spain_, who hee thought came but to supplant those that had been born and brought up there in their own Country, and that for ought hee knew, I learning the language of those _Indians_ might one day dispossesse him of that Towne, wherein hee had continued above ten yeers; hee envied much against the Provinciall and Fryer _John Baptist_ the Prior of _Guatemala_, whom hee knew to bee my friend; But to all this I answered not a word, respecting his grave and old age, and Crystall spectacles. At last he told mee that hee had heard say, that the _Indians_ of _Zojabah_ had cried mee up for a Saint, which hee could not beleeve of any that came from _Spain_, much lesse of mee that came from _England_ a countrey of hereticks; but hee feared rather that I might come as a spie, to view the riches of that their Country, and betray them hereafter to _England_; and that in _Guatemala_ there were many rich pieces, especially a picture of our Lady, and a lampe in the Cloister of the Dominicans, which he doubted not but I would bee carefull to pry into. But all this I put up with a jest, saying, that I would bee sure to take notice first of the riches of his chamber in pictures, hangings, and rich Cabinets, and that if the _English_ came thither in my time, I would surely conduct them to it; and if hee himselfe would but cause a set of teeth of silver to bee set in his gums and jawes in stead of those leaden ones, (for hee was so old that hee had lost all his teeth, and had got some of lead in their stead) then surely I would also conduct the _English_ to him as to a rich prize for his teeth, and that I would warrant him hee should bee well used for his outward and inward riches; and that this my counsell might bee profitable and of consequence to him, I told him; for if the _English_ should come, certainly they would try of what metall his teeth were made, thinking that they might bee of some rare and exquisite substance found onely in that Country, and so might cause him to drink such hot and scalding broth, (to try whether they were lead) as might melt them in his mouth, and make the melted lead runne downe his throat, which if they were of silver, they would not doe. Hee perceived I jeared him, and so hee let mee alone; I was glad I had put him out of his former byas of rayling; so dinner being ended, I told him I would not stay supper, but goe to _Guatemala_ to a light supper in the Cloister, for that hee had given mee such a dinner, as I feared I should not have digested it in few daies. I desired him to let me have _Indians_ to guide me to _Guatemala_, which he willingly performed, peradventure fearing that if I stayed supper with him, I should melt the teeth in his mouth with some scalding cup of my Chocolatte brought from _Chiapa_, or that in the night I should rifle or plunder his chamber of his rich Idols and Ebony Cabinets. The _Indians_ being come, I made hast to be gone from that four eyed beast, being now desirous of a constant rest in _Guatemala_. Within a league from this Town of _Chimaltenango_, the Rode way leaving that open, wide, and spatious valley, contracts and gathereth in it selfe between hils and mountaines standing on each side, and so continueth to the City. From this Valley unto _Guatemala_, neither is there any ascent or descent but a plaine, broad and sandy way. The eye hath much to view, though compassed with Mountaines, in these two last leagues; for yet it may behold a Town of _Indians_ which taketh up most of the way, and is counted as big as _Chimaltenango_, if not bigger, the houses lying scattered with a distance one from another, mingled with many fair buildings of _Spaniards_, who resort much thither from the City for their recreation. This Town is called _Xocotenango_, of a fruit named Xocotte, which is most plentifull there, and all about the Country; it is fresh and cooling, of a yellow colour when ripe, and of two sorts, some sweet, and others sowre, of the stones whereof the _Indians_ make a fire; they lie so thick in the way, dropping from the trees for want of gathering and spending them all, that the _Spaniards_ have begun to practise the buying of Hogs on purpose to let them runne about that high way, finding that they fat as speedily and as well with those plummes, as our Hogs doe in _England_ with Akorns. All this way are also many faire gardens, which supply the Markets of _Guatemala_ with herbs, roots, fruits, and flowers all the yeer. There are further in this Rode three water mills for the corn of the City, whereof the chief and the richest belongs to the Dominican Fryers of _Guatemala_, who keep there a Fryer constantly with three or foure Blackmores to doe and oversee the worke; What will not those Fryers doe to satisfie their covetous mindes? Even dusty Millars they will become to get wealth. The Frontispice of the Church of this Town is judged one of the best pieces of worke thereabouts; the high Altar within is also rich and stately, being all daubed with gold. I made no stay in this place, because I knew I should have many occasions after my setling in the City to come unto it. And thus keeping between the hils I continued on my journey till I came to _Guatemala_, whose Dominions, riches and greatnesse the following chapter shall largely shew.

CHAP. XVIII.

_Describing the Dominions, Government, Riches, and greatnesse of the City of_ Guatemala, _and Country belonging unto it._

I had not rid on above a mile from the Church of _Xocotenango_, when the hils and Mountaines seemed to depart one from another, leaving a more spatious object for the eye to behold, and a wider Valley to wander in. The fame of that City from _Mexico_ and _Chiapa_ had raised up my thoughts to conceit of some strong walls, Towers, Forts or Bulwarks to keep out an aspiring or attempting enemy; But when I came neere and least thought of it, I found my self in it without entring through walls, or gates, or passing over any bridge, or finding any watch or guard to examine who I was; but passing by a new built Church, standing neere a place of dunghils, where were none but mean houses, some thatched, and some tyled, and asking what Town that was, answer was made me that it was the City of _Guatemala_, and that that, being called St. _Sebastian_, was the onely Parish Church of the City. With this my high conceiting thoughts stooped down to think of some second _Chiapa_; till having continued on a while by houses on my right hand and dunghils on my left, I came to a broader street having houses on each side, which seemed to promise a City at hand. At my first turning I discovered a proud and stately Cloister, which was the place of rest to my wearied body. I surrounded it to finde out the back gate, and there lighted, and enquired for the Prior, who bad me very welcome, assuring me that for the Provincials sake, I should want no incouragement, and that hee would doe for mee much more then what the Provinciall had signified unto him by Letters. He told mee hee had beene brought up in _Spain_, in the Country of _Asturias_, where many _English_ ships did use to come, and having seen there many of my Nation, he affected them very much, and to mee as one of so good a Nation, and as a stranger and Pilgrime out of my owne Country, hee would shew all the favour that the utmost of his power would afford. How glad was I, to find in him so contrary an opinion to that of foure eyed _Hidalgo_? And how did he performe his words? He was the chief Master and Reader of Divinity in the University, his name Master _Jacintho de Cabannas_, who finding mee desirous to follow the Schools, and especially to hear from him some lessons of Theologie, within the first quarter of yeer, that I had been his constant and attentive Auditor, graced mee with a publick act of conclusions of Divinity, which I was to defend under his direction and moderation in the face of the whole University and Assembly of Doctors and Divines, against the Tenents of _Scotus_ and _Suarez_. But the principall and head conclusion was concerning the birth of the Virgin _Mary_, whom both Jesuites, _Suarez_ and Franciscans, and Scotists hold to have beene borne without Originall sinne, or any guilt or staine of it, against whose fond, foolish and ungrounded fancies, I publickly defended with _Thomas Aquinas_, and all Thomists, that shee (as well as all _Adams_ posterity) was borne in Originall sin. It was an act, the like whereof had not been so controverted in that University with arguments in _contra_, and their answers and solutions, and with reasons and arguments in _pro_ many yeers before. The Jesuites stamped with their feet, clapt with their hands, railed with their tongues, and condemned it with their mouths for a heresie, saying, that in _England_, where were hereticks, such an opinion concerning Christs mother might bee held, and defended by mee who had my birth among hereticks, but that Master _Cabannas_ borne among _Spaniards_, and brought up in their Universities, and being the chief Reader in that famous Academy should maintaine such an opinion, they could not but much marvaile and wonder at it. But with patience I told them, that strong reasons, and the further authority of many learned _Thomist_ Divines should satisfie their vaine and clamorous wondring. The Act was ended, and though with Jesuites I could get no credit, yet with the Dominicans, and with Master _Cabannas_, I got so much that I never after lost it for the space of almost twelve yeers; but was still honored by the meanes of this _Cabannas_ and Fryer _John Baptist_ the Prior of _Chiapa_ (who at Christmas ensuing was made Prior of _Guatemala_) with honors and preferments as great as ever stranger was living among _Spaniards_. These two above named being at Candlemas or beginning of _February_ that same yeer at _Chiapa_, at the election of a new Provinciall, would not forget mee their poorest friend stil abiding in _Guatemala_, but remembring that the University (which belonged chiefly to the Cloister) at Michaelmas would want a new Reader or Master of Arts to begin with Logick, continue through the eight bookes of Physicks, and to end with the Metaphysicks, propounded mee to the new elected Provinciall (whose name was Fryer _John Ximeno_) and to the whole Chapter and Conventicle of the Province for Reader of Arts in _Guatemala_ the Michaelmas next ensuing. Their suit for me was so earnest and their authority so great that nothing could bee denied them, and so they brought unto mee from the Provinciall Chapter these insuing Letters Patents, from Fryer _John Ximeno_, whose form and manner I thought fit here to insert out of the Original in _Spanish_ (which to this day abideth with me) for curiosity and satisfaction of my Reader.

_Fray Juan Ximeno Predicador General y Prior Provincial desta Provincia de San Vicente de Chiapa y Guatemala, Orden de Predicadores. Por quanto nuestro Convento de Sancto Domingo de Guatemala carece de Lector de Artes. Por la presente Instituyo y doy por Lector Al Padre fray Thomas de Sancta Maria_ (so was my Name then, and by this name will some _Spaniards_ know mee, who may chance hereafter to read this, and curse mee) _por la satisfaccion que tengo de su sufficiencia. Y mando al Pe. Prior del dicho nuestro Convento, le ponga en possession del tal Officio. Y para mayor merito de obediencia le mando in virtute Spiritu sancti, et sanctæ obedientiæ, et sub præcepto formali; In nomine Patris, et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Amen. Fecho en este nuestro Convento de Chiapa la Real en nueve de Febrero de_ 1627. _Y la mande sellar con sello mayor de nuistro officio._

Fray Juan _or_ Ximeno Plis.

Por Mandado de Nostro Rdo. Padre, Fray Juan de Sto. Domingo Noto.

_Notifique esta Patente a el Contenido, en_ 12 _dias del mes de Abril de_ 1627. Fray Juan Baptista Por.

This Form according to the Originall in _Spanish_ is thus in _English_, and to this purpose.

Fryer _John Ximeno_ Preacher Generall, and Prior Provinciall of this Province of Saint _Vincent_ of _Chiapa_ and _Guatemala_, Order of Preachers. Whereas our Convent of Saint _Dominick_ of _Guatemala_ wanteth and stands in need of a Reader of Arts: By these presents I doe institute, name and appoint for Reader Fryer _Thomas_ of Saint _Mary_, for the great satisfaction which I have of his sufficiency. And I command the Prior of the foresaid our Convent, that hee put him into full possession and enjoyment of the said Office. And for the greater merit of obedience I command him (our forenamed Reader,) by vertue of the Holy Ghost, and of holy obedience, and under a formall precept, In the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, Amen. Dated in this our Convent of _Chiapa_ the Royall, the ninth of _February_, 1627. And I commanded these to bee sealed with the great Seale of our Office.

_Fryer John or Ximeno Pal._

_By the command of our Reverend Father Fryer John of St. Dominick. Notary._

_I notified these Letters, Patents, unto the contained in them the_ 12. _day of the moneth of_ Aprill. 1627.

_Fryer John Baptist. Por._

This honour conferred upon mee a stranger, and new commer to the Province, made the Criolian party and some others (who had aymed at that place and preferment in the University) to stomack mee. But to mee it was a spurre to stir and prick mee on to a more eager pursuit of learning, to frequent the _Academy_ lessons with more care and diligence; and to spend my selfe and time, day and night, more in studying, that so I might performe with like honour that which was laid upon mee, and answer the expectation of my best and forwardest friends. Three yeers I continued in this Convent and City in obedience to the forecited Patents; oftentimes I thought within my self that the honour of my _English_ Nation here lay upon me in _Guatemala_, in not suffering any _Spaniard_ to goe beyond mee, or to outbrave mee with gallant, witty and well seeming arguments; and so many times I would at nine of the clock at night, when others were gone to bed, take in my chamber a cup of hot Chocolatte, that with it I might banish sleep from mine eyes, and might the better continue in my study till one or two in the morning, being bound to awake and bee up again by six. I was loath in these three yeers to take upon mee any other of such charges which are common in such Convents; but especially to preach much, and to hear the Confessions of such both men and women as resorted to the Church of that Cloister, lest hereby my studies might bee hindered, and time spent in other waies. Yet the Prior and Master _Cabannas_ would often bee very importunate with mee, to obtaine the Bishops License for hearing of Confessions, and Preaching abroad in the City and Country (for in the Church of that Cloister I might and did sometimes, though seldome preach with Permission of the Provinciall) but this I strongly refused, untill such time as the Provinciall himselfe came to _Guatemala_, who hearing me once Preach, would by all meanes have mee further licensed and authorised from the Bishop, that so I might not bee straitned within the Cloisters limits, but abroad in other Churches might freely Preach, and thereby get some money for the better furnishing my selfe with Bookes. Hee therefore commanded mee to bee examined by five examiners all able Divines, for the space of three houres (as is the custome of that Order) and having three houres stood under their hard and rigid questions and examination, having also at the end obtained their approbation, then the Provinciall presented mee unto the Bishop with these words following, being taken out of the Originall yet abiding with mee.

_Fray Juan Ximeno Predicador General, y Provincial desta Provincia de San Vicente de Chiapa y Guatemala, Orden de Predicadores, Presento a Vuestra Sennoria Illustrissima al Padre Fray Thomas de Sancta Maria, examinado y a provado por cinco examinadores per vota Secreta, conforme a nuestras Constitutiones, Para que Vuestra Sennoria Illustrissima se sirva de darle licencia para Confessar y Predicar a todo genero de Gente en su Obispado, Conforme a la Clementina,_ Dudum de Sepulturis.

_A Vuestra Sennoria Illustrissima Suplico le aya por Presentado, y se sirva de dalle la dicha licencia, que en ello recibire merced._

Fray Juan or Ximeno, Palis.

This forme of presentation, used among them, naming the party presenting, and the party presented, is in English much to this purpose.

Frier _John Ximeno_, Preacher Generall, and Provinciall of this Province of _St. Vincent_, of _Chiapa_ and _Guatemala_, Order of Preachers, do present unto your Lordship the father Frier _Thomas_ of _St. Mary_ (already examined, and approved by five Examiners by secret Votes, according to our Rule and Constitutions) that your Lordship may be pleased to grant him licence to heare Confessions, and to preach to all sorts of people in your Bishoprick, according to that Rule and Canon of Pope _Clement_, beginning with these words, _Dudum de Sepulturis_.

I humbly beseech your Lordship, to have him for presented, and to grant him your foresaid licence, and therein I shall receive great favour.

_Frier John or Ximeno. Palis._

The Bishop of _Guatemala_ being my great friend, and a well-wisher to learning and especially to that Universitie, needed not many words of intreaty, but presently gave me this Licence written on the back-side of the presentation, and that without any further examination by his Clergy and part of his Chapter, which hee may and doth use when he pleaseth.

_Nos el Maestro Don Fray Joan de Sandoval, y, Capata, de la Orden de San Augustin por la Divina Gracia Obispo de Guatemala y la Vera Paz, y del Confejo de su Magistad etc. Por la Presente damos licencia al Padre Fray Thomas de Santa Maria de la orden de Predicadores Contenido en la Presentacion de su Religion atras Contenida, Para que en todo este nuestro Obispado pueda Predicar, y Predique la Palabra de Dios, y para que pueda administrar, y administre el Sacramento Santo de la Penitentia generalmente a todas las Personas que con el tubieren Devocion de Confessare (excepto Monias) y a las Personas que Confessare pueda absolver, y absuelva de todos sus pecados, Crimines y excessos, excepto de los casos reservados a su santidad, y a Nos por Direcho. Dada en la Ciudad de Santiago de Guatemala, en quarto de Diziembre de Mill, y Seyscientos, y veynte y nueve Annos._

El Obispo de Guatemala

Por Mandado del Illmo. mi Senor Pedro Ramirez de Valdes, Secretario.

This forme of licence to preach and heare confessions, from the Bishop of _Guatemala_, is worth Englishing for some things in it, which I shall observe with inclosed Parentheses as I goe along for the better reminding my Reader of them.

Wee (_Bishops in that Church scorne the name of a singular person, shewing they have the power of all persons joyned together in them, of rich and poore, of subject and Prince_) Master and Lord Frier _John de Sandoval y Capata_ of the Order of St. _Augustin_ (_though brought up in a poore Mendicant Cloister, yet now he takes upon him the Title of a Lord, and shewes how Prelates in that Church use to Lord it over the people_) by the Divine Grace Bishop of _Guatemala_ and the _Vera Paz_, (_he stiles himselfe a Bishop by Divine Grace, whereas he himselfe acording to the common report of him, as also are most Bishops there made, was made Bishop not by any Divine Grace, but by unwarranted Simony and favour from Courtiers, having given many thousand Crownes for that his Bishopricke_) of his Majesties Councell (_Bishops there must be Counsellors to Kings, and meddle in Court and Politicke affaires_) by these Present give licence to Father Frier _Thomas_ of Saint _Mary_, of the Order of Preachers, contained in the Presentation from his religious Order on the back-side of this our licence, that throughout all our Bishopricke he may and doe preach the word of God (_yet I confesse This word of God is little used in Sermons in that Church, but rather the words of Saints of theirs and Fathers, and lying words of miracles, wherewith they stuffe up a whole houres preaching_) and that he may and doe administer the holy Sacrament of Penance (_not holy as it came from the mouth of him to whom the Seraphims cry Holy, Holy, Holy, but as it came from the head of_ Rome, _who sacrilegiously stiles himselfe Holinesse and most Holy Father. Not a Sacrament as so left and ordained by Christ, but one of_ Romes _seven Sacraments, which as it is a City knowne and distinguished by seven hills, so will that Church be knowne and distinguished from the true Church by seven Sacraments_) generally to all persons, which shall have devotion to confesse with him, excepting Nuns (_this Bishop had in that City one of the six Judges of the Chancery his daughter a Nun called_ Donna Juana de Maldonado y Paz, _whom he loved dearly, and much conferred with her in private in the Cloister, whose private conferences he was jealous they should be knowne in Confession, and therefore would suffer none to hear Nuns Confessions, but such as were his most intimate friends, and of whom he had great satisfaction, alleadging this reason that such as heard Nuns Confessions ought to be very skilfull and experienced in such waies, and men of age; for that greater cases of Conscience were to be met with in Nuns Confessions, than in others. By which reason he unwisely brought an aspersion upon those Virgins, who should live chastly and holily as separated from the world and inclosed, and yet it seems by this Bishops opinion, that within their inclosed walls sins are committed more grievous then abroad in the wide world, and such as may puzzle a Ghostly Father if not skillfull and ancient_) and that he may and doe absolve all persons which shall confesse with him (_if onely God can pardon and absolve from sinne, Oh how is Gods power arrogated and taken, yea and abused by those sacrilegious Priests!_) from all their sins, crimes, and excesses, excepting such cases as are reserved to his Holinesse, and to us by Canon right. (_A wicked rule and Canon, a Government certainly most cruell and tyrannicall, that bindes poor wretches in some cases to goe from_ America _to_ Rome_, at least eight thousand miles to cleare their Consciences before the Pope, or else they must die without pardon and absolution from sinne, many having not meanes to goe thither, nor gifts to bestow upon their Pope, who must be bribed to absolve them. O how more sweet, comfortable and safe is it for a heinous sinner and offendour even at home or in the Church grieving within his heart, and keeping within himselfe, to lift up a broken heart, and make that poste and flie with wings of Eagles to the high Throne of Gods grace and mercy, with assured confidence that there only is pardon, remission and absolution granted to all such as doe truely and unfeignedly repent of their sins, crimes and excesses!_) Dated in the City of _St. James of Guatemala_, the fourth day of _December_, in the yeer of our Lord 1629.

_The Bishop of_ Guatemala.

_By the Command of my most Illustrious Lord_, Peter Ramirez de Valdes. _Secretary._

Thus with full and ample Commission from the Bishop and the Provinciall was I setled in _Guatemala_, to read and preach, where, (although I might have continued many yeers and was offered to read Divinity, having in part begun it one quarter of a yeere) I continued yet but three yeers and almost an halfe for the reason I shall shew hereafter. So what in that time I could observe of that City, and of the Countrey round about, having had occasions to travaile about it both when I lived in _Guatemala_, and afterwards when I lived for above seven yeers in the Countrey Townes, I shall truly and faithfully recommend unto my Reader. This City of _Guatemala_ (called by the Spaniards _Santiago_, or _St. James_ of _Guatemala_) is seated in a valley, which is not above two miles and a halfe broad, for the high mountaines doe keep it close in; but in length towards the South-sea it continues a wide and champaigne Countrey, opening it selfe broader a little beyond that Towne, which to this day is called _la Ciudad Vieja_, or the old City, standing somewhat above three miles from _Guatemala_. Though the mountaines on each side doe strongly environ it, and especially on the East-side seem to hang over it, yet none of them are hinderers to Travellers, who over them have opened waies easie for man and beasts though heavily laden with wares of all sorts. The way from _Mexico_, if taken by the coast of _Soconuzco_, and _Suchutepeques_ comes into the City North-west-ward, which is a wide, open and sandy rode; if it be taken by _Chiapa_, it lieth North-east, and entreth into the City between the mountaines, as before hath been noted. West-ward to the South-sea the way lieth open through the valley and a champaigne Countrey. But South or South-East, the entrance is over high and steepy hils, which is the common Rode from _Comayagua, Nicaragua_, and the _Golfo dulce_ or sweet Gulfe, where the ships come yeerly and unlade all the Commodities which are brought from _Spaine_ for _Guatemala_. This also is the way followed by them who take a journey meer East-ward from this City. But the chiefest mountaines, which straighten in this City and valley are two, called Vulcanes, the one being a Vulcan of water, and the other a Vulcan or mountain of fire, termed so by the _Spaniards_, though very improperly a Vulcan may be said to containe water, it taking its name from the heathenish God _Vulcan_, whose profession and imployment chiefly was in fire. These two famous mountaines stand almost the one over against the other, on each side of the valley; that of water hanging on the South-side almost perpendicularly over the City, the other of fire standing lower from it, more opposite to the old City. That of water is higher then the other, and yeelds a goodly prospect to the sight, being almost all the yeer green, and full of _Indian_ Milpa's, which are plantations of _Indian_ wheat; and in the small and petty Townes which lie some halfe way up it, some at the foot of it, there are Roses, Lillies, and other flowers all the yeer long in the gardens, besides Plantins, Apricockes, and many sorts of sweet and delicate fruits. It is called by the _Spaniards, el Vulcan del agua_, or the Vulcan of water, because on the other side of it from _Guatemala_ it springs with many brookes towards a Towne called Saint _Christopher_, and especially is thought to preserve and nourish on that side also a great lake of fresh water, by the Townes called _Amatitlan_ and _Petapa_. But on the side of it towards _Guatemala_ and the valley it yeelds also so many springs of sweet and fresh water, as have caused and made a river which runneth along the valley close by the City, and is that which drives the water-mills spoken of before in _Xocotenango_. This river was not known when first the _Spaniards_ conquered that Country; but since, according to their constant Tradition, the City of _Guatemala_ standing higher and neerer to the _Vulcan_ in that place and Town which to this day is called _la Ciudad Vieja_, or the old City, there lived in it then about the yeer 1534. a Gentlewoman called _Donna Maria de Castilia_, who having lost her husband in the warres, and that same yeer buried also all her children, grew so impatient under these her crosses and afflictions, that impiously she defied God, saying, What can God do more unto me now then he hath done? he hath done his worst without it be to take away my life also, which I now regard not. Upon these words there gushed out of this Vulcan such a flood of water as carried away this woman with the streame, ruined many of the houses, and caused the inhabitants to remove to the place where now standeth _Guatemala_. This is the _Spaniards_ own Tradition, which if true, should be our example to learne to feare and not to defie God, when his judgements shew him to us angry and a God that will overcome, when he judgeth. From that time, and from this their Tradition is the Towne now standing where first stood _Guatemala_, called _la Ciudad Vieja_, or the old City, and hath continued a river which before was not knowne, having its head and spring from this high Vulcan, whose pleasant springs, gardens, fruits, flowers and every green and flourishing prospect might be a fair object to a _Martials_ wit, who here would fancie a new _Parnassus_, find out new steps of flying _Pegasus_, and greet the Nymphes and nine Sisters with this their never yet discovered and _American_ habitation. This Vulcan or mountaine is not so pleasing to the sight (whose height is judged full nine miles unto the top) but the other which standeth on the other side of the valley opposite unto it, is unpleasing and more dreadfull to behold, for here are ashes for beauty, stones and flints for fruits and flowers, baldnesse for greennesse, barrennesse for fruitfulnesse, for water whisperings and fountaine murmurs, noise of thunders and roaring of consuming metals, for running streams, flashings of fire, for tall and mighty trees and Cedars, Castles of smoak rising in height to out-dare the skie and firmament, for sweet and odoriferous and fragrant smels, a stink of fire and brimstone, which are stil in action striving within the bowels of that ever burning and fiery Vulcan. Thus is _Guatemala_ seated in the midst of a Paradise on the one side and a hell on the other, yet never hath this hell broke so loose as to consume that flourishing City. True it is formerly many yeers agoe it opened a wide mouth on the top, and breathed out such fiery ashes as filled the houses of _Guatemala_ and the Country about, and parched all the plants and fruits, and spued out such stones and rockes which had they fallen upon the City would have crushed it to pieces, but they fell not farre from it, but to this day lie about the bottome and sides of it, causing wonder to those that behold them, and taking away admiration from them that admire the force and strength of fire and powder in carrying on a weighty bullet from the mouth of a cannon, whereas here the fire of this mountaine hath cast up into the aire and tumbled downe to the bottom of it such rockes as in bignesse exceed a reasonable house, and which not the strength of any twenty Mules (as hath been tried) have been able to remove. The fire which flasheth out of the top of this mountain is sometimes more and sometimes lesse; yet while I lived in the City, on a certaine time for the space of three or foure dayes and nights it did so burne that my friend Mr. _Cabannas_ confidently avouched to mee and others, that standing one night in his window he had with the light of that fire read a letter, the distance being above three _English_ miles. The roaring also of this monstrous beast is not constantly alike, but is greater in the summer time then in the winter, that is, from _October_ to the end of _April_, then all the rest of the yeer; for then it seems, the winds entring into those concavities set the fire on work harder then at other times, and cause the mountaine to roare and the earth about to quake. There was a time three yeers before my comming to that City, when the inhabitants expected nothing but utter ruine and destruction, and durst not abide within their houses for nine dayes (the earthquakes continuing and increasing more and more) but made bowers and arbours in the Market place, placing there their Idoll Saints and Images, especially St. _Sebastian_, whom they hoped would deliver them from that judgement, and for this purpose they dayly carried him through the streets in solemn and idolatrous procession and adoration. But all the while I lived there the noise within the mountaine, the smoake and flashes of fire without, and the Summer earth-quakes were such that with the use and custome of them I never feared any thing, but thought that City the healthiest and pleasantest place of dwelling that ever I came into in all my travels. The climate is very temperate, farre exceeding either _Mexico_ or _Guaxaca_. Neither are the two fore-named Cities better stored with fruits, herbes for salets, provision of fish, and flesh, Beef, Mutton, Veale, Kid, Fowles, Turkies, Rabbets, Quailes, Partridges, Pheasants, and of _Indian_ and _Spanish_ Wheat, then is this City: from the South Sea (which lyeth in some places not above twelve leagues from it) and from the Rivers of the South Sea Coast, and from the fresh Lake of _Amatitlan_ and _Petapa_, and from another Lake lying three or foure leagues from _Chimalienango_; it is well and plentifully provided for of fish. But for Beef there is such plenty, that it exceeds all parts of _America_, without exception, as may be known by the Hydes, which are sent yeerly to _Spain_ from the country of _Guatemala_, where they commonly kill their Cattell, more for the game of their Hydes in _Spain_, then for the goodnesse or fatnesse of the flesh, which though it bee not to bee compared to our _English_ Beef, yet it is good mans meat, and so cheap, that in my time it was commonly sold at thirteene pound and a halfe for half a Riall, the least coyne there, and as much as three pence here. Though all about this Country there are very great and spatious Estancia's, or Farmes for breeding onely, even neer to the _Golfo Dulce_, where the ships ride that come from _Spain_, yet from _Comayagua_, St. _Salvador_ and _Nicaragua_, is _Guatemala_ stored; But above all are the great Estancia's in the South Sea Coast or Marsh, where in my time there was a Grazier that reckoned up going in his owne Estancia and ground, forty thousand heads of Beasts, small and great, besides many which are called there Simarrones, or wild Cattell, which were strayed among the Woods and Mountaines, and could not bee gathered in with the rest, but were hunted by the Blackmores like wild Bores, and daily shot to death, least they should too much increase and doe hurt. My selfe chanced to bee present at the Fair of the Town of _Petapa_, with a friend named _Lope de Chaves_, (who was as they call there, Obligado, or charged to provide flesh for six or seven Townes thereabouts) who at one bargain, and of one man, bought six thousand head of Cattell, great and small, paying one with another eighteen Rials, or nine English shillings a head.

The manner and custome of _Guatemala_ for the better providing both Beef and Mutton for it, and the Country Townes about, is this. Nine daies before Michaelmas, every day Proclamation is made about the City for an Obligado, or one that will bee bound to the City and Country for competent provision of Flesh meat upon forfeiture of such a summe of money to his Majesty, if hee faile, as shall bee agreed upon between him and the Court, and to the Inhabitants of the City; if hee fail in beef, hee is to allow in Mutton so many pounds at the same rate as hee should have allowed beef. If the Obligado faile in Mutton, hee is to allow in Fowle flesh, so many pounds and at the same rate as hee was to allow the Mutton; and this with consideration of the family, what competent allowance of flesh meat shall bee judged for a day, or the dayes that the Obligado shall fail. Besides this the Proclamation is made for whom offers most to his Majesty for one yeers Obligation. So that sometimes it happeneth that the eight daies severall men come into the Court, offering more and more, till upon the ninth day and last Proclamation, the Office is setled for one yeere upon him that hath offered most unto his Majesty. Thus many Butchers are not allowed but one onely Obligado, who also is abridged to so many pound for so much mony, so that if any other besides him offer to kill or sell, he may follow an action and the Court against him: Thus the Obligado (who commonly is a monied man) buyeth by the hundred or by the thousand, as for the present hee findeth the expence of the City, without hee bee himself such a Grazier, as hath Cattell enough of his owne. Though Mutton bee not so plentifull as is Beef, yet there never wants from the Valley of _Mixco, Pinola, Petapa_, and _Amatitlan_, and the _Marsh_ and other places. In the Valley fore-named I lived, and was well acquainted with one _Alonso Capata_, who had constantly going in the Valley four thousand sheep. _Guatemala_ therefore is so well stored with good provision, plentifull and cheap, that it is hard to finde in it a begger, for with halfe a Riall the poorest may buy beef for a weeke, and with a few Cacao's they may have bread of _Indian_ Maiz, if not of _Spanish_ Wheat. This City may consist of about five thousand families, besides a Suburb of _Indians_ called _el Barrio de Sto. Domingo_, where may bee two hundred families more. The best part of the City is that which joyneth to this Suburb of _Indians_, and is called also _el Barrio Santo de Domingo_, by reason of the Cloister of Saint _Dominick_ which standeth in it. Here are the richest and best shops of the City, with the best buildings, most of the houses being new, and stately. Here is also a dayly Tianguez (as they call it) or petty Market, where some _Indians_ all the day sit selling fruits, Herbs, and Cacao, but at the foure in the afternoone, this Market is filled for a matter of an houre, where the _Indian_ women meet to sell their Country slap, (which is dainties to the Criolians) as Atolle, Pinole, scalded Plantins, butter of the Cacao, puddings made of _Indian_ Maiz, with a bit of Fowle or fresh Porke in them seasoned with much red biting Chile, which they call Anacatamales. The trading of the City is great, for by Mules it partakes of the best commodities of _Mexico, Guaxaca_ and _Chiapa_, and Southward of _Nicaragua_, and _Costarica_. By Sea it hath commerce with _Peru_, by two Sea Ports and Havens, the one called _la Villa de la Trinidad_, the Village of the Trinity, which lyeth Southward from it five and twenty leagues; and by another called _el Realejo_, which lyeth five or six and forty leagues from it. It hath traffique with _Spain_ by the North Sea from _Golfo dulce_, lying threescore leagues from it. It is not so rich as other Cities, yet for the quantity of it, it yeelds to none. There were in my time five (besides many other Merchants who were judged worth twenty thousand Duckats, thirty thousand, fifty thousand, some few a hundred thousand) who were judged of equall wealth, and generally reported to bee worth each of them five hundred thousand Duckats; the first was _Thomas de Siliezer_, a Biscain born, and _Alcalde de Corte_, the Kings High Justice, or chief Officer at Court; the second was _Antonio Justiniano_, a _Genovois_ born, and one that bore often Offices in the City, and had many Tenements and houses, especially a great and rich Farme for corn and Wheat in the Valley of _Mexico_. The third was _Pedro de Lira_, born in _Castilia_, the fourth and fifth, _Antonio Fernandez_, and _Bartolome Nunnez_, both _Portingals_, whereof the first in my time departed from _Guatemala_ for some reasons which here I must conceale. The other foure I left there, the three of them living at that end of the City called _Barrio de Santo Domingo_, or the street of St. _Dominick_, whose houses and presence makes that street excell all the rest of the City, and their wealth and trading were enough to denominate _Guatemala_ a very rich City. The Government of all the Country about, and of all _Honduras, Soconusco, Comayagua, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Vera Paz, Suchutepeques_, and _Chiapa_, is subordinate unto the Chancery of _Guatemala_; for although every Governour over these severall Provinces is appointed by the King and Councell of _Spain_, yet when they come to those parts to the enjoyment of their charge and execution office, then their actions, if unjust, are weighed, judged, censured, and condemned by the Court residing in the City. This Court of Chancery consisteth of a President, six Judges, one Kings Attourney, and two chief Justices of Court. The President, though hee have not the name and title of Viceroy, as they of _Mexico_ and _Peru_, yet his power is as great and absolute as theirs. His Pension from the King is but twelve thousands Duckats a yeer; but besides this, if he be covetous, hee makes by bribes and trading twice as much more, nay what hee list, as was seen in the _Count de la Gomera_, President of that City and Chancery for the space of fourteen yeers, who departed in old age from _Guatemala_ to _Canaria_ (where was his house and place of birth) worth Millions of Duckats. After him succeeded _Don Juan de Guzman_, formerly President of _Santo Domingo_, who losing his Wife and Lady in the way, lost also his former spirit and courage, betaking himselfe wholly to his devotions, contemning wealth and riches, governing with love and mildnesse, which made the rest of the Judges, who were all for lucre, soone weary him out of his office, continuing in it but five yeers. His successor (whom I left there when I came away) was _Don Gonzalo de Paz y Lorencana_, who was promoted from the Presidency of _Panama_ to that place, and came into it with such a spirit of covetousnesse as the like had not been seen in any former President. Hee forbad all gaming in private houses in the City, which there is much used (though by women not so much as in _Mexico_) not for that hee hated it, but because hee envied others, what they got and gained by their Cards, drawing to himselfe thereby all that gaine, spending sometimes in one night foure and twenty paire of Cards, appointing a Page to assist at the Tables, and to see the box well paid for every paire of Cards, which for his, and his Court respect, was seldome lesse then a crown or two for every paire. Thus did hee lick up with his Cards most of the gamesters gaines, and would grudge and pick quarrels with such rich men whom hee knew to affect gaming, if they frequented not his Court at night time for that bewitching Recreation.

The Pension which the King alloweth to every Judge of Chancery is foure thousand duckats yeerly, and three thousand to his Attorney, all which is paid out of the Kings Exchequer abiding in that City. Yet what besides they get by bribes, and trading is so much, that I have heard a Judge himselfe _Don Luis de las Infantas_ say, that though a Judges place at _Mexico_ and _Lima_ be more honourable, yet none more profitable then _Guatemala_. In my time were such causes at Chancery tried, as had never been, of murthers, robberies, and oppressions, and whereas it was expected the offendants some should be hanged, some banished, some imprisoned, some by fines impoverished, bribes took all off, so that I never knew one hanged in that City for the space of above eight yeers. The Churches though they be not so fair and rich as those of _Mexico_, yet they are for that place wealthy enough. There is but one Parish Church and a Cathedrall which standeth in the chiefe Market-place. All the other Churches belong to Cloisters, which are of Dominicans, Franciscans, Mercenarians, Augustines, and Jesuites, and two of Nuns, called the Conception and _St. Catharine_. The Dominicans, Franciscans, and Mercenarians are stately Cloisters, containing neer a hundred Friers a piece; but above all is the Cloister where I lived, of the Dominicans, to which is joyned in a great Walk before the Church the Universitie of the City. The yeerly revenues which come into this Cloister, what from the _Indian_ Towns belonging to it, what from a water-mill, what from a farme for corne, what from an Estancia, or farme for Horses and Mules, what from an Ingenio, or farme of Sugar, what from a Mine of silver given unto it the yeer 1633. are judged to be (excepting all charges) at least thirty thousand duckats; wherewith those fat Friers feast themselves, and have to spare to build, and enrich their Church and Altars. Besides much treasure belonging to it, there are two things in it, which the _Spaniards_ in merriment would often tell me that the _English_ nation did much inquire after, when they tooke any ship of theirs at sea, and that they feared I was come to spie them, which were a Lampe of silver hanging before the high Altar, so big as required the strength of three men to hale it up with a rope; but the other is of more value; which is a picture of the Virgin _Mary_ of pure silver, and of the stature of a reasonable tall woman, which standeth in a Tabernacle made on purpose in a Chappel of the Rosary with at least a dozen lampes of silver also burning before it. A hundred thousand duckats might soone be made up of the treasure belonging to that Church and cloister. Within the walls of the Cloister there is nothing wanting which may further pleasure and recreation. In the lower Cloister there is a spatious garden, in the midst whereof is a fountains casting up the water, and spouting it out of at least a dozen pipes, which fill two ponds full of fishes, and with this their constant running give musicke to the whole Cloister, and encouragement to many water-fowles and Ducks to bath and wash themselves therein. Yet further within the Cloister, there are other two gardens for fruits and herbage, and in the one a pond of a quarter of a mile long, all paved at the bottom, and a low stone wall about, where is a boat for the Friers recreation, who often goe thither to fish, and doe sometimes upon a suddaine want or occasion take out from thence as much fish as will give to the whole Cloister a dinner. The other Cloisters of the City are also rich; but next to the Dominicans is the Cloister of Nuns, called the Conception, in which at my time there were judged to live a thousand women, not all Nuns, but Nuns, and their serving maids or slaves, and yong children which were brought up and taught to worke by the Nuns. The Nuns that are professed bring with them their portions, five hundred duckats the least, some six hundred, some seven, and some a thousand, which portions after a few yeers (and continuing to the Cloister after the Nuns decease) come to make up a great yeerly rent. They that will have maids within to wait on them may, bringing the bigger portion, or allowing yeerly for their servants diet. In this Cloister lived that _Donna Juana de Maldonado_ Judge _Juan Maldonado de Paz_ his daughter, whom the Bishop so much conversed withall. She was very fair and beautifull, and not much above twenty yeers of age, and yet his love blinding him, he strove what he could in my time against all the ancient Nuns and Sisters, to make her Superiour and Abbesse, and caused such a mutiny and strife in that Cloister, which was very scandalous to the whole City, and made many rich Merchants and Gentlemen run to the Cloister with their swords drawne, threatning to breake in amongst the Nuns to defend their daughters against the powerfull faction which the Bishop had wrought for _Donna Juana de Maldonado_: which they had performed if the President _Don Juan de Guzman_ had not sent _Juan Maldonado de Paz_, the yong Nuns father, to intreat her to desist in regard of her yong age from her ambitious thoughts or being Abbesse. With this the mutiny both within and without ceased, the Bishop got but shame, and his yong Sister continued as before under command and obedience, to a more religious, grave, and aged Nun then her selfe. This _Donna Juana de Maldonado y Paz_ was the wonder of all that Cloister, yea of all the City for her excellent voice, and skill in musicke, and in carriage, and education yeelded to none abroad nor within; she was witty, well spoken and above all a _Calliope_, or Muse for ingenious and suddain verses; which the Bishop said, so much moved him to delight in her company and conversation. Her father thought nothing too good, nor too much for her; and therefore having no other children, he daily conferred upon her riches, as might best beseem a Nun, as rich and costly Cabinets faced with gold and silver, pictures and Idols for her chamber with crownes and jewels to adorne them; which with other presente from the Bishop (who dying in my time left not wherewith to pay his debts, for that as the report went, he had spent himselfe and given all unto this Nun) made this _Donna Juana de Maldonado_ so rich and stately, that at her owne charges shee built for herselfe a new quarter within the Cloister with roomes and galleries, and a private garden-walke, and kept at worke and to wait on her halfe a dozen _Black-more_ maids; but above all she placed her delight in a private Chappel or Closet to pray in, being hung with rich hangings, and round about it costly lamina's (as they call them) or pictures painted upon brasse set in blacke Ebony frames with corners of gold, some of silver brought to her from _Rome_; her Altar was accordingly decked with Jewels, Candlesticks, Crownes, Lamps, and covered with a Canopie embroidered with gold; in her Closet she had her small organ, and many sorts of musicall instruments, whereupon she played sometimes by herselfe, sometimes with her best friends of the Nuns; and here especially she entertained with musicke her beloved the Bishop. Her Chappel or place of devotion was credibly reported about the City to be worth at least six thousand Crownes, which was enough for a Nun that had vowed chastity, poverty, and obedience. But all this after her decease she was to leave to the Cloister; and doubtlesse with this State, and riches she would win more and more the hearts of the common sort of Nuns, till she had made a strong party, which by this may have made her Abbesse. Thus is ambition and desire of command and power crept into the walls of Nunneries, like the abominations in the wall of _Ezekiel_, and hath possessed the hearts of Nuns, which should be humble, poore, and mortified Virgins.

But besides this one Nun, there are many more, and also Friers, who are very rich, for if the City be rich (as is this) and great trading in it, they will be sure to have a share. Great plenty and wealth hath made the inhabitants as proud and vicious, as are those of _Mexico_. Here is not onely Idolatry, but Fornication and uncleannesse as publike as in any place of the _India's_: The _Mulatto's, Black-mores, Mestica's, Indians_, and all common sort of people are much made on by the greater and richer sort, and goe as gallantly apparrelled as doe those of _Mexico_, fearing neither a Vulcan or mountaine of water on the one side, which they confesse hath once powred out a flood and river executing Gods wrath against sin there committed; neither a Vulcan of fire, or mouth of hell on the other side, roaring within and threatning to raine upon them _Sodoms_ ruine and destruction; neither the weakness of their habitation; lying wide open on every side, without walls, or workes, or bulwarkes, to defend them, or without guns, drakes, bullets, or any Ammunition to scare away an approaching enemy, who may safely come and without resistance upon them who live as professed enemies of Jesus Christ. This is the City of _St. James_ or _Santiago de Guatemala_, the head of a vaste and ample Dominion, which extendeth it selfe nine hundred miles to _Nicoya_ and _Costa Rica_ South-ward; three hundred miles to _Chiapa_ and _Zoques_ North-ward; a hundred and fourescore miles to the further parts of _Vera Paz_, and the _Golfo dulce_ East-ward; and to the South-sea twenty or thirty, in some places fourty miles West-ward.

From _Tecoantepeque_ (which is no harbour for any great ships) which standeth from _Guatemala_ at least foure hundred miles, there is no landing place for ships neerer to this City then is the village _de la Trinidad_, or of the Trinity. The chiefe commodities which from along that coast are brought to _Guatemala_, are from the Provinces of _Soconuzco_ and _Suchutepeques_, which are extreame hot, and subject to thunder and lightning, where groweth scarce any remarkeable commodity, save only _Cacao, Achiotte, Mechasuchil, Bainillas_ and other drugs for Chocolatte, except it be some _Indigo_ and _Cochinil_ about _St. Antonio_, which is the chiefe and head Town of all the _Suchutepeques_. But all the coast neer joyning to _Guatemala_, especially about a Towne called _Izquinta_, or _Izquintepeque_ twelve leagues from _Guatemala_, is absolutely the richest part of the Dominion of this City; for there is made the greatest part of the _Indigo_ which is sent from _Honduras_ to _Spaine_, besides the mighty farmes of Cattel which are all along that marsh. Though the living there be profitable and the soile rich, yet it is uncomfortable by reason of the great heat, thundrings and lightnings, especially from _May_ to _Michaelmas_. If _Guatemala_ be strong (though not in weapons or Ammunition) in people, it is strong from hence from a desperate sort of _Black-mores_, who are slaves in those Estancia's and farms of _Indigo_. Though they have no weapons but a Machette, which is a short Tuck, or lances to run at the wild Cattel, yet with these they are so desperate, that the City of _Guatemala_ hath often been afraid of them, and the Masters of their owne slaves and servants. Some of them feare not to encounter a Bull though wild and mad, and to graple in the rivers (which are many there) with Crocodiles, or Lagarto's, as there they call them, till they have overmastered them, and brought them out to land from the water.

This hot, but rich Country runnes on by the Sea side unto the Village of the Trinity, which (though somewhat dangerous) yet is a haven for ships from _Panama, Peru_, and _Mexico_; It serves to enrich _Guatemala_, but not to strengthen it, for it hath neither Fort, nor Bulwarke, nor Castle, nor any Ammunition to defend it selfe. Between this Village and the other Haven called _Realejo_, there is a great Creek from the Sea; where small vessels doe use to come in for fresh water and Victuals to St. _Miguel_ a Towne of _Spaniards_ and _Indians_, from whence those that travaile to _Realejo_ passe over in lesse then a day to a Town of _Indians_ called _La Vieja_, two miles from _Realejo_, whither the journey by land from St. _Miguel_ is of at least three daies. But neither this Creeke or Arme of the Sea is fortified (which might be done with one or two peeces of Ordnance at most placed at the mouth of the seas entrance) neither is the _Realejo_ strong with any Ammunition, no nor with people, for it consists not of above two hundred families, and most of them are _Indians_ and _Mestico's_, a people of no courage, and very unfit to defend such an open passage to _Guatemala_ and _Nicaragua_, which here begins and continues in small and petty _Indian_ Townes unto _Leon_ and _Granada_.

On the North side of _Guatemala_ I shall not need to adde to what hath been said of _Suchutepeques_ and _Soconuzco_, and my journy that way from _Mexico_ and _Chiapa_. The chiefe side of _Guatemala_ is that on the East, which points out the way to the Golfe, or _Golfo dulce_, or as others call it _St. Thomas de Castilia_. This way is more beaten by Mules and Travellers, then that on the North side, for that _Mexico_ standeth three hundred leagues from this City, and the Golfe but threescore, and no such passages as are in some places in the Rode to _Mexico_. Besides the great trading, commerce, and traffique, which this City injoyeth by that Golfe from _Spaine_, hath made that rode exceed all the rest. In _July_ or at furthest in the beginning of _August_ come into that Golfe three ships, or two, and frigate, and unlade what they have brought from _Spain_ in _Bodega's_ or great Lodges, built on purpose to keep dry and from the weather the commodities. They presently make hast to lade againe from _Guatemala_ those Merchants commodities of returne, which peradventure have lien waiting for them in the _Bodega's_ two or three moneths before the ships arrivall. So that these three moneths of _July, August_ and _September_, there is sure to be found a great treasure. And O the simplicity or security of the _Spaniards_, who appoint no other watch over these their riches, save only one or two _Indians_ and as many _Mulatto's_, who commonly are such as have for their misdemeanours been condemned to live in that old and ruinated Castle of _S. Thomas de Castilia_! True it is, above it there is a little and ragged Town of _Indians_, called _S. Pedro_, consisting of some thirty families, who by reason of the exceeding heat, and unhealthinesse of the air, are alwaies sickly and scarce able to stand upon their legs. But the weakenesse of this Golfe within might well bee remedied and supplyed at the mouth of the sea, or entrance into it by one or two at the most good peeces of Ordnance placed there. For the entrance into this Golfe is but as one should come in at the doore of some great Palace, where although the dore and entrance be narrow, the house within is wide and capacious. Such is this Golfe, whose entrance is straitned with two rocks or mountaines on each side (which would well become two great Peeces, and so scorne a whole fleet, and secure a Kingdome of _Guatemala_, nay most of all _America_) but here being no watch nor defence, the ships come freely and safely in (as have done some both _English_ and _Holland_ ships) and being entred find a rode and harbour so wide and capacious as may well secure a thousand ships there riding at anchor, without any thought of feare from _St. Pedro_, or _Santo Thomas de Castilia_. I have often heard the _Spaniards_ jear and laugh at the _English_ and _Hollanders_, for that they having come into this Golfe, have gone away without attempting any thing further upon the land. Nay while I lived there, the _Hollanders_ set upon _Truxillo_ the head Port of _Comayagua_ and _Honduras_, and tooke it (though there were some resistance) the people for the most part flying to the woods, trusting more to their feet then to their hands and weapons (such cowards is all that Countrey full of) and whilst they might have fortified themselves there and gone into the Countrey, or fortifying that have come on to the Golfe (all _Guatemala_ fearing it much and not being able to resist them) they left _Truxillo_ contenting themselves with a small pillage, and gave occasion to the _Spaniards_ to rejoyce and to make processions of thanksgiving for their safe deliverance out of their enemies hands.

The way from this Golfe to _Guatemala_ is not so bad as some report and conceive, especially after _Michaelmas_ untill _May_, when the winter and rain is past and gone, and the winds begin to dry up the waies. For in the worst of the yeer Mules laden with four hundred waight at least goe easily thorow the steepest, deepest, and most dangerous passages of the mountaines that lie about this Golfe. And though the waies are at that time of the yeer bad, yet they are so beaten with the Mules, and so wide and open, that one bad step and passage may be avoided for a better; and the worst of this way continues but fifteen leagues, there being Rancho's, or Lodges in the way, Cattel and Mules also among the woods and mountaines, for reliefe and comfort to a weary Traveller. What the _Spaniards_ most feare untill they come out of these mountaines, are some two or three hundred _Black-mores, Simarrones_, who for too much hard usage, have fled away from _Guatemala_ and other parts from their Masters unto these woods, and there live and bring up their children and encrease daily, so that all the power of _Guatemala_, nay all the Countrey about (having often attempted it) is not able to bring them under subjection. These often come out to the rode way, and set upon the Requa's of Mules, and take of Wine, Iron, clothing and weapons from them as much as they need, without doing any harme unto the people, or slaves that goe with the Mules; but rather these rejoyce with them, being of one colour, and subject to slavery and misery which the others have shaken off; by whose example and encouragement many of these also shake off their misery, and joyne with them to enjoy libertie, though it be but in the woods and mountaines. Their weapons are bowes and arrows which they use and carry about them, onely to defend themselves, if the _Spaniards_ set upon them; else they use them not against the _Spaniards_, who travell quietly and give them part of what provision they carry. These have often said that the chiefe cause of their flying to those mountaines is to be in a readinesse to joyne with the _English_ or _Hollanders_, if ever they land in that Golfe; for they know, from them they may injoy that liberty which the _Spaniards_ will never grant unto them. After the first fifteen leagues the way is better, and there are little Towns and villages of _Indians_, who relieve with provision both man and beast. Fifteen leagues further is a great Town of _Indians_, called _Acasabastlan_, standing upon a river, which for fish is held the best all that Country. Though here are many sorts, yet above all there is one which they call Bobo, a thick round fish as long or longer then a mans arme, with onely a middle bone, as white as milke, at fat as butter, and good to boil, fry, stew or bake. There is also from hence most of the way to _Guatemala_ in brooks and shallow rivers, one of the best sort of fishes in the world, which the _Spaniards_ judge to be a kind of Trout, it is called there Tepemechin, the fat whereof resembles veal more than fish.

This Towne of _Acasabastlan_ is governed by a _Spaniard_ who is called Corrigidor; his power extendeth no farther then to the Golfe, and to those Townes in the way. This Governour hath often attempted to bring in those _Simarrones_ from the mountaines, but could never prevaile against them. All the strength of this place may bee some twenty muskets (for so many _Spanish_ houses there may bee in the Towne) and some few _Indians_ that use bowes and arrowes, for the defence of the Town against the _Blackmore Simarrones_.

About _Acasabastlan_, there are many Estancia's of Cattell and Mules, much Cacao, Achiotte, and drugs for Chocolatte; There is also Apothecary drugs, as _Zarzaparilla_, and _Canna fistula_, and in the Town as much variety of fruits and gardens, as in any one _Indian_ Town in the Country; But above all _Acasabastlan_, is farre known, and much esteemed of in the City of _Guatemala_, for excellent Muskmillians, some small, some bigger then a mans head, wherewith the _Indians_ load their mules and carry them to sell all over the Country. From hence to _Guatemala_, there are but thirty short leagues, and though some hills there be, ascents and descent, yet nothing troublesome to man or beast. Among these Mountaines there have beene discovered some mines of metall, which the _Spaniards_ have begun to digge, and finding that they have been some of Copper, and some of iron, they have let them alone, judgeing them more chargeable then profitable. But greater profit have the _Spaniards_ lost, then of iron and copper, for using the poore _Indians_ too hardly, and that in this way, from _Acasabastlan_ to _Guatemala_, especially about a place called, _el Agua Caliente_, the hot water, where is a River, out of which in some places formerly the _Indians_ found such store of gold, that they were charged by the _Spaniards_ with a yeerly tribute of gold. But the _Spaniards_ being like _Valdivia_ in _Chille_, too greedy after it, murthering the _Indians_ for not discovering unto them whereabout this treasure lay, have lost both treasure and _Indians_ also. Yet unto this day search is made about the Mountaines, the River, and the sands for the hidden treasure, which peradventure by Gods order and appointment, doth and shall lie hide, and kept for a people better knowing and honouring their God. At this place called _el Agua Caliente_, or the hot water, liveth a Blackmore in an Estancia of his own, who is held to be very rich, and gives good entertainement to the Travellers that passe that way; he is rich in Cattell, Sheep, and Goates, and from his Farm stores _Guatemala_ and the people thereabout with the best Cheese of all that Country. But his riches are thought not so much to increase from his Farm and cheeses, but from this hidden treasure, which credibly is reported to be known unto him. He hath been questioned about it in the Chancery of _Guatemala_, but hath denyed often any such treasure to be known unto him. The jealousie and suspicion of him, is, for that formerly having been a slave, hee bought his freedome with great summes of money, and since hee hath been free, hath bought that farm and much land lying to it, and hath exceedingly increased his stock; To which hee answereth, that when hee was young and a slave, hee had a good Master, who let him get for himself what hee could, and that hee playing the good husband, gathered as much as would buy his liberty, and at first a little house to live in, to the which God hath since given a blessing with a greater increase of stock. From this hot water three or foure leagues, there is another River called, _Rio de las Vaccas_, or the River of _Cowes_, where are a company of poore and country people most of them Mestizo's, and Mulatto's, who live in thatched houses, with some small stock of Cattell, spending their time also in searching for sands of Gold, hoping that one day by their diligent search they and their children, and all their Country shall bee inriched, and that _Rio de las Vaccas_, shall parallel _Pactolus_, and stirre up the wits of Poets to speak of it as much as ever they have spoke of that. From this River is presently discovered the pleasantest valley in all that Country, (where my selfe did live at least five yeers) called the Valley of _Mixco_, and _Pinola_, lying six leagues from _Guatemala_, being fifteen miles in length, and ten or twelve in breadth; Out of the inclosures this Valley is stored with sheep; the ground inclosed is divided into many Farmes, where groweth better wheat then any in the Country of _Mexico_. From this Valley the city is well provided of wheat, and Bisket is made for the ships that come every yeere unto the Golf. It is called the Valley of _Mixco_, and _Pinola_ from two Townes of _Indians_, so called, standing opposite the one to the other on each side of the Valley, _Pinola_, on the left side from _Rio de las Vaccas_, and _Mixco_ on the right. Here do live many rich Farmers, but yet Country and clownish people, who know more of breaking clods of earth, then of managing Armes offensive or defensive. But among them I must not forget one friend of mine, called _Juan Palomeque_, whom I should have more esteemed of then I did if I could have prevailed with him to have made him live more like a man then a beast, more like a free man then a bond slave to his gold and silver. This man had in my time three hundred lusty mules trained up in the way of the Golf, which hee divided into six Requa's, or companies, and for them he kept above a hundred _Black-more_ slaves, men, women, and children, who lived neer _Mixco_ in severall thatched cottages. The house he lived in himselfe was but a poore thatched house, wherein he tooke more delight to live then in other houses which he had in _Guatemala_, for there hee lived like a wilde _Simarron_ among his slaves and _Black-mores_, whereas in the City he should have lived civilly; there he lived with milke, curds, and blacke, hard and mouldy bisket, and with a dry tassajo, which is dry salted beefe cut out in thinne slices, and dryed in the sun and wind, till there be little substance left in it, such as his slaves were wont to cary to the Golfe for their provision by the way, whereas if he had lived in the City, he must have eat for his credit what others of worth did eat. But the miser knew well, which was the best way to save, and so chose a field for a City, a cottage for a house, company of _Simarrones_ and _Black-mores_ for Citizens, and yet he was thought to be worth six hundred thousand duckats. He was the undoer of all others who dealed with Mules for bringing and carrying commodities to the Golfe for the Merchants; for he having lusty Mules, lusty slaves, would set the price or rate for the hundred weight so, as he might get, but others at that rate hiring _Indians_ and servants to goe with their Mules, might lose. He was so cruell to his _Black-mores_, that if any were untoward, he would torment them almost to death; amongst whom he had one slave called _Macaco_ (for whom I have often interceded, but to little purpose) whom he would often hang up by the armes, and whip him till the blood ran about his back, and then his flesh being torne, mangled, and all in a goar blood, he would for last cure powre boyling grease upon it; he had marked him for a slave with burning irons upon his face, his hands, his armes, his back, his belly, his thighes, his legs, that the poor slave was weary of life, and I thinke would two or three times have hanged himselfe, if I had not counselled him to the contrary. He was so sensuall and carnall that he would use his own slaves wives at his pleasure; nay when he met in the City any of that kind handsome and to his liking, if she would not yeeld to his desire, he would goe to her master or mistresse, and buy her, offering far more then she was worth, boasting that he would pull downe her proud and haughty lookes, with one yeers slavery under him. He killed in my time two _Indians_ in the way to the Golfe, and with his mony came off, as if he had killed but a dog. He would never marry, because his slaves supplyed the bed of a wife, and none of his neighbours durst say him nay; whereby he hasted to fill that valley with bastards of all sorts and colours, by whom, when that rich miser dieth, all his wealth and treasure is like to be consumed.

Besides the two Townes which denominate this valley, there standeth at the East end of it close by the _Rio de las Vaccas_ an Ermitage, called _Nostra Sennora del Carmel_, or our Lady of _Carmel_, which is the Parish Church to all those severall farmes of _Spaniards_ living in the valley; though true it is, most constantly they doe resort unto the _Indian_ Townes to Masse, and in _Mixco_ especially, the _Spaniards_ have a rich sodality of our Lady of the Rosary, and the _Black-mores_ another. In all the valley there may be between fourty and fifty _Spanish_ farmes or houses belonging to the Ermitage, and in all these houses, some three hundred slaves, men and women, _Black-mores_ and _Mulatto's. Mixco_ is a town of three hundred families, but in it nothing considerable, but the riches belonging unto the two forenamed Sodalities, and some rich _Indians_, who have learned of the _Spaniards_ to break clods of earth, and to sow wheat, and to traffique with Mules unto the Golfe. Besides what fowles and great store of Turkeys which in this Towne are bred, there is a constant slaughter house, where meat is sold to the _Indians_ within, and to the farmes without, and provision is made for all the Requa's and slaves that go to the Golfe with their masters Mules. Besides the six Requa's before named of _Juan Palomeque_, there are in this valley four brothers, named _Don Gaspar, Don Diego, Don Thomas, Don Juan de Colindres_, who have each of them a Requa of threescore Mules (though few slaves, and onely hired _Indians_ to goe with them) to traffique to the Golfe, and over all the Country as far as _Mexico_ sometimes. Yet besides these there are some six more Requa's belonging to other farms, which with those of the Towne of _Mixco_ may make up full twenty Requa's; and those twenty Requa's containe above a thousand Mules, which only from this valley are imployed to all parts of the Country by the rich Merchants of _Guatemala_. But to returne againe to the Towne of _Mixco_, the constant passage thorow it of these Requa's, of rich Merchants, of all passengers that goe and come from _Spain_, hath made it very rich; whereas in the Town it self there is no other commodity, except it be a kind of earth, whereof are made rare and excellent pots for water, pans, pipkins, platters, dishes, chafing-dishes, warming-pans, wherein those _Indians_ shew much wit, and paint them with red, white, and severall mingled colours, and sell them to _Guatemala_, and the Towns about, which some Criolian women will eat by full mouth fulls, endangering their health and lives, so that by this earthly ware they may looke white and pale. The Towne of _Pinola_ in bignesse is much like unto _Mixco_, but a far pleasanter Town, more healthy and better seated, standing upon a plain, whereas _Mixco_ stands on the side on a hill, which carrieth the Travellers quite out of the sight of the valley. In _Pinola_ there is also a slaughter house, where beef is dayly sold, there is plenty of fowles, Fruits, Maiz, Wheat, (though not altogether so bright as that of _Mixco_) hony, and the best water thereabouts; it is called in the _Indian_ tongue _Panac_, (some say) from a fruit of that name which is very abundant there. On the North and South side of this valley are hils, which are most sown with wheat, which proveth better there then in the low valley. At the West end of it, stand two greater Townes then _Mixco_ and _Pinola_, named _Petapa_, and _Amatitlan_, to the which there are in the midst of the valley some descents and ascents, which they call Baranca's or bottomes, where are pleasant streames and fountaines, and good feeding for sheep, and Cattel.

_Petapa_ is a Towne of at least five hundred inhabitants very rich, who suffer also some _Spaniards_ to dwell amongst them, from whom also those _Indians_ have learned to live and thrive in the world. This Towne is the passage from _Comayagua, St. Salvador, Nicaragua_, and _Costa Rica_, and hath got great wealth by the constant goers and comers. It is esteemed one of the pleasantest Townes belonging unto _Guatemala_, for a great Lake of fresh water neer unto it, which is full of fish, especially crabs, and a fish called, Mojarra, which is much like unto a mullet (though not altogether so big) and eateth like it. In this Towne there is a certaine number of _Indians_ appointed, who are to fish for the City, and on Wednesdayes, Fridayes, and Saturdayes, are bound to carry such a quantity to _Guatemala_, of Crabs and Mojarra's, as the Corregidor and Regidores, Major and Aldermen (who are but eight) shall command weekly to be brought.

This Towne _Petapa_ is so called from two _Indian_ words, _Petap_, which signifieth a Mat, and _ha_, which signifieth water, and a Mat being the chiefe part of an _Indians_ bed, it is as much as to say a bed of water, from the smoothnesse, plainnesse, and calmnesse of the water of the Lake. There liveth in it a principall family of _Indians_, who are said to descend from the ancient Kings of those parts, and now by the _Spaniards_ are graced with the noble name of _Guzman_; out of this family is chosen one to be Governour of the Towne with subordination unto the City and Chancery of _Guatemala. Don Bernabe de Guzman_ was Governour in my time, and had been many yeers before, and governed very wisely and discreetly, till with old age he came to loose his sight; and in his place entred his son _Don Pedro de Guzman_, of whom the rest of the _Indians_ stood in great awe, as formerly they had to his father. Had not these _Indians_ been given to drunkennesse (as most _Indians_ are) they might have governed a Town of _Spaniards_. This Governour hath many priviledges granted unto him (though none to weare a sword, or rapier, as may the Governour of _Chiapa_ of the _Indians_) and appoints by turnes some of the Towne to wait and attend on him at dinner and supper, others to looke to his Horses, others to fish for him, others to bring him wood for his house spending, others to bring him meat for his Horses; and yet after all this his attendance, he attends and waits on the Frier that lives in the Towne, and doth nothing concerning the governing of the Towne and executing of justice, but what the Frier alloweth and adviseth to be done. There is also great service appointed for this Frier, of Fishermen, and other attendants in his house, who liveth as stately as any Bishop. Most trades belonging to a well setled Common-wealth are here exercised by these _Indians_. As for herbage, and garden-fruits, and requisites, it hath whatsoever may be found, or desired in the City of _Guatemala_. The Church treasure is very great, there being many Sodalities of our Lady and other their Saints, which are enriched with crowns, and chains, and bracelets, besides the lamps, censers, & silver candlesticks belonging unto the Altars. Upon _Michaelmas_ day is the chief fair and feast of the Town, which is dedicated unto St. _Michael_, whither many Merchants resort from _Guatemala_ to buy and sell; in the afternoon, and the next day following, Bull-baiting is the common sport for that feast with some _Spaniards_ and _Blackmores_ on Horse-backe, and other _Indians_ on foot, who commonly being drunke, some venture, some lose their lives in the sport. Besides this generall concourse of people every yeer at that time, there is every day at five a clock in the afternoone a Tianguez or market, upheld by the concourse of the _Indians_ of the Town among themselves. Besides the lake, there runneth by this Town a river, which in places is easily waded over, and waters the fruits, gardens, and other plantations, and drives a mill which serves most of the valley to grind their wheat. Within a mile and a halfe of this Towne there is a rich Ingenio or farme of Sugar belonging to one _Sebastian de Savaletta_, a _Biscaine_ borne, who came at first very poore into that Country, and served one of his Country men; but with his good industry and paines, he began to get a Mule or two to traffique with about the Country, till at last he increased his stocke to a whole Requa of Mules, and from thence grew so rich that he bought much land about _Petapa_, which he found to be very fit for Sugar, and from thence was incouraged to build a princely house, whither the best of _Guatemala_ doe resort for their recreation. This man maketh a great deale of Sugar for the Country, and sends every yeer much to _Spaine_; he keepeth at least threescore slaves of his own for the worke of his farme, is very generous in house keeping, and is thought to be worth above five hundred thousand Duckats. Within halfe a mile from him there is another farme of Sugar, which is called but a _Trapiche_ belonging unto the Augustin Friers of _Guatemala_, which keepes some twenty slaves, and is called a _Trapiche_, for that it grinds not the Sugar Cane with that device of the Ingenio, but grinds a lesse quantity, and so makes not to much Sugar as doth an Ingenio. From hence three miles is the Town of _Amatitlan_, neer unto which standeth a greater Ingenio of Sugar, then is that of _Savaletta_, and is called the Ingenio of one _Anis_, because he first founded it, but now it belongeth unto one _Pedro Crespo_ the Post-master of _Guatemala_; this Ingenio seemeth to be a little Town by it selfe for the many cottages and thatched houses of _Blackmore_ slaves which belong unto it, who may be above a hundred, men, women, and children. The chiefe dwelling house is strong and capacious, and able to entertain a hundred lodgers. These three farmes of Sugar standing so neer unto _Guatemala_, enrich the City much, and occasion great trading from it to _Spaine_. The Town of _Amatitlan_, though in it there live not so many _Spaniards_ as in _Petapa_, yet there are in it more _Indian_ families then in _Petapa_. The streets are more orderly made and framed like a Chequer board, they are wide, broad, plain, and all upon dust and sand. This Towne also enjoyeth the commodity of the lake, and furnisheth with fish the City of _Guatemala_, upon those daies before named of _Petapa_. And though it standeth out of the rode-way, yet it is almost as rich as _Petapa_. For the _Indians_ of it get much by the concourse of common people, and the Gentry of _Guatemala_, who resort thither to certain bathes of hot waters, which are judged and approved very wholesome for the body. This Towne also getteth much by the salt which here is made, or rather gathered by the lake side, which every morning appeareth like a hoary frost upon the ground, and is taken up and purified by the _Indians_, and proves very white and good. Besides what they get by the salt, they get also by the Requa's of Mules in the valley, and about the Country, which are brought to feed upon that salt earth a day, or halfe a day, untill they be ready to burst (the owner paying six pence a day for every Mule) and it hath been found by experience, that this makes them thrive and grow lusty and purgeth them better then any drench, or blood-letting. They have further great trading in Cotton-wool, more abundance of fruits then _Petapa_, a fairer market place with two extraordinary great Elm-trees, under which the _Indians_ daily meet at evening to buy and sell. The Church of this Towne is as faire and beautifull as any about _Guatemala_, the riches and state whereof hath caused the Dominican Friers since the yeer 1635, to make that place the head and Priory over the other Townes of the valley, and to build there a goodly and sumptuous Cloister, in which in my time there was (for I told then most of it, and doubtlesse since it hath much increased) eight thousand Duckats laid up in a chest, with three lockes for the common expences of the Cloister. Thus my Reader, I have led thee through the valley of _Mixco_, and _Pinola, Petapa_ and _Amatitlan_, which in riches and wealth, what with the great trading in it, what with the sheep & cattell, what with the abundance of mules, what with three Farmes of Sugar, what with the great Farmes of Corn and Wheat, what with the churches treasures yeelds to no other place belonging unto the dominions of _Guatemala_. I may not forget yet a double wheat harvest (as I may well term it) in this Vally. The first being of a little kinde of Wheat, which they call _Trigo Tremesino_, a word compounded in _Spanish_ from these two words, _tres meses_, or from the Latin _tres menses_, which after three moneths sowing is ripe and ready to be cut down, and being sowed about the end of _August_, is commonly harvested in about the end of _November_; and although in the smalnesse of it, it seemes to have but a little Flower, yet it yeelds as much as their other sorts of Wheat, and makes as white bread, though it keep not so well as that which is made of other Wheat, but soone groweth stale and hard. The other harvest (which is of two sorts of Wheat, one called _Rubio_, or red Wheat, the other called _Blanquilleo_, or white like _Candia_ Wheat) followeth soon after this first of _Tremesino_, for presently after Christmas every one begins to bring their sickles into the field, where they doe not onely reap down their Wheat, but in stead of threshing it in barnes, they cause it to bee trod by Mares inclosed within floores made on purpose in the fields; and when the Wheat is trod out of the Eares by the Mares trampling, who are whipped round about the floores that they may not stand still, but tread it constantly and throughly; then the Mares being let out of the floores, the wheat is winnowed from the chaffe, and put up clean into sackes, and from the field carried to the Barnes; but the chaffe and most of the straw is left to rot in the fields, which they esteem as good as dunging; and further set all the fields on fire, burning the stubble that is left a little before the time of the first showers of raine, which with the ashes left after the burning fatteth the ground, and by them is held the best way to husband or dung their ground. Others that will sow a new and woody peece of land, cause the trees, though timber trees to bee cut down, and sell not a stick of that wood, (which there is so plentifull, that they judge it would not quit their cost to carry it to _Guatemala_, though in _England_ it would yeeld thousand pounds) but they let it lie and dry, and before the winter raine begins, they set on fire all the field, and burn that rich timber, with the ashes whereof that ground becomes so fat and fertile, that where upon an Aker wee sow here three bushels of Wheat, or upwards, they sow such ground so thin, that they scarce dare venture a full bushell upon an Aker, lest with too much spreading upon the ground it grow too thick, bee lodged, and they loose their crop. The like they doe unto the pasture of the Valley; about the end of _March_, it is short and withered and dry, and they also set it on fire, which being burnt causeth a dismall sight, and prospect of a black valley; but after the first two or three showres, it puts on againe its greene and pleasant garment, inviting the Cattell, Sheep, Lambs, Goats, and Kids, (which for a while were driven away to other pasturing) to return and sport againe, to feed and rest in its new flourishing bosome. But now it is time, I return again back to the other end of this valley, to the _Rio de las Vaccas_ (from whence I have viewed the compasse of it, and made my long digression from East to West, to the farthest Towne of _Amatitlan_) to shew thee, my Reader, the little part of thy way remaining unto _Guatemala_. True it is, from the Ermitage of our Lady, there is a streight way through the middle of the valley leading almost to _Amatitlan_, and then turning up a hill out of the valley on the right hand; But that hath many ascents and descents, bottomes, falls and risings, and therefore is not the constant Rode, which from the Ermitage pointeth on the right hand, observing the Towne of _Mixco_, standing but five miles from _Guatemala_, from _Mixco_ the way lyeth up a hill, and leadeth to a Town somewhat bigger then _Mixco_, of _Indians_ called _San Lucas_, or St. _Luke_, a cold Town, but exceeding rich; the temper and coldnesse of it, hath made it the storehouse, or Granary for all the City; for whereas below in the Valley; the Wheat will not keep long without musting, and breeding a worm called _Gurgojo_, such is the temper of this Town of St. _Luke_, that in it, the Wheat will keep two or three yeeres ready threshed, with a little turning now and then; and as it lyeth will give and yeeld, (as experience taught mee there) so that he that hath laid up in that Town two hundred bushels of Wheat, at the yeers end shall find neer upon two hundred and twenty bushels. This Towne therefore receives from the Valley most of the harvest, and is full of what wee call Barnes, but there are called _Trojas_, without floore, but raised up with stackes and bords a foot or two from the ground, and covered with mats, whereon is laid the Wheat, and by some rich Monopolists from the City is kept and hoarded two and three yeers, untill they find their best opportunity to bring it out to sale, at the rate of their own will and pleasure. From hence to _Guatemala_ there is but three little leagues, and one onely _Barranca_, or bottome, and on every side of the way little petty Townes, which they call _Milpas_, consisting of some twenty Cottages. In the middle of the way is the top of a hill, which discovereth all the City, and standeth as overmastring of it, as if with a peece or two of Ordnance it would keepe all _Guatemala_ in awe; But besides this hill, which is the wide and open Rode, there stand yet forwarder on the right and left hand other mountaines which draw neerer to the City, and what this top peradventure with too much distance, is not able to doe or reach, the others certainly would reach with Cannon shot, and command that farre commanding City. Downe this hill the way lies broad and wide, and as open as is the way downe _Barnet_ or _Highgate_ Hill; and at the bottome it is more straitned betweene the Mountaines, for the space of a bowshot, which passage also is craggy by reason of stones and some small peeces of rocks which lie in a brook of water that descends from the Mountaines, and runs towards the City. But at a little Ermitage called St. _John_, the way opens againe itselfe, and sheweth _Guatemala_, welcoming the weary travellers with a pleasant prospect, and easing theirs, or their mules or horses feet, what with green walkes, what with a sandy and gravelly Rode unto the City, which never shut gate against any goer or comer, nor forbad their entrance with any fenced walls, or watchmens jealous questions, but freely and gladly entertaines them either by the back side of the Dominicans Cloister, or by the Church and Nunnery called the Conception. And thus my Reader, and country man I have brought and guided thee from the Golfe unto _Guatemala_, shewing what that way is most remarkable. I shall not now shew thee any more of this Cities Dominions toward _Nicaragua_ and the South (having already shewed thee the way as far as _Realejo_) leaving that untill I come to tell thee of my journey homewards, which I made that way. There remaines yet the Country of the _Vera Paz_ and the way unto it to discover, and so to close up this Chapter. The _Vera Paz_ is so called, for that the _Indians_ of that Country hearing how the _Spaniards_ had conquered _Guatemala_, and did conquer the Country round about, wheresoever they came, yeelded themselves peaceably and without any resistance unto the Government of _Spaine_. This Country formerly had a Bishop to it selfe distinct from _Guatemala_, but now is made one Bishoprick with that. It is governed by an Alcalde Maior, or high Justice sent from _Spain_, with subordination unto the Court of _Guatemala_. The head or shire Town of it, is called _Coban_, where is a Cloister of Dominican Friers, and the common place of Residence of the Alcalde Maior. All this Country as yet is not subdued by the _Spaniards_, who have now and then some strong encounters with the barbarous and heathen people, which lie between this Country and _Jucatan_; and faine would the _Spaniards_ conquer them, that they might make way through them unto a Town called _Campin_ belonging to _Jucatan_, and settle commerce, and Traffique by land with that Country, which is thought would bee a great furtherance to the Country and City of _Guatemala_, and a safer way to convey their goods to the Havana, then by the Golf, for oftentimes the ships that goe from the Golf to the Havana, are met with by the _Hollanders_ and surprised. But as yet the _Spaniards_ have not been able to bring to passe this their design, by reason they have found strong resistance from the heathenish people, and a hot service to attempt the conquering of them. Yet there was a Fryer a great acquaintance of mine, called Fryer _Francisco Moran_, who ventured his life among those barbarians, and with two or three _Indians_ went on foot through that Country, untill he came unto _Campin_, where he found a few _Spaniards_, who wondred at his courage and boldnesse in comming that way. This Fryer came back again to _Coban_ and _Vera Paz_, relating how the barbarians hearing him speake their language, and finding him kind, loving and curteous to them, used him also kindly, fearing (as hee said) that if they should kill him, the _Spaniards_ would never let them bee at rest and quiet, untill they had utterly destroyed them. Hee related when he came back, that the Country which the Barbarians inhabite, is better then any part of the _Vera Paz_, which is subject to the _Spaniards_, and spoke much of a Valley, where is a great lake, and about it a Towne of _Indians_, which hee judged to bee of at least twelve thousand Inhabitants, the Cottages lying in a distance one from another. This Fryer hath writ of this Country, and hath gone to _Spain_ to the Court to motion the conquering of it, for the profit and commodity that may ensue both to _Guatemala_ and _Jucatan_, if a way were opened thither. But though as yet on that side the _Spaniards_ and the Country of the _Vera Paz_, bee straightned by that heathenish people, yet on the other side it hath free passage unto the Golf, and trade there when the ships doe come, carrying Fowles and what other Provision the Country will afford for the ships, and bringing from thence wines, and other _Spanish_ wares unto _Coban_. This Country is very hilly and craggy, and though there bee some bigge Townes in it, they are not above three or foure that are considerable. The chief commodities, are _Achiotte_ (which is the best of all the Country belonging to _Guatemala_) and _Cacao_, Cotton Wooll, hony, _Canna fistula_, and _Zarzaparilla_, great store of _Maiz_, but no Wheat, much waxe, plenty of fowles and birds of all coloured feathers, wherewith the _Indians_ make some curious works, but not like unto those of _Mechoacan_; here are also abundance of Parrets, Apes and Monkies which breed in the Mountaines. The way from _Guatemala_ to this Country is that which hitherto hath beene spoken of from the Golf, as far as the Town of St. _Luke_; and from thence the way keeps on the hils and mountaines which lie on the side of the Valley of _Mixco_. These hils are called _Sacatepeques_, (compounded of _Sacate_ and _Tepec_, the latter signifying a hill, and the former, herbe or grasse, and thus joyned, they signifie mountaines of grasse) and among them are these chief Townes, first _Santiago_ or St. _James_, a Town of five hundred Families, secondly, _San Pedro_ or St. _Peter_, consisting of six hundred families, thirdly, St. _Juan_, or St. _John_ consisting also of at least six hundred Families, and fourthly, _Sto Domingo Senano_, or St. _Dominic_ of _Senaco_, being of three hundred Families. These foure Towns are very rich, and the two last very cold, the two first are warmer; there are about them many Farmes of corn and good Wheat, besides the _Indian Maiz_. These _Indians_ are somewhat of more courage then those of other Townes, and in my time were like to rise up against the _Spaniards_ for their unmercifull tyranny over them. The Churches are exceeding rich; in the Towne of _Santiago_, there was living in my time one _Indian_, who for onely vaine-glory had bestowed the worth of six thousand Duckates upon that Church, and yet afterwards this wretch was found to bee a Wizard and Idolater. These _Indians_ get much mony by letting out great tuffes of feathers, which the _Indians_ use in their dances upon the feasts of the Dedication of their towns. For some of the great tuffes may have at least threescore long feathers of divers colours, for every feather hiring they have halfe a Riall, besides what price they set to every feather, if any should chance to be lost. From the Town of St. _John_, which is the furthest the way lies plain and pleasant unto a little village of some twenty Cottages, called St. _Raymundo_ or St. _Raymond_, from whence there is a good dayes journy up and down _Barrancas_, or bottomes unto a _Rancho_, or lodge standing by a River side, which is the same River, that passeth by the Town of _Acasabastlan_ spoken of before. From this is an ascent of a very craggy and rocky Mountaine, called the Mountaine of _Rabinall_, where are steps cut out in the very Rockes for the mules feet, and slipping on one or the other side, they fall surely downe the rockes, breaking their neckes, and mangling all their limbes and joynts; but this danger continueth not long nor extendeth above a league and a half, and in the top and worst of this danger, there is the comfort of a goodly Valley, called _El Valle de San Nicholas_, St. _Nicholas_ his Valley, from an Estancia called St. _Nicholas_ belonging to the Dominicans Cloister of _Coban_. This Valley though it must not compare with that of _Mixco_ and _Pinola_; yet next after it, it may well take place for onely three things considerable in it. The first is an _Ingenio_ of Sugar, called _San Geronymo_, or St. _Hierome_, belonging unto the Dominicans Cloister of _Guatemala_, which indeed goeth beyond that spoken of of _Amatitlan_, both for abundance of Sugar made there, and sent by mules to _Guatemala_ over that rocky Mountaine, and for multitude of slaves living in it under the command of two Fryers, and for the excellent horses bred there, which are incomparably the best of all the Country of _Guatemala_ for metle, and gallantry, and therefore (though mules are commonly used for burthens) are much desired and looked after by the Gallants and Gentry of the City, who make it a great part of their honour to prance about the streets. The second thing in this Valley is the Estancia or Farm of St. _Nicolas_ which is as famous for breeding of mules, as is St. _Hierome_ for horses. The third ornament to it is a Town of _Indians_, called _Rabinall_, of at least eight hundred Families, which hath all that heart can wish for pleasure and life of man. It inclineth rather to heat then cold, but the heat is moderate and much qualified with the many cool and shady walkes. There is not any _Indian_ fruit, which is not there to be found, besides the fruits of _Spain_, as Oranges, Lemmons, sweet and sowre, Citrons, Pomegranates, Grapes, Figs, Almonds, and Dates; the onely want of wheat is not a want to them that mind bread of wheat more then of Maiz, for in two dayes it is easily brought from the Townes of _Sacatepeques_. For flesh, it hath Beef, Mutton, Kid, Fowles, Turkies, Quailes, Partridges, Rabbets, Pheasants; and for fish, it hath a River running by the houses, which yeeldeth plenty both great and small. The _Indians_ of this Towne are much like unto those of _Chiapa_ of the _Indians_, for bravery, for feasting, for riding of horses, and shewing themselves in sports and pastimes. This Town my friend Fryer _John Baptist_, after hee had been Prior of many places, and especially of _Chiapa_ and _Guatemala_, chose to live in to injoy quietnesse, pleasure and content; and in this Town was I feasted by him in such a sumptuous, prodigall and lavishing way, as truely might make poor mendicant Fryers ashamed to come so neer unto Princes in vanity of life and dyet. From this Valley unto the _Vera Paz_, or _Coban_, the head Town of it, there is nothing considerable, save onely one Town more called St. _Christoval_ or St. _Christopher_, which enjoyeth now a pleasant Lake, and bottomelesse, as is reported. Formerly there being no Lake at all, in a great Earthquake, the earth there opened, and swallowed up many houses, leaving this Lake which ever since hath continued. From hence to _Coban_ the wayes are bad and mountainous, yet such as through the worst of them, those country mules with heavy burthens easily goe through. And thus with my pen, Reader, have I gone through most of the bounds and limits of _Guatemala_, which is more furnished with gallant Towns of _Indians_, then is any part of all _America_; and doubtlesse were the _Indians_ warlike, industrious, active for warre or weapons, no part in all _America_ might bee stronger in people then _Guatemala_. But they being kept under and oppressed by the _Spaniards_, and no weapons allowed them, not so much as their naturall Bowes and Arrowes, much lesse Guns, Pistols, Muskets, Swords, or Pikes, their courage is gone, their affections alienated from the _Spaniards_, and so the _Spaniards_ might very well feare, that if their country should be invaded, the multitude of their _Indian_ people, would prove to them a multitude of enemies, either running away to another side; or forced to help, would bee to them but as the help of so many flies.

CHAP. XIX.

_Shewing the condition, quality, fashion, and behaviour of the_ Indians _of the Country of_ Guatemala _since the Conquest, and especially of their feasts, and yeerly Solemnities._

The condition of the _Indians_ of this Country of _Guatemala_ is as sad, and as much to bee pitied as of any _Indians_ in _America_, for that I may say it is with them in some sort, as it was with _Israel_ in _Egypt_, of whom it is said, _Exod._ 1. 7. _They were fruitfull and increased abundantly, and multiplied, and waxed exceeding mighty, and the land was filled with them_, and therefore _Pharaoh_ said unto his people, Vers. 10. _Let us deale wisely with them, lest they multiply, and it come to passe, that when there falleth out any Warre, they joyne also unto our enemies, and fight against us_. Therefore they did set over them taskemasters, to afflict them with their burdens, and they made their lives bitter with bondage, in morter and in brick, and in all manner of service in the field; and all their service wherein they made them serve was with rigor. Though it is true, there ought not to be any comparison made betwixt the _Israelites_ and the _Indians_, those being Gods people, these not as yet; neverthelesse the comparison may well hold in the oppression of the one and the other, and in the manner and cause of the oppression, that being with bitternesse, rigour, and hard bondage, and lest they should multiply and increase too much. Certain it is, these _Indians_ suffer great oppression from the _Spaniards_, live in great bitternesse, are under hard bondage, and serve with great rigor; and al this, because they are at least a thousand of them for one _Spaniard_, they daily multiply and increase, in children and wealth, and therefore are feared lest they should be too mighty, and either rise up of themselves, or joyn themselves to any enemy against their oppressors; for both which fears and jealousies, they are not allowed the use of any weapons or armes, no not their bows and arrows, which their ancestors formerly used; so that as hereby the _Spaniards_ are secured from any hurt or annoyance from them as an unarmed people; so may any other nation, that shall be incouraged to invade that land, be secure also from the _Indians_, & consequently the _Spaniards_ own policy for themselves against the _Indians_ may be their greatest ruine, and destruction, being a great people and yet no people; for the abundance of their _Indians_ would be to them as no people; and they themselves, (who out of their few Towns and Cities live but here and there, too thinly scattered upon so great and capacious a land) would be but a handfull for any reasonable Army; and of that handfull very few would be found able or fitting men; and those able men would do little without the help of guns and ordnance; and if their own oppressed people, _Black-mores_ and _Indians_ (which themselves have alwaies feared) should side against them, soon would they be swallowed up both from within and from without. And by this it may easily appear how ungrounded they are, who say, it is harder to conquer _America_ now then in _Cortez_ his time, for that there are now both _Spaniards_ and _Indians_ to fight against, and then there were none but bare and naked _Indians_. This I say is a false ground; for then there were _Indians_ trained up in wars one against another, who knew wel to use their bows and arrows, and darts, and other weapons, and were desperate in their fights and single combats, as may appear out of the histories of them; but now they are cowardized, oppressed, unarmed, soon frighted with the noise of a musket, nay with a sowre and grim look of a _Spaniard_, so from them there is no fear; neither can there be from the _Spaniards_, who from all the vast dominions of _Guatemala_ are not able to raise five thousand able fighting men, nor to defend so many passages as lie open in severall parts of that Country, which the wider and greater it is, might be advantagious to an enemy, and while the _Spaniard_ in one place might oppose his strength, in many other places might his land be over-run by a foraine nation; nay by their owne slaves the _Black-mores_, who doubtlesse to be set at liberty would side against them in any such occasion; and lastly, the Criolians who also are sore oppressed by them, would rejoyce in such a day, and yeeld rather to live with freedome and liberty under a forain people, then to be longer oppressed by those of their own blood.

The miserable condition of the _Indians_ of that Country is such, that though the Kings of _Spain_ have never yeelded to what some would have, that they should be slaves, yet their lives are as full of bitternesse as is the life of a slave. For which I have known my selfe some of them that have come home from toyling and moyling with _Spaniards_, after many blowes, some wounds, and little or no wages, who have sullenly and stubbornly lain down upon their beds, resolving to die rather then to live any longer a life so slavish, and have refused to take either meat or drinke, or any thing else comfortable and nourishing, which their wives have offered unto them, that so by pining and starving they might consume themselves. Some I have by good perswasions encouraged to life rather then to a voluntary and wilfull death; others there have been that would not be perswaded, but in that wilfull way have died. The _Spaniards_ that live about that Country (especially the farmers of the valley of _Mixco, Pinola, Petapa, Amatitlan_, and those of the _Sacatepeques_) alleadge that all their trading, and farming, is for the good of the Common-wealth, and therefore whereas there are not _Spaniards_ enough for so ample and large a Countrey to doe all their work, and all are not able to buy slaves and _Blackmores_, they stand in need of the _Indians_ help to serve them for their pay and hire; whereupon it hath been considered, that a partition of _Indian_ labourers be made every Monday, or Sonday in the afternoon to the _Spaniards_, according to the farmes they occupie, or acording to their severall employments, calling, and trading with Mules, or any other way. So that for such and such a district there is named an officer, who is called Juez Repartidor, who according to a List made of every farme, house, and person, is to give so many _Indians_ by the week. And here is a doore opened to the president of _Guatemala_, and to the Judges to provide well for their meniall servants, whom they commonly appoint for this office, which is thus performed by them. They name the Town and place of their meeting upon Sonday or Monday, to the which themselves and the _Spaniards_ of that district do resort. The _Indians_ of the severall Towns are to have in a readinesse so many labourers as the Court of _Guatemala_ hath appointed to be weekly taken out of such a Towne, who are conducted by an _Indian_ officer to the Towne of generall meeting; and when they come thither with their tooles, their spades, shovels, bils, or axes, with their provision of victuals for a week (which are commonly some dry cakes of Maiz, puddings of frixoles, or _French_ beanes, and a little Chile or biting long pepper, or a bit of cold meat for the first day or two) and with beds on their backes (which is only a course woollen mantle to wrap about them when they lye on the bare ground) then are they shut up in the Towne-house, some with blowes, some with spurnings, some with boxes on the eare, if presently they goe not in. Now all being gathered together, and the house filled with them, the Juez Repartidor or officer, calls by the order of the List such and such a _Spaniard_, and also calls out of the house so many _Indians_ as by the Court are commanded to be given him (some are allowed three, some foure, some ten, some fifteen, some twenty, according to their employments) and delivereth unto the _Spaniard_ his _Indians_, and so to all the rest, till they be all served; who when they receive their _Indians_, take from them a toole, or their mantles; to secure them that they run not away; and for every _Indian_ delivered unto them, they give unto the Juez Repartidor or officer, halfe a Riall, which is three pence an _Indian_ for his fees, which mounteth yeerly to him to a great deale of money; for some officers make a partition or distribution of four hundred, some of two hundred, some of three hundred _Indians_, every week, and carrieth home with him so many halfe hundred Rials for one, or halfe a daies worke. If complaint be made by any _Spaniard_ that such and such an _Indian_ did run away from him, and served him not the week past, the _Indian_ must be brought, and surely tied to a post by his hands in the Market place, and there be whipped upon his bare backe. But if the poor _Indian_ complaine that the _Spaniards_ cousened and cheated him of his shovell, axe, bill, mantle, or wages, no justice shall be executed against the cheating _Spaniard_, neither shall the _Indian_ be righted, though it is true the order runs equally in favour of both _Indian_ and _Spaniard_. Thus are the poore _Indians_ sold for three pence a peece for a whole weeks slavery, not permitted to goe home at nights unto their wives, though their worke lie not above a mile from the Town where they live; nay some are carried ten or twelve miles from their home, who must not returne till Saturday night late, and must that week do whatsoever their Master pleaseth to command them. The wages appointed them will scarce find them meat and drinke, for they are not allowed a Riall a day, which is but sixpence, and with that they are to find themselves, but for six daies worke and diet they are to have five Rials, which is halfe a crowne. This same order is observed in the City of _Guatemala_, and Townes of _Spaniards_, where to every family that wants the service of an _Indian_ or _Indians_, though it be but to fetch water and wood on their backs, or to goe of arrants, is allowed the like service from the neerest _Indian_ Townes. It would grieve a Christians heart to see how by some cruell _Spaniards_ in that weeks service, those poor wretches are wronged and abused; some visiting their wives at home, whilst their poore husbands are digging and delving; others whipping them for their slow working, others wounding them with their swords, or breaking their heads for some reasonable and well grounded answer in their own behalfe, others stealing from them their tooles, others cheating them of halfe, others of all their wages, alleadging that their service cost them halfe a Riall, and yet their worke not well performed. I knew some who made a common practice of this, when their wheat was sowne, and they had little to do for the _Indians_; yet they would have home as many as were due unto their farme, and on Monday and Tuesday would make them cut and bring them on their backes as much wood as they needed all that week, and then on Wednesday at noon (knowing the great desire of the _Indians_ to goe home to their wives, for the which they would give any thing) would say unto them, What will you give me now, if I let you goe home to doe your own worke? whereunto the _Indians_ would joyfully reply and answer, some that they would give a Riall, others two Rials, which they would take and send them home, and so would have much worke done, wood to serve their house a week, and mony as much as would buy them meat, and Cacao for Chocolatte two weeks together; and thus from the poor _Indians_ doe those unconscionable _Spaniards_ practice a cheap and lazy way of living. Others will sell them away for that week unto a neighbour that hath present need of worke, demanding Rials a piece for every _Indian_, which he that buyeth them, will be sure to defray out of their wages. So likewise are they in a slavish bondage and readinesse for all passengers and travellers, who in any Towne may demand unto the next Towne as many _Indians_ do goe with his Mules, or to carry on their backes a heavy burthen as he shall need, who at the journeys end will pick some quarrell with them, and so send them back with blowes and stripes without any pay at all. A Petaca, or leatherne Trunke, and chest of above a hundred weight, they will make those wretches to carry on their backs a whole day, nay some two or three daies together, which they doe by tying the chest on each side with ropes, having a broad leather in the middle, which they crosse over the forepart of their head, or over their forehead, hanging thus the waight upon their heads and browes, which at their journeys end hath made the blood stick in the foreheads of some, galling and pulling off the skin, and marking them in the fore-top of their heads, who as they are called _Tamemez_, so are easily known in a Towne by their baldnesse, that leather girt having worn off all their hair. With these hard usages, yet do those poor people make a shift to live amongst the _Spaniards_, but so that with anguish of heart they are still crying out to God for justice, and for liberty, whose only comfort is in their Preists and Friers, who many times doe quiet them when they would rise up in mutiny, and for their owne ends doe often prevaile over them with fair and cunning perswasions, to bear and suffer for Gods sake, and for the good of the Common-wealth that hard task and service which is laid upon them. And though in all seasons, wet and dry, cold and hot, and in all wayes plain and mountainous, green and dirty, dusty and stony, they must performe this hard service to their commanding Masters, their apparell and cloathing is but such as may cover the nakednesse of their body, nay in some it is such torne rags as will not cover halfe their nakednesse. Their ordinary cloathing is a paire of linnen or woollen drawers broad and open at the knees, without shooes (though in their journeys some will put on leatherne sandals to keep the soles of their feet) or stockins, without any doublet, a short course shirt, which reacheth a little below their waste, and serves more for a doublet then for a shirt, and for a cloake a woollen or linnen mantle, (called Aiate) tied with a knot over one shoulder, hanging down on the other side almost to the ground, with a twelve penny or two shilling hat, which after one good shower of raine like paper falls about their necks and eies; their bed they carry sometimes about them, which is that woollen mantle wherewith they wrap themselves about at night, taking off their shirt and drawers, which they lay under their head for a pillow; some will carry with them a short, slight, and light Mat to lie, but those that carry it not with them, if they cannot borrow one of a neighbour, lie as willingly in their mantle upon the bare ground, as a Gentleman in _England_ upon a soft down-bed, and thus doe they soundly sleep, and lowdly snort after a daies worke, or after a daies journey with a hundred weight upon their backs. Those that are of the better sort, and richer, and who are not employed as _Tamemez_ to carry burthens, or as Labourers to work for _Spaniards_, but keep at home following their own farmes, or following their owne Mules about the Country, or following their trades and callings in their shops, or governing the Townes, as Alcaldes, or Alguaziles, officers of justice, may goe a little better apparelled, but after the same manner. For some will have their drawers with a lace at the bottom, or wrought with some coloured Silke or Crewel; so likewise the mantle about them, shall have either a lace, or some work of birds on it, some will wear a cut linnen doublet, others shooes, but very few stockins or bands about their neckes; and for their beds, the best _Indian_ Governour, or the richest, who may be worth four or five thousand Duckats, will have little more then the poor _Tamemez_; for they lie upon boards, or Canes bound together, and raised from the ground, whereon they lay a broad and handsome Mat, and at their heads for man and wife two little stumps of wood for bolsters, whereon they lay their shirts and mantles and other cloaths for pillowes, covering themselves with a broader blanket then is their mantle, and thus hardly would _Don Bernabe de Guzman_ the Governour of _Petapa_ lie, and so doe all the best of them. The womens attire is cheap and soon put on; for most of them also go barefoot, the richer and better sort wear shooes, with broad ribbons for shooe-strings, and for a petticote, they tie about their waste a woollen mantle, which in the better sort is wrought with divers colours, but not sowed at all, pleated or gathered in, but as they tie it with a list about them; they wear no shift next their body, but cover their nakednesse with a kind of surplice (which they call _Guaipil_) which hangs loose from their shoulders down a little below their waste, with open short sleeves, which cover halfe their armes; this Guaipil is curiously wrought, especially in the bosome, with Cotton, or feathers. The richer sort of them wear bracelets and bobs about their wrists and necks; their hair is gathered up with fillets, without any quaife or covering, except it be the better sort. When they goe to Church or abroad, they put upon their heads a vaile of linnen, which hangeth almost to the ground, and this is that which costs them most of all their attire, for that commonly it is of _Holland_ or some good linnen brought from _Spain_, or fine linnen brought from _China_, which the better sort wear with a lace about. When they are at home at work they commonly take off their Guaipil, or surplice, discovering the nakednesse of their breasts and body. They lie also in their beds as doe their husbands, wrapped up only with a mantle, or with a blanket. Their houses are but poore thatched cottages, without any upper roomes, but commonly one or two only roomes below, in the one they dresse their meat in the middle of it, making a compasse for fire, with two or three stones, without any other chimney to convey the smoak away, which spreading it selfe about the roome filleth the thatch and the rafters so with sut, that all the roome seemeth to be a chimney. The next unto it, is not free from smoak and blacknesse, where sometimes are four or five beds according to the family. The poorer sort have but one room, where they eat, dresse their meat, and sleep. Few there are that set any lockes upon their dores, for they fear no robbing nor stealing, neither have they in their houses much to lose, earthen pots, and pans, and dishes, and cups to drinke their Chocolatte, being the chief commodities in their house. There is scarce any house which hath not also in the yard a stew, wherein they bath themselves with hot water, which is their chief physick when they feel themselves distempered. Among themselves they are in every Town divided into Tribes, which have one chief head, to whom all that belong unto that Tribe, doe resort in any difficult matters, who is bound to aid, protect, defend, counsell, and appear for the rest of his Tribe before the officers of justice in any wrong that is like to be done unto them. When any is to be married, the father of the son that is to take a wife out of another Tribe, goeth unto the head of his Tribe to give him warning of his sons marriage with such a maid. Then that head meets with the head of the maids Tribe, and they conferre about it. The businesse commonly is in debate a quarter of a yeer; all which time the parents of the youth or man are with gifts to buy the maid; they are to be at the charges of all that is spent in eating and drinking, when the heads of the two Tribes doe meet with the rest of the kindred of each side, who sometimes sit in conference a whole day, or most part of a night. After many dayes and nights thus spent, and a full triall being made of the one and other sides affection, if they chance to disagree about the marriage, then is the Tribe and parents of the maid to restore back all that the other side hath spent and given. They give no portions with their daughters, but when they die, their goods and lands are equally divided among their sons. If any one want a house to live in, or will repair and thatch his house anew, notice is given to the heads of the Tribes, who warn all the Town to come to help in the work, and every one is to bring a bundle of straw, and other materials, so that in one day with the helpe of many they finish a house, without any charges more then of Chocolatte, which they minister in great cups as big as will hold above a pint, not putting in any costly materials, as doe the _Spaniards_, but only a little Anniseed, and Chile, or _Indian_ pepper; or else they halfe fill the cup with Attolle, and powre upon it as much Chocolatte as will fill the cup and colour it. In their diet the poorer sort are limited many times to a dish of Frixoles, or Turkey beanes, either black or white (which are there in very great abundance, and are kept dry for all the yeer) boyled with Chile; and if they can have this, they hold themselves well satisfied; with these beanes, they make also dumplins, first boyling the bean a little, and then mingling it with a masse of Maiz, as we do mingle Currants in our cakes, and so boile again the frixoles with the dumplin of Maiz masse, and so eat it hot, or keep it cold; but this and all whatsoever else they eat, they either eat it with green biting Chile, or else they dip it in water and salt, wherein is bruised some of that Chile. But if their means will not reach to frixoles, their ordinary fare and diet is, their Tortilla's (so they call thin round cakes made of the dow and Masse of Maiz) which they eat hot from an earthen pan, whereon they are soon baked with one turning over the fire; and these they eat alone either with Chile and salt, and dipping them in water and salt with a little bruised Chile. When their Maiz is green and tender, they boil some of those whole stalkes or clusters, whereon the Maiz groweth with the leaf about, and so casting a little salt about it, they eat it. I have often eate of this, and found it as dainty as our young green pease, and very nourishing, but it much increaseth the blood. Also of this green and tender Maiz they make a Furmity, boiling the Maiz in some of the milke which they have first taken out of it by bruising it. The poorest _Indian_ never wants this diet, and is well satisfied, as long as his belly is thorowly filled. But the poorest that live in such Townes where flesh meat is sold, will make a hard shift, but that when they come from worke on Saturday night, they will buy one halfe Riall, or a Riall worth of fresh meat to eat on the Lords day. Some will buy a good deal at once, and keep it long by dressing it into Tassajo's, which are bundles of flesh, rowled up and tied fast; which they doe, when for examples sake they have from a leg of beefe sliced off from the bone all the flesh with the knife, after the length, forme, and thinnesse of a line, or rope. Then they take the flesh and salt it, (which being sliced and thinly cut, soon takes salt) and hang it up in their yards like a line from post to post, or from tree to tree, to the wind for a whole week, and then they hang it in the smoak another week, and after rowle it up in small bundles, which become as hard as a stone, and so as they need it, they wash it, boyl it and eat it. This is _America's_ powdered beef, which they call Tassajo, whereof I have often eaten, and the _Spaniards_ eat much of it, especially those that trade about the Countrey with Mules; nay this Tassajo is a great commodity, and hath made many a _Spaniard_ rich, who carry a Mule or two loaden with these Tassajo's in small parcels and bundles to those Townes where is no flesh at all sold, and there they exchange them for other commodities among the _Indians_, receiving peradventure for one Tassajo or bundle, (which cost them but the halfe part of a farthing) as much Cacao, as in other places they sell for a Riall or sixpence. The richer sort of people will fare better, for if there be fish or flesh to bee had, they will have it, and eat most greedily of it; and will not spare their fowls and Turkeys from their own bellies. These also will now and then get a wild Dear, shooting it with their bows and arrows. And when they have killed it, they let it lie in the wood in some hole or bottom covered with leaves for the space of about a week, untill it stinke and begin to be full of wormes; then they bring it home, cut it out into joynts, and parboil it with an herbe which groweth there somewhat like unto our Tanzy, which they say sweetneth it again, and maketh the flesh eat tender, and as white as a peice of Turkey. Thus parboiled, they hang up the joynts in the smoke for a while, and then boyle it again, when they eat it, which is commonly dressed with red _Indian_ pepper; and this is the Venison of _America_, whereof I have sometimes eaten, and found it white and short, but never durst be too bold with it, not that I found any evill taste in it, but that the apprehension of the wormes and maggots which formerly had been in it, troubled much my stomack. These _Indians_ that have little to doe at home, and are not employed in the weekly service under the _Spaniards_ in their hunting, will looke seriously for Hedge-hogs, which are just like unto ours, though certainly ours are not meat for any Christian. They are full of pricks and brisles like ours, and are found in woods and fields, living in holes, and as they say feed upon nothing but Amits and their egs, and upon dry rotten sticks, herbes, and roots; of these they eat much, the flesh being as white and sweet as a Rabbit, and as fat as is a _January_ hen kept up and fatted in a Coope. Of this meat I have also eaten, and confesse it is a dainty dish there, though I will not say the same of a Hedge-hog here; for what here may be poyson, there may be good and lawfull meate, by some accidentall difference in the creature it selfe, and in that which it feeds upon, or in the temper of the air and climate. This meat not only the _Indians_ but the best of the _Spaniards_ feed on it; and it is so much esteemed of, that because in Lent they are commonly found, the _Spaniards_ will not be deprived of it, but do eat it also then, alleadging that it is no flesh (though in the eating it be in fatnesse and in taste, and in all like unto flesh) for that it feeds not upon any thing that is very nourishing, but chiefly upon Amits egs, and dry sticks. It is a great point of controversie amongst their Divines, some hold it lawfull, others unlawfull for that time; it seems the pricks and brisles of the _Indian_ Hedge-hog prick their consciences with a foolish scruple. Another kind of meat they feed much on which is called _Iguana_; of these some are found in the waters, others upon the land. They are longer then a Rabbit, and like unto a Scorpion, with some green, some black scales on their backes. Those upon the land will run very fast, like Lizards, and will climbe up trees like Squerrils, and breed in the roots of trees or in stone walls. The sight of them is enough to affright one; and yet when they are dressed and stewed in broth with a little spice, they make a dainty broth, and eat also as white as a Rabbit, nay the middle bone is made just like the backe bone of a Rabbit. They are dangerous meat, if not throughly boiled, and they had almost cost mee my life for eating too much of them, not being stewed enough. There are also many water and land Tortoi's, which the _Indians_ find out for themselves, and also relish exceeding well unto the _Spaniards_ palate. As for drinking, the _Indians_ generally are much given unto it; and drinke if they have nothing else, of their poore and simple Chocolatte, without Sugar or many compounds, or of Atolle, untill their bellies bee ready to burst. But if they can get any drink that will make them mad drunk, they will not give it over as long as a drop is left, or a penny remaines in their purse to purchase it. Among themselves they use to make such drinks as are in operation far stronger then wine, and these they confection in such great Jarres as come from _Spain_; wherein they put some little quantity of water, and fill up the Jar with some Melasso's, or juyce of the Sugar Cane, or some hony for to sweeten it; then for the strengthning of it, they put roots and leaves of Tobacco, with other kinde of roots which grow there, and they know to bee strong in operation, nay in some places I have known where they have put in a live Toad, and so closed up the Jarre for a fortnight, or moneths space, till all that they have put in him, be throughly steeped and the toad consumed, and the drink well strengthned, then they open it, and call their friends to the drinking of it, (which commonly they doe in the night time, lest their Preist in the Towne should have notice of them in the day) which they never leave off, untill they bee mad, and raging drunke. This drink they call Chicha, which stinketh most filthily, and certainly is the cause of many _Indians_ death, especially where they use the toads poyson with it. Once I was informed living in _Mixco_, of a great meeting that was appointed in an _Indians_ house; and I took with mee the Officers of Justice of the Town, to search that _Indians_ house, where I found foure Jarres of _Chicha_ not yet opened, I caused them to be taken out, and broken in the street before his doore, and the filthy Chicha to be poured out, which left such a stinking sent in my nostrils, that with the smell of it, or apprehension of its loathsomenesse, I fell to vomiting, and continued sick almost a whole week after.

Now the _Spaniards_ knowing this inclination of the _Indians_ unto drunkennesse, doe herein much abuse and wrong them; though true it is, there is a strict order, even to the forfeiting of the wine of anyone who shall presume to sell wine in a Towne of _Indians_, with a mony mulct besides. Yet for all this the baser and poorer sort of _Spaniards_ for their lucre and gaine contemning authority, will goe out from _Guatemala_, to the Towns of _Indians_ about, and carry such wine to sell and inebriate the Natives as may bee very advantagious to themselves; for of one Jarre of wine, they will make two at least, confectioning it with hony and water, and other strong drugs which are cheap to them, and strongly operative upon the poore and weak _Indians_ heads, and this they will sell for currant _Spanish_ wine, with such pint and quart measures, as never were allowed by Justice Order, but by themselves invented. With such wine they soone intoxicate the poore _Indians_, and when they have made them drunk, then they will cheat them more, making them pay double for their quart measure; and when they see they can drinke no more, then they will cause them to ly down and sleep, and in the meane while will pick their pockets. This is a common sinne among those _Spaniards_ of _Guatemala_, and much practised in the City upon the _Indians_, when they come thither to buy or sell. Those that keep the Bodegones (so are called the houses that sell wine, which are no better then a Chandlers shop, for besides wine they sell Candles, Fish, Salt, Cheese and Bacon) will commonly intice in the _Indians_, and make them drunk, and then pick their pockets, and turne them out of doores with blowes and stripes, if they will not fairly depart. There was in _Guatemala_ in my time one of these Bodegoners, or shopkeeper of wine and small ware, named _Joan Ramos_, who by thus cheating and tipling poore _Indians_ (as it was generally reported) was worth two hundred thousand duckates, and in my time gave with a daughter that was married, eight thousand Duckats. No _Indian_ should passe by his doore, but he would call him in, and play upon him as aforesaid. In my time a _Spanish_ Farmer, neighbour of mine in the Valley of _Mixco_, chanced to send to _Guatemala_ his _Indian_ servants with half a dozen mules loaden with wheat to a Merchant, with whom hee had agreed before for the price, and ordered the money to bee sent unto him by his servant (whom hee had kept six yeers, and ever found him trusty) the wheat being delivered, and the money received (the which mounted to ten pound, sixteen shillings, every mule carrying six bushels, at twelve Rials a bushel, as was then the price) the _Indian_ with another Mate of his walking along the streets to buy some small commodities, passed by _John Ramos_ his shop, or Bodegon, who enticing him and his Mate in, soone tripped up their heals with a little confectioned wine for that purpose, and tooke away all his mony from the intruded _Indian_, and beat them out of his house; who thus drunk being forced to ride home, the _Indian_ that had received the money, fell from his mule, and broke his neck; the other got home without his Mate, or money. The Farmer prosecuted _John Ramos_ in the Court for his money, but _Ramos_ being rich and abler to bribe, then the Farmer, got off very well, and so had done formerly in almost the like cases. These are but peccadillo's among those _Spaniards_, to make drunke, rob, and occasion the poor _Indians_ death; whose death with them is no more regarded nor vindicated, then the death of a sheep or bullock, that falls into a pit. And thus having spoken of apparrell, houses, eating and drinking, it remaines that I say somewhat of their civility, and Religion of those who lived under the Government of the _Spaniards_. From the _Spaniards_ they have borrowed their Civill Government, and in all Townes they have one, or two _Alcaldes_, with more or lesse _Regidores_, (who are as Aldermen or Jurates amongst us) and some _Alguaziles_, more or lesse, who are as Constables, to execute the orders of the _Alcalde_, (who is a Maior) with his Brethren. In Towns of three or four hundred Families, or upwards, there are commonly two Alcaldes, six Regidores, two Alguaziles Maiors, and six under, or petty Alguaziles. And some Towns are priviledged with an _Indian_ Governour, who is above the Alcaldes, and all the rest of the Officers. These are changed every yeer by new election, and are chosen by the _Indians_ themselves, who take their turnes by the tribes or kindreds, whereby they are divided. Their offices begin on New-Yeers day, and after that day their election is carryed to the City of _Guatemala_ (if in that district it bee made) or else to the heads of Justice, or _Spanish_ Governours of the severall Provinces, who confirm the new Election, and take account of the last yeers expences made by the other Officers, who carry with them their Town-Book of accounts; and therefore for this purpose every Town hath a Clerk, or Scrivener, called Escrivano, who commonly continueth many yeers in his office, by reason of the paucity and unfitnesse of _Indian_ Scriveners, who are able to bears such a charge. This Clerk hath many fees for his writings and informations, and accounts, as have the _Spaniards_, though not so much money or bribes, but a small matter, according to the poverty of the _Indians_. The Governour is also commonly continued many yeers, being some chief man among the _Indians_, except for his misdemeanours hee bee complained of, or the _Indians_ in generall doe all stomack him.

Thus they being setled in a civill way of government, they may execute justice upon all such _Indians_ of their Town as doe notoriously and scandalously offend. They may imprison, fine, whip, and banish, but hang and quarter they may not; but must remit such cases to the _Spanish_ Governour. So likewise if a _Spaniard_ passing by the Town, or living in it, doe trouble the peace, and misdemean himself, they may lay hold on him, and send him to the next _Spanish_ Justice, with a full information of his offence, but fine him, or keep him about one night in Prison they may not. This order they have against _Spaniards_, but they dare not execute it, for a whole Town standeth in awe of one _Spaniard_, and though hee never so hainously offend, and bee unruly, with oathes, threatnings, and drawing of his sword, hee maketh them quake and tremble, and not presume to touch him; for they know if they doe, they shall have the worst, either by blowes, or by some mis-information, which hee will give against them. And this hath been very often tried, for where _Indians_ have by virtue of their order indeavoured to curbe an unruly _Spaniard_ in their Town, some of them have been wounded, others beaten, and when they have carried the _Spaniard_ before a _Spanish_ Justice and Governour, hee hath pleaded for what hee hath done, saying it was in his owne defence, or for his King and Sovereign, and that the _Indians_ would have killed him, and began to mutiny all together against the _Spanish_ Authority, and Government, denying to serve him with what hee needed for his way and journey; that they would not bee slaves to give him or any _Spaniard_ any attendance; and that they would make an end of him, and of all the _Spaniards_. With these and such like false and lying mis-informations, the unruly _Spaniards_ have often been beleeved, and too much upheld in their rude and uncivill misdemeanors, and the _Indians_ bitterly curbed, and punished, and answer made them in such cases, that if they had been killed for their mutiny and rebellion against the King, and his best subjects they had beene served well enough; and that if they gave not attendance unto the _Spaniard_, that passed by their Town, their houses should bee fired, and they and their children utterly consumed. With such like answers from the Justices, and credency to what any base _Spaniard_ shall inform against them, the poore _Indians_ are fain to put up all wrongs done unto them, not daring to meddle with any _Spaniard_, bee hee never so unruly, by virtue of that Order, which they have against them. Amongst themselves, if any complaint be made against any _Indian_, they dare not meddle with him untill they call all his kindred, and especially the head of that Tribe, to which hee belongeth; who if hee and the rest together, find him to deserve imprisonment, or whipping, or any other punishment, then the Officers of Justice, the Alcaldes or Maiors, and their Brethren the Jurates inflict upon him that punishment; which all shall agree upon. But yet after judgment and sentence given, they have another, which is their last appeale, if they please, and that is to their Priest, and Fryer, who liveth in their Town, by whom they will sometimes bee judged, and undergoe what punishment hee shall think fittest. To the Church therefore they often resort in points of Justice, thinking the Preist knoweth more of Law and equity, then themselves; who sometimes reverseth what judgement hath been given in the Town house, blaming the Officers for their partiality and passion against their poore Brother, and setting free the party judged by them; which the Preist does oftentimes, if such an _Indian_ doe belong to the Church, or to the service of their house, or have any other relation to them, peradventure for their wives sake, whom either they affect, or imploy in washing, or making their Chocolatte. Such, and their husbands may live lawlesse as long as the Preist is in the Town. And if when the Preist is absent, they call them to triall for any misdemeanor, and whip, fine, or imprison, (which occasion they will sometimes pick out on purpose) when the Preist returnes, they shall bee sure to heare of it, and smart for it, yea, and the Officers themselves peradventure bee whipped in the Church, by the Preists order and appointment; against whom they dare not speake, but willingly accept what stripes and punishment hee layeth upon them, judging his wisdome, sentence, and punishing hand, the wisdome, sentence and hand of God; whom as they have been taught to be over all Princes, Judges, worldly Officers, so likewise they beleeve, (and have been so taught) that his Preists and Ministers are above theirs, and all worldly power and authority. It happened unto mee living in the Town of _Mixco_, that an _Indian_ being judged to bee whipped for some disorders, which hee committed, would not yeeld to the sentence, but apealed to mee, saying hee would have his stripes in the Church, and by my order, for so hee said his whipping would doe him good, as comming from the hand of God. When hee was brought unto mee, I could not reverse the _Indians_ judgment, for it was just, and so caused him to be whipped, which hee tooke very patiently and merrily, and after kissed my hands and gave mee an offering of mony for the good hee said, I had done unto his soule. Besides this civility of justice amongst them, they live as in other Civill and Politick and well governed Common-wealths; for in most of their Townes, there are some that professe such trades as are practised among _Spaniards_. There are amongst them Smiths, Taylors, Carpenters, Masons, Shoomakers, and the like. It was my fortune to set upon a hard and difficult building in a Church of _Mixco_, where I desired to make a very broad and capacious vault over the Chappell, which was the harder to bee finished in a round circumference, because it depended upon a triangle, yet for this work I sought none but _Indians_, some of the Town, some from other places, who made it so compleat, that the best & skilfullest workmen among the _Spaniards_ had enough to wonder at it. So are most of their Churches vaulted on the top, and all by _Indians_; they onely in my time built a new Cloister in the Town of _Amatitlan_, which they finished with many Arches of stone both in the lower walks and in the upper galleries, with as much perfection as the best Cloister of _Guatemala_, had before beene built by the _Spaniard_. Were they more incouraged by the _Spaniards_, and taught better principles both for soule and body, doubtlesse they would among themselves make a very good Common-wealth. For painting they are much inclined to it, and most of the pictures, and Altars of the Country Townes are their workmanship. In most of their Townes they have a Schoole, where they are taught to read, to sing, and some to write. To the Church there doe belong according as the Town is in bignesse, so many Singers, and Trumpeters, and Waits, over whom the Preist hath one Officer, who is called _Fiscal_; he goeth with a white Staffe with a little Silver Crosse on the top to represent the Church, and shew that he is the Preists Clerk and Officer. When any case is brought to be examined by the Preist, this Fiscall or Clerk executeth Justice by the Preists Order. He must be one that can read & write, and is commonly the Master of Musick. He is bound upon the Lords Day and other Saints dayes, to gather to the Church before and after Service all the yong youths, and maids, and to teach them the Prayers, Sacraments, Commandements, and other points of Catechisme allowed by the Church of Rome. In the morning hee and the other Musicians at the sound of the Bell, are bound to come to Church to sing and officiate at Masse, which in many Townes they performe with Organs and other musicall Instruments, (as hath beene observed before) as well as _Spaniards_. So likewise at Evening at five of the clock they are again to resort to the Church, when the Bell calleth, to sing Prayers, which they call Completa's, or Completory, with _Salve Regina_, a prayer to the Virgin Mary. This Fiscal is a great man in the Town, and beares more sway then the Majors, Jurates, and other Officers of Justice, and when the Preist is pleased, giveth attendance to him, goeth about his arrants, appointeth such as are to wait on him, when hee rideth out of Town. Both hee and all that doth belong unto the Church, are exempted from the common weekely service of the _Spaniards_, and from giving attendance to Travellers, and from other Officers of Justice. But they are to attend with their Waits, Trumpets, and Musick, upon any great man or Preist that cometh to their Town, and to make Arches with boughes and flowers in the streets for their entertainment. Besides these, those also that doe belong unto the service of the Preists house, are priviledged from the _Spaniards_ service. Now the Preist hath change of servants by the week, who take their turnes so, that they may have a weeke or two to spare to doe their work. If it bee a great Town, hee hath three Cookes allowed him, (if a small Town, but two) men Cookes who change their turnes, except hee have any occasion of feasting, then they all come. So likewise hee hath two or three more (whom they call Chahal) as Butlers, who keepe whatsoever Provision is in the house under lock and Key; and give to the Cooke what the Preist appointeth to bee dressed for his dinner, or supper; these keep the Table Clothes, Napkins, Dishes, and Trenchers, and lay the Cloth, and take away, and wait at the Table; hee hath besides three or foure, and in great Towns half a dozen of boyes to doe his arrants, wait at the Table, and sleep in the house all the week by their turnes, who with the Cookes and Butlers dine and sup constantly in the Preists house, and at his charges. Hee hath also at dinner and supper times the attendance of some old women (who also take their turnes) to oversee half a dozen yong maids, who next to the Priests house doe meet to make him, and his family Tortilla's or Cakes of Maiz, which the boyes doe bring hot to the Table by halfe a dozen at a time. Besides these servants, if hee have a Garden hee is allowed two or three gardeners; and for his stable, at least half a dozen _Indians_, who morning and evening are to bring him Sacate (as there they call it) or herb and grasse for his Mules or Horses, these diet not in the house; but the groome of the stable, who is to come at morning, noone, and Evening, (and therefore are three or foure to change) or at any time that the Preist will ride out; these I say and the Gardners (when they are at work) dine and sup at the Priests charges; who sometimes in great Townes hath above a dozen to feed and provide for. There are besides belonging to the Church priviledged from the weekly attendance upon the _Spaniards_ two or three _Indians_, called Sacristanes, who have care of the Vestry and Copes, and Altar Clothes, and every day make ready the Altar or Altars for Masse; also to every Company or Sodality of the Saints, or Virgin, there are two or three, whom they call Mayordomo's, who gather about the Towne Almes for the maintaining of the Sodality; these also gather Egges about the Town for the Preist every week, and give him an account of their gatherings, and allow him every moneth, or fortnight, two Crownes for a Masse to bee sung to the Saint.

If there be any fishing place neer the Town, then the Preist also is allowed for to seek him fish three or foure, and in some places half a dozen _Indians_, besides the offerings in the Church, and many other offerings which they bring whensoever they come to speak unto the Preist, or to confesse with him, or for a Saints feast to bee celebrated, and besides their Tithes of every thing, there is a monethly maintenance in money allowed unto the Preist, and brought unto him by the Alcaldes, or Maiors, and Jurates, which he setteth his hand unto in a book of the Townes expences. This maintenance (though it be allowed by the _Spanish_ magistrate, and paid in the Kings name for the preaching of the Gospel) yet it comes out of the poor _Indians_ purses and labour, and is either gathered about the Town, or taken out of the Tribute, which they pay unto the King, or from a common plat of ground which with the help of all is sowed and gathered in and sold for that purpose. All the Townes in _America_, which are civilized and under the _Spanish_ government, belong either to the Crowne, or to some other Lords, whom they cal Encomendero's, and pay a yeerly tribute unto them. Those that are tenants to their Lords or Encomendero's (who commonly are such as descend from the first conquerors) pay yet unto the King some small tribute in mony, besides what they pay in other kind of commodities unto their owne Encomendero, and in mony also. There is no Town so poor, where every married _Indian_ doth not pay at the least in mony four Rials a yeer for tribute to the _King_, besides other four Rials to his Lord, or Encomendero. And if the Town pay only to the King, they pay at least six, and in some places eight Rials by statute, besides what other commodities are common to the Town or Country where they live, as Maiz, (that is paid in all Townes) hony, Turkeys, fowles, salt, Cacao, Mantles of Cotton-wool; and the like commodities they pay who are subject to an Encomendero; but such pay only mony, not commodities to the King. The Mantles of tribute are much esteemed of, for they are choise ones, and of a bigger size, then others, so likewise is the tribute _Cacao, Achiotte, Cochinil_, where it is paid; for the best is set apart for the tribute; and if the _Indians_ bring that which is not prime good, they shall surely be lashed, and sent backe for better. The heads of the severall Tribes have care to gather it, and to deliver it to the Alcaldes and Regidores, Maiors and Jurates, who carry it either to the Kings Exchequer in the City, or to the neerest _Spanish_ Justice (if it belong to the King) or to the Lord, or Encomendero of the Towne. In nothing I ever perceived the _Spaniards_ mercifull and indulgent unto the _Indians_, but in this, that if an _Indian_ bee very weak, poore, and sickly and not able to work, or threescore and ten yeers of age, he is freed from paying any tribute. There be also some Towns priviledged from this tribute; which are those that can prove themselves to have descended from _Tlaxcallan_, or from certaine Tribes or families of or about _Mexico_, who helped the first _Spaniards_ in the conquest of that Country. As for their carriage and behaviour, the _Indians_ are very courteous and loving, and of a timorous nature, and willing to serve and to obey, and to doe good, if they be drawn by love; but where they are too much tyrannized, they are dogged, unwilling to please, or to worke, and will choose rather strangling and death then life. They are very trusty, and never were known to commit any robbery of importance; so that the _Spaniards_ dare trust to abide with them in a wildernesse all night, though they have bags of gold about them. So for secrecy they are very close; and will not reveal any thing against their own Natives, or a _Spaniards_ credit and reputation, if they be any way affected to him. But above all unto their Preist they are very respective unto him; and when they come to speak unto him; put on their best clothes, study their complements and words to please him. They are very abundant in their expressions, and full of circumloquutions adorned with parables and simile's to expresse their mind and intention. I have often sate still for the space of an houre, onely hearing some old women make their speeches unto me, with so many elegancies in their tongue (which in _English_ would be non-sense, or barbarous expressions) as would make me wonder, and learne by their speeches more of their language, then by any other endeavour or study of mine owne. And if I could reply unto them in the like phrases and expressions (which I would often endeavour) I should be sure to win their hearts, and get any thing from them. As for their Religion, they are outwardly such as the _Spaniards_, but inwardly hard to beleeve that which is above sense, nature, and the visible sight of the eye; and many of them to this day doe incline to worship Idols of stocks and stones, and are given to much superstition, and to observe crosse waies, and meeting of beasts in them, the flying of birds, their appearing and singing neer their houses at such and such times. Many are given to witchcraft, and are deluded by the devill to beleeve that their life dependeth upon the life of such and such a beast (which they take unto them as their familiar spirit) and think that when that beast dieth they must die; when he is chased, their hearts pant, when he is faint they are faint; nay it happeneth that by the devils delusion they appear in the shape of that Beast, (which commonly by their choice is a Buck, or Doe, a Lion, or Tigre, or Dog, or Eagle) and in that shape have been shot at and wounded, as I shall shew in the Chapter following. And for this reason (as I came to understand by some of them) they yeeld unto the Popish Religion, especially to the worshiping of Saints Images, because they looke upon them as much like unto their forefathers Idols; and secondly, because they see some of them painted with Beasts; as _Hierom_ with a Lion, _Anthony_ with an Asse, and other wild Beasts, _Dominick_ with a Dog, _Blas_ with a Hog, _Mark_ with a Bull, and _John_ with an Eagle, they are more confirmed in their delusions, and thinke verily those Saints were of their opinion, and that those beasts were their familiar spirits, in whose shape they also were transformed when they lived, and with whom they died. All _Indians_ are much affected unto these Popish Saints, but especially those which are given to witchcraft, and out of the smalnesse of their means they will be sure to buy some of these Saints and bring them to the Church, that there they may stand and be worshipped by them and others. The Churches are full of them, and they are placed upon standers gilded or painted, to be carried in procession upon mens shoulders, upon their proper day. And from hence cometh no little profit to the Preists; for upon such Saints daies, the owner of the Saint maketh a great feast in the Towne, and presenteth unto the Preist sometimes two or three, sometimes four or five crownes for his Masse and Sermon, besides a Turkey and three or four fowls, with as much Cacao as will serve to make him Chocolatte for all the whole _Octave_ or eight daies following. So that in some Churches, where there are at least fourty of these Saints Statues and Images, they bring unto the Preist at least fourty pounds a yeer. The Preist therefore is very watchfull over those Saints daies, and sendeth warning before hand unto the _Indians_ of the day of their Saint, that they may provide themselves for the better celebrating it both at home and in the Church. If they contribute not bountifully, then the Preist will chide, and threaten that he will not preach. Some _Indians_ through poverty have been unwilling to contribute any thing at all, or to solemnize in the Church and at his house his Saints day, but then the Preist hath threatned to cast his Saints image out of the Church, saying, that the Church ought not to be filled with such Saints as are unprofitable to soul and body, and that in such a statues room one may stand, which may doe more good by occasioning a solemn celebration of one day more in the yeer. So likewise if the _Indian_ that owned one of those images die and leave children, they are to take care of that Saint as part of their inheritance, and to provide that his day be kept; but if no son, or heirs be left, then the Preist calleth for the heads of the severall Tribes, and for the chief officers of justice, and maketh a speech unto them, wherein he declareth that part of the Church ground is taken up in vain by such an image, and his stander, without any profit either to the Preist, the Church, or the town, no heir or owner being left alive to provide for that orphan Saint, to owne it; and that in case they will not seek out who may take charge of him, and of his day, the Preist will not suffer him to stand idle in his Church, like those whom our Saviour in the Gospel rebuked, _quid hic statis tota die otiosi?_ for that they stood idle in the market all the day (these very expressions have I heard there from some Friers) and therefore that he must banish such a Saints picture out of the Church, and must deliver him up before them into the Justices hands to be kept by them in the Town-house, untill such time as he may be bought and owned by some good Christian. The _Indians_ when they hear these expressions, begin to feare, lest some judgement may befall their Town for suffering a Saint to be excommunicated and cast out of their Church, and therefore present unto the Preist some offering for his prayers unto the Saint, that he may doe them no harme, and desire him to limit them a time to bring him an answer for the disposing of that Saint (thinking it will prove a disparagement and affront unto their Town, if what once hath belonged to the Church, be now out, and delivered up to the secular power) and that in the mean time, they will find out some good Christian, either of the neerest friends and kindred to him or them who first owned the Saint, or else some stranger, who may buy that Saint of the Preist (if he continue in the Church) or of the secular power (if he be cast out of the Church and delivered up unto them, which they are unwilling to yeeld to, having been taught of judgements in such a case like to befall them) and may by some speedy feast and solemnity appease the Saints anger towards them, for having been so sleighted by the Town. Alas poore _Indians_, what will they not be brought unto by those Friers and Preists, who study nothing more than their own ends, and to enrich themselves from the Church and Altar! their policies (who are the wise and prudent children of this world spoken of in the Gospel) can easily overtop and master the simplicity of the poor _Indians_; who rather then they will bring an affront upon their Towne, by suffering any of their Saints to be cast out of their Church, or to be with mony redeemed out of the secular powers hands, will make hast to present unto him an owner of that orphan Saint, who for him shall give to the Preist not only what he may be prized to be worth in a Painters shop for the workmanship, gold and colours belonging to him; but besides shall present him what before hath been observed, for the solemnizing of his Feast. These feasts bring yet unto the Saints more profit then hitherto hath been spoken of; for the _Indians_ have been taught that upon such daies they ought to offer up somewhat unto the Saints; and therefore they prepare either mony (some a Riall, some two, some more) or else commonly about _Guatemala_ white wax-candles, and in other places Cacao, or fruits, which they lay before the image of the Saint, whilst the Masse is celebrating. Some _Indians_ will bring a bundle of candles of a dozen tied together of Rials a peice some, some of three or four for a Riall, and will if they be let alone light them all together and burne them out, so that the Preist at the end of the Masse will find nothing but the ends. Therefore (knowing well of the waies of policy and covetousnesse) he chargeth the Church officers, whom I said before were called _Mayordomo's_ to looke to the offerings, and not to suffer the _Indians_ who bring candles to light more then one before the Saint, and to leave the other before him unlighted (having formerly taught them, that the Saints are as well pleased with their whole candles as with their burnt candles) that so hee may have the more to sell and make mony of. After Masse the Preist and the _Mayordomo's_ take and sweep away from the Saint whatsoever they find hath been offered unto him; so that sometimes in a great Towne upon such a Saints day the Preist may have in mony twelve or twenty Rials, and fifty or a hundred candles, which may be worth unto him twenty or thirty shillings, besides some ends and pieces. Most of the Friers about _Guatemala_ are with these offerings as wel stored with candles, as is any Wax-chandlers shop in the City. And the same candles, which thus they have received by offerings they need not care to sell them away to _Spaniards_, who come about to buy them (though some will rather sell them together to such though cheaper, that their mony might come in all at once) for the _Indians_ themselves when they want again any candles for the like feast, or for a Christening, and for a womans Churching (at which times they also offer candles) will buy their own againe of the Preist, who sometimes receiveth the same candles and mony for them again five or six times. And because they find that the _Indians_ incline very much to this kind of offerings, and that they are so profitable unto them, the Friers doe much presse upon the _Indians_ in their preaching this point of their Religion, and devotion. But if you demand of these ignorant, but zealous offerers the _Indians_ an account of any point of faith, they will give you little or none. The mystery of the Trinity, and of the incarnation of Christ, and our redemption by him is too hard for them; they will only answer what they have been taught in a Catechisme of questions and answers; but if you ask them if they beleeve such a point of Christianity, they will never answer affirmatively, but only thus, Perhaps it may be so. They are taught there the doctrin of _Rome_, that Christs body is truely and really present in the Sacrament, and no bread in substance, but only the accidents; if the wisest _Indian_ be asked, whether he beleeve this, he will answer, Perhaps it may be so. Once an old woman, who was held to be very religious, in the Town of _Mixco_, came to me about receiving the Sacrament, and whilst I was instructing of her, I asked her if she beleeved that Christ body was in the Sacrament, she answered, Peradventure it may be so. A little while after to try her and get her out of this strain and common answer, I asked her what & who was in the Sacrament which she received from the Preists hand at the Altar; she answered nothing for a while, and at last I pressed upon her for an affirmative answer; and then she began to looke about to the Saints in the Church, (which was dedicated to a Saint which they call _St. Dominick_) and, as it seemed, being troubled and doubtful what to say, at last she cast her eyes upon the high Altar, but I seeing she delayed the time, asked her again who was in the Sacrament? to which she replyed _S. Dominick_ who was the Patron of that Church and Town. At this I smiled, and would yet further try her simplicity with a simple question. I told her she saw _S. Dominick_ was painted with a dog by him holding a torch in his mouth, and the globe of the world at his feet; I asked her, whether all this were with _St. Dominick_ in the Sacrament? To which she answered, Perhaps it might be so; wherewith I began to chide her, and to instruct her. But mine instruction, nor all the teaching and preaching of those _Spanish_ Preists hath not yet well grounded them in principles of faith; they are dull and heavie to beleeve or apprehend of God, or of heaven, more then with sense or reason they can conceive. Yet they goe and run that way they see the _Spaniards_ run, and as they are taught by their idolatrous Preists. Who have taught them much formality, and so they are (as our Formalists formerly in _England_) very formall, but little substantiall in Religion. They have been taught that when they come to confession, they must offer somewhat to the Preist, and that by their gifts and almes, their sins shall be sooner forgiven; this they doe so formally observe, that, whensoever they come to confession, but especially in Lent, none of them dareth to come with empty hands; some bring mony, some honey, some egs, some fowls, some fish, some Cacao, some one thing, some another, so that the Preist hath a plentifull harvest in Lent for his pains in hearing their Confessions. They have been taught that also when they receive the Communion, they must surely every one give at least a Riall to the Preist, (surely _England_ was never taught in _America_ to buy the Sacrament with a two pence offering, and yet this custome too much practised and pressed upon the people) which they performe so, that I have known some poor _Indians_, who have for a week or two forborne from coming to the Communion untill they could get a Riall offering. It is to be wondred what the Preists doe get from those poore wretches in great Towns by Confession and Communion Rials in great Townes, where they denie the Sacrament to none that will receive it, (and in some Townes I have knowne a thousand Communicants) and force all above twelve or thirteen yeers of age to come to Confession in the Lent. They are very formall also in observing _Romes_ Monday, Thursday, and good-Friday, and then they make their monuments and sepulchres, wherein they set their Sacrament, and watch it all day and night, placing before it a Crucifix on the ground, with two basins on each side to hold the single or double Rials, which every one must offer when he cometh creeping upon his knees, and bare-footed to kisse Christs hands, feet, and side. The candles which for that day and night and next morning are burned at the sepulchre are bought with another Contribution-Riall, which is gathered from house to house from every _Indian_ for that purpose. Their Religion is a dear and lick-penny religion for such poor _Indians_, and yet they are carried along in it formally and perceive it not. They are taught that they must remember the souls in Purgatory, and therefore that they must cast their almes into a chest, which standeth for that purpose in their Churches, whereof the Preist keepeth the key, and openeth it when he wanteth mony, or when he pleaseth. I have often opened some of those chests; and have found in them many single Rials, some halfe pieces of eight, and some whole pieces of eight. And because what is lost and found in the high-waies, must belong to some body, if the true owner be not knowne, they have been taught that such monies or goods belong also to the soules departed; wherefore the _Indians_ (surely more for fear or vanities sake that they may be well thought on by the Preist) if they find any thing lost will bestow it upon the soules surer then the _Spaniards_ themselves (who if they find a purse lost will keep it,) and will bring it either to the Preist or cast it into the chest. An _Indian_ of _Mixco_ had found a patacon or peece of eight in a high-way, and when he came to Confession, he gave it unto me telling me he durst not keep it, lest the soules should appear unto him, and demand it. So upon the second day of _November_ which they call All soules day, they are extraordinary foolish and superstitious in offering monies, fowles, egs and Maiz, and other commodities for the soules good, but it proves for the profit of the Preist, who after Masse wipes away to his chamber all that which the poore gulled and deluded _Indians_ had offered unto those soules, which needed neither mony, food, nor any other provision, and he fills his purse, and pampers his belly with it. A Frier that lived in _Petapa_ boasted unto me once that upon their All Soules day, his offerings had been about a hundred Rials, two hundred Chickens and fowls, half a dozen Turkeyes, eight bushels of Maiz, three hundred egs, four sontles of Cacao, (every sontle being four hundred granes) twenty clusters of plantins, above a hundred wax candles, besides some loaves of bread, and other trifles of fruits. All which being summed up according to the price of the things there, and with consideration of the coyn of mony there (halfe a Ryall or three pence being there the least coyn) mounts to above eight pounds of our money, a faire and goodly stipend for a Masse, brave wages for halfe an houres work; a politick ground for that Error of Purgatory, if the dead bring to the living Preist such wealth in one day onely. Christmas day with the rest of those holy daies is no lesse superstitiously observed by these _Indians_; for against that time they frame and set in some corner of their Church a little thatched house like a stall, which they call _Bethlehem_, with a blazing Starre over, pointing it unto the three Sage wise men from the East; within this stall they lay in a Crib, a child made of wood, painted and guilded (who represents Christ new borne unto them) by him stands _Mary_ on the one side, and _Joseph_ on the other, and an Asse likewise on the one side and an oxe on the other, made by hands, the three wise men of the East kneel before the Crib offering gold, Frankincense and Myrrhe, the shepheards stand aloof off offering their Country gifts, some a Kid, some a Lambe, some Milk, some Cheese, and Curds, some fruits, the fields are also there represented with flocks of Sheep and Goats; the Angels they hang about the stall some with Vialls, some with Lutes, some with Harps, a goodly mumming and silent stage play, to draw those simple souls to look about, and to delight their senses and fantasies in the Church.

There is not an _Indian_ that cometh to see that supposed _Bethlehem_ (and there is not any in the Town but doth come to see it) who bringeth not either money or somewhat else for his offering. Nay the policy of the Preists hath been such, that (to stirre up the _Indians_ with their Saints example) they have taught them to bring their Saints upon all the holy dayes, untill Twelfth day in Procession unto this _Bethlehem_ to offer their gifts, according to the number of the Saints that stand in the Church, some daies there come five, some daies eight, some daies ten, dividing them into such order, that by Twelfth day all may have come and offered, some money, some one thing, some another; The owner of the Saint, hee cometh before the Saint with his friends and kindred (if there bee no sodality or company belonging unto that Saint) and being very well apparelled for that purpose, he bowes himselfe and kneels to the Crib, and then rising takes from the Saint what hee bringeth and leaveth it there, and so departs. But if there be a sodality belonging to the Saint, then the Mayordomo's or chief Officers of that company they come before the Saint, and doe homage, and offer as before hath been said. But upon Twelfth day the Alcaldes, Maiors, Jurates, and other Officers of Justice, must offer after the example of the Saints, and the three Wise men of the East (whom the Church of _Rome_ teacheth to have been Kings) because they represent the Kings power and authority. And all these daies they have about the Town and in the Church a dance of Shepheards, who at Christmas Eve at midnight begin before this _Bethlehem_, and then they must offer a Sheep amongst them. Others dance clothed like Angels and with wings, and all to draw the people more to see sights in the Church, then to worship God in Spirit and in Truth. Candlemas day is no lesse superstitiously observed; for then the picture of _Mary_ comes in procession to the Altar, and offereth up her Candles and Pigeons, or Turtle-Doves unto the Preist, and all the Town must imitate her example, and bring their Candles to be blessed and hallowed; of foure or five, or as many as they bring, one onely shall bee restored back unto them, because they are blessed, all the rest are for the Preist, to whom the _Indians_ resort after to buy them, and give more then ordinary, because they are hallowed Candles. At Whitsontide they have another sight, and that is in the Church also, whilst a Hymne is sung of the Holy Ghost, the Preist standing before the Altar with his face turned to the people, they have a device to let fall a Dove from above over his head well dressed with flowers, and for above half an houre, from holes made for that purpose, they drop down flowers about the Preist shewing the gifts of the holy Ghost to him, which example the ignorant and simple _Indians_ are willing to imitate, offering also their gifts unto him. Thus all the yeer are those Preists and Fryers deluding the poore people for their ends, enriching themselves with their gifts, placing Religion in meer Policy; and thus doth the _Indians_ Religion consist more in sights, shewes and formalities, then in any true substance. But as sweet meat must have sowre sawce; so this sweetnesse and pleasing delight of shewes in the Church hath its sowre sawce once a yeer (besides the sowrenesse of poverty which followeth to them by giving so many gifts unto the Preist) for, to shew that in their Religion there is some bitterness, & sowrenesse, they make the _Indians_ whip themselves the weeke before Easter, like the _Spaniards_, which those simples both men and women perform with such cruelty to their owne flesh, that they butcher it, mangle and teare their backs, till some swound, nay some (as I have known) have died under their own whipping, and have selfe murthered themselves, which the Preists regard not, because their death is sure to bring them at least three or foure Crownes for a Masse for their soules, and other offerings of their friends.

Thus in Religion they are superstitiously led on, and blinded in the observance of what they have been taught more for the good and profit of their Preists, then for any good of their soules, not perceiving that their Religion is a Policy to inrich their teachers. But not onely doe the Fryers and Preists live by them and eat the sweat of their browes; but also all the _Spaniards_, who not onely with their worke and service (being themselves many given to idlenesse) grow wealthy and rich; but with needlesse offices, and authority are still fleecing them, and taking from them that little which they gaine with much hardnesse and severity.

The President of _Guatemala_, the Judges of that Chancery, the Governours and High Justices of other parts of the Country, that they may advance and inrich their meniall servants, make the poor _Indians_ the subject of their bountifulnesse towards such. Some have offices to visit as often as they please their Towns, and to see what every _Indian_ hath sowed of Maiz, for the maintenance of his wife and children; Others visit them to see what fowles they keepe for the good and store of the County; others have order to see whether their houses bee decently kept and their beds orderly placed according to their Families; others have power to call them out to mend and repaire the high wayes, and others have Commission to number the Families and Inhabitants of the severall Townes, to see how they increase that their Tribute may not decrease, but still bee raised. And all this, those officers doe never perform but so, that for their pains they must have from every _Indian_ an allowance to bear their charges, (which indeed are none at all) for as long as they stay in the Town, they may call for what fowles and provision they please without paying for it. When they come to number the Townes, they call by list every _Indian_ and cause his children, sonnes and daughters to be brought before them, to see if they bee fit to be married; and if they be of growth and age, and bee not married, the fathers are threatned for keeping them unmarried, and as idle livers in the Towne without paying tribute; and according to the number of the sonnes and daughters that are marriageable, the fathers tribute is raised and increased, untill they provide husbands and wives for their sons and daughters, who as soone as they are married, are charged with tribute; which that it may increase, they will suffer none above fifteen yeers of age to live unmarried; Nay the set time of age of marriage appointed for the _Indians_, is at fourteen yeers for the man, and thirteene for the woman, alleadging that they are sooner ripe for the fruit of Wedlock, and sooner ripe in knowledge and malice, and strength for worke and service, then are any other people. Nay sometimes they force them to marry who are scarce twelve and thirteene yeeres of age, if they find them well limbed, and strong in body, explicating a point of one of _Romes_ Canons, which alloweth fourteene and fifteen yeers, _nisi malitia suppleat ætatem_. When I my selfe lived in _Pinola_, that Town by order of _Don Juan de Guzman_, (a great Gentleman of _Guatemala_, to whom it belonged) was numbred, and an increase of tributary _Indians_ was added unto it by this meanes. The numbring it lasted a full week, and in that space I was commanded to joyne in marriage neer twenty couple, which, with those that before had been married since the last numbring of it, made up to the Encomendero or Lord of it an increase of about fifty Families. But it was a shame to see how young some were that at that time were forced to marriage, neither could al my striving and reasoning prevail to the contrary, nor the producing of the Register Book to shew their age, but that some were married of between twelve and thirteene yeers of age, and one especially who in the Register booke was found to bee not fully of twelve yeers, whose knowledge and strength of body was judged to supply the want of age. In this manner even in the most free act of the will, (which ought to bee in marriage) are those poore _Indians_, forced and made slaves by the _Spaniards_, to supply with tribute the want of their purses, and the meannesse of their Estates. Yet under this yoke and burden they are cheerfull, and much given to feasting, sporting and dancing, as they particularly shew in the chief feasts of their Townes, which are kept upon that Saints day to whom their Town is dedicated. And certainly this superstition hath continued also in _England_ from the Popish times, to keep Faires in many of our Towns upon Saints dayes (which is the intent of the Papists to draw in the people and country by way of commerce and trading one with another, to honor, worship, and pray to that Saint, to whom the Town is dedicated) or else why are our Faires commonly kept upon _John Baptist, James, Peter, Matthew, Bartholomew, Holy Rood, Lady_ dayes, and the like, and not as well a day or two before, or a day or two after, which would bee as good and fit dayes to buy and sell, as the other? True it is, our Reformation alloweth not the worshipping of Saints, yet that solemne meeting of the people to Fairs and mirth, and sport upon those daies it hath kept and continued, that so the Saints and their dayes may bee and continue still in our remembrance. There is no Town in the _India's_ great or small (though it be but of twenty Families) which is not dedicated thus unto our Lady or unto some Saint, and the remembrance of that Saint is continued in the mindes not onely of them that live in the Towne, but of all that live farre and neere by commercing, trading, sporting, and dancing, offering unto the Saint, and bowing, kneeling, and praying before him. Before this day day cometh, the _Indians_ of the Town two or three Moneths have their meetings at night, and prepare themselves for such dances as are most commonly used amongst them; and in these their meetings they drinke much both of Chocolatte and Chicha. For every kind of dance they have severall houses appointed, and masters of that dance, who teach the rest that they may bee perfected in it against the Saints day. For the most part of these two or three moneths the silence of the night is unquieted, what with their singing, what with their hollowing, what with their beating upon the shels of fishes, what with their Waits, and what with their piping. And when the feast cometh, then they act publikely, and for the space of eight dayes, what privately they had practised before. They are that day well apparelled with silkes, fine linnen, ribbands and feathers according to the dance; which first they begin in the Church before the Saint, or in the Church yard, and from thence all the _Octave_, or eight dayes they goe from house to house dancing, where they have Chocolatte or some heady drink or Chicha given them. All those eight daies the Towne is sure to bee full of drunkards; and if they bee reprehended for it; they will answer, that their heart doth rejoyce with their Saint in heaven, and that they must drinke unto him, that hee may remember them. The chief dance used amongst them is called Toncontin, which hath been danced before the King of _Spain_, in the Court of _Madrid_ by _Spaniards_, who have lived in the _India's_ to shew unto the King somewhat of the _Indians_ fashions; and it was reported to have pleased the King very much. This dance is thus performed. The _Indians_ commonly that dance it (if it bee a great Towne) are thirty or forty, or fewer, if it be a small Town. They are clothed in white, both their dublets, linnen drawers, and Aiates, or towels, which on the one side hang almost to the ground. Their drawers and Aiates are wrought with some workes of Silk, or with birds, or bordered with some Lace. Others procure dublets and drawers and Aiates of Silk, all which are hired for that purpose. On their backs they hang long tuffes of feathers of all colours, which with glew are fastned into a little frame made for the purpose, and guilded on the outside; this frame with Ribbands they tie about their shoulders fast that it fall not, nor slacken with the motion of their bodies. Upon their heads they wear another lesse tuffe of Feathers either in their hats, or in some guilded or painted head-peece, or helmet. In their hands also they carry a fan of feathers, and on their feet most will use feathers also bound together like short wings of birds; some weare shooes, some not. And thus from top to toe they are almost covered with curious and coloured feathers. Their Musick and tune to this dance is onely what is made with a hollow stock of a tree, being rounded, and well pared within and without, very smooth and shining, some foure times thicker then our viols, with two or three long clefts on the upper side and some holes at the end which they call _Tepanabaz_. On this stock (which is placed upon a stool or fourm in the middle of the _Indians_) the Master of the dance beates with two sticks, covered with wooll at the ends, and a pitched leather over the wooll that it fall not away. With this Instrument and blowes upon it (which soundeth but dull and heavy, but somewhat loud) hee giveth the dancers their severall tunes, and changes, and signes of the mothion of their bodies either straight or bowing, and giveth them warning what and when they are to sing. Thus they dance in compasse and circle round about that instrument, one following another sometimes straight, sometimes turning about, sometimes turning half way, sometimes bending their bodies and with the feathers in their hands almost touching the ground, and singing the life of that their Saint, or of some other. All this dancing is but a kind of walking round, which they will continue two or three whole houres together in one place, and from thence goe and perform the same at another house.

This Toncontin the chief and principall onely of the Towne doe dance it; It was the old dance which they used before they knew Christianity, except that then in stead of singing the Saints lives, they did sing the praises of their heathenish Gods. They have another dance much used, which is a kind of hunting out some wild Beast (which formerly in time of Heathenisme was to bee sacrificed to their Gods) to bee offered up unto the Saint. This dance hath much variety of tunes, with a small Tepanabaz, and many shels of Tortoi's, or in stead of them with pots covered with leather, on which they strike as on Tepanabaz, and with the sound of pipes; in this dance they use much hollowing and noise and calling one unto another, and speaking by way of Stage play, some relating one thing, some another concerning the Beast they hunt after; these dancers are all cloathed like Beasts, with painted skins of Lions, Tigers, Wolves, and on their heads such headpieces as may represent the head of such Beasts, and other weare painted heads of Eagles or Fowles of rapine, and in their hands they have painted Staves, Bils, Swords and Axes, wherewith they threaten to kill that Beast they hunt after. Others in stead of hunting after a Beast, hunt after a man, as Beasts in a wildernesse should hunt a man to kill him. This man that is thus hunted after must bee very nimble and agil, as one flying for his life, and striking here and there at the Beasts for his defence, whom at last they catch and make a prey of. As the Toncontin consists most of walking and turning and leasurely bending their bodies, so this dance doth wholly consist in action, running in a circle round, sometimes out of circle, and leaping and striking with those tooles and instruments which they have in their hand. This is a very rude sport, and full of scrieking and hideous noise, wherein I never delighted. Another _Mexican_ dance they use, some clothed like men, others like women, which in Heathenish times they did use with singing praises unto their King or Emperour; but now they apply their songs unto the King of Glory, or unto the Sacrament, using these or commonly the like words with very little difference, and some variety of praise,

_Salid Mexicanas, bailad Toncontin. Cansalas galanas en cuerpo gentil._ And againe, _Salid Mexicanas bailad Toncontin. Al Rey de la gloria tenemos aqui._

Thus they goe round dancing, playing in some places very well upon their Guitarres, repeating now and then all together a verse or two, and calling the _Mexican_ Dames to come out to them with their gallant Mantles to sing praise unto their King of Glory. Besides these they have, and use our Morris dances, and Blackmore dances with Sonajas in their hands, which are a round set of small Morris dancing bells, wherewith they make variety of sounds to their nimble feet. But the dance which doth draw to it the peoples wondering is a Tragedy acted by way of dance, as the death of St. _Peter_, or the beheading of _John_ the _Baptist_. In these dances there is an Emperour, or a King _Herod_ with their Queens clothed, another cloathed with a long loose Coat who represents St. _Peter_, or _John_ the _Baptist_, who whilst the rest danceth, walketh amongst them with a book in his hands, as if hee were saying his prayers, all the rest of the Dancers are apparelled like Captaines and souldiers with Swords, Daggers, or Holbards in their hands. They dance at the sound of a small drum and pipes, sometimes round, sometimes in length forward, and have and use many speeches to the Emperour or King, and among themselves concerning the apprehending and executing the Saint. The King and Queen sit sometimes down to hear their pleading against the Saint, and his pleading for himselfe; and sometimes they dance with the rest; and the end of their dance is to crucifie St. _Peter_ downwards with his head upon a Crosse, or behead _John_ the _Baptist_, having in readinesse a painted head in a dish, which they present unto the King and Queen, for joy whereof they all again dance merrily and so conclude, taking down him that acted _Peter_ from the Crosse. The _Indians_ that dance this dance most of them are superstitious for what they do, judging as if it were indeed really acted and performed what onely is by way of dance represented. When I lived amongst them, it was an ordinary thing for him who in the dance was to act St. _Peter_ or _John_ the _Baptist_, to come first to Confession, saying they must bee holy and pure like that Saint, whom they represent, and must prepare themselves to die. So likewise hee that acted _Herod_ or _Herodias_, and some of the Souldiers that in the dance were to speak and to accuse the Saints, would afterwards come to confesse of that sinne, and desire absolution as from bloodguiltinesse. More particular passages of the _Indians_ according to my experience of them, I shall in the Chapter following truly relate unto my Reader.

CHAP. XX.

_Shewing how and why I departed out of_ Guatemala _to learne the Poconchi language, and to live among the_ Indians, _and of some particular passages and accidents whilst I lived there._

Having read in the University of _Guatemala_ for three years space a whole course of Arts, and having begun to read part of Divinity, the more I studied and grew in knowledge, and the more I controverted by way of Arguments some Truths and points of Religion, the more I found the spirit of Truth inlightening me, and discovering unto me the lies, errors, falsities and superstitions of the Church of _Rome_. My conscience was much perplexed, and wavering, and I desirous of some good and full satisfaction: Which I knew might not bee had there; and that to professe and continue in any opinion contrary to the Doctrine of _Rome_, would bring mee to the Inquisition, that Rack of tender Consciences, and from thence to no lesse then burning alive, in case I would not recant of what the true Spirit had inspired into mee. The point of Transubstantiation, of Purgatory, of the Popes power and authority, of the merit of mans workes, of his free will to choose all soul-saving wayes, the sacrifice of the Masse, the halving the Sacrament of the Lords Supper unto the Lay people, the Preists power to absolve from sinne, the worshipping of Saints though with δουλεία, as they call it, and not with λατρεία, and the Virgin _Mary_ with a higher degree of worship then that of the Saints, which they call ὑπερδουεία; the strange lies and blasphemies which they call miracles recorded in the Legend and lives of their Saints, the infallibility of the Pope, and councell in defining for truth and point of Faith, what in it selfe is false and erroneous; these points especially, with many more of _Romes_ policies, and the lewd lives of the Preists, Fryers, Nuns, and those in authority, did much trouble and perplex my conscience, which I knew would bee better satisfied if I could returne againe to my owne Countrey of _England_, where I knew many things were held contrary to the Church of _Rome_, but what particulars they were, I could not tell, not having been brought up in the Protestant Church, and having been sent young over to _St. Omers_. Wherefore I earnestly addressed my selfe to the Provincial; and to the President of _Guatemala_, for a licence to come home, but neither of them would yeeld unto it, because there was a strict order of the King and Councell, that no Preist sent by his Majesty to any of the parts of the _India's_ to Preach the Gospell, should return againe to _Spain_ till ten yeers were expired. Hereupon I seeing my self a Prisoner, and without hopes for the present of seeing _England_ in many yeers, resolved to stay no more in _Guatemala_, but to goe out to learne some _Indian_ tongue, and to preach in some of their Townes, where I knew more money might bee got to help mee home, when the time should come, then if I did continue to live in the Cloister of _Guatemala_. Yet in the mean time I thought it not unfit to write to _Spain_ to a friend of mine an _English_ Fryer in _San Lucar_, called Fryer _Pablo de Londres_ to desire him to obtain for mee a License from the Court, and from the Generall of the Order at _Rome_, that I might return unto my Country. In this season there was in _Guatemala_, Fryer _Francisco de Moran_, the Prior of _Coban_ in the Province of _Vera Paz_, who was informing the President and whole Chancery, how necessary it was that some _Spaniards_ should bee ayding and assisting him for the discovery of a way from that Country unto _Jucatan_, and for the suppressing of such barbarous people and Heathens, as stopped his passage, and did often invade some _Indian_ Towns of Christians. This _Moran_ (being my speciall friend, and having been brought up in _Spaine_ in the Cloister of _San Pablo de Valladolid_, where my selfe was first entred Frier,) was very desirous of my company along with him, for the better bringing into Christianity those Heathens, and Idolaters, telling me that doubtlesse in a new Countrey new treasure and great riches was like to be found, whereof no small share and portion should befall him and me for our pains and adventure. I was not hard to be perswaded, being above all desirous to convert to Christianity a people that had never heard of Christ; and so purposed to forsake that honour which I had in the Universitie, for to make Christ knowne unto that Heathenish people. The Provinciall was glad to see this my courage, and so with some gifts and mony in my purse, sent me with _Moran_ to the _Vera Paz_ in the company of 50. _Spaniards_, who were appointed by the President to aid and assist us.

When we came to _Coban_ we were well refreshed and provided for a hard and dangerous enterprize. From _Coban_ we marched to two great Townes of Christians called _St. Peter_, and _St. John_, where were added unto us a hundred _Indians_ for our further assistance. From these Towns two daies journey we could travail on Mules safely among Christians and some small villages; but after the two daies we drew neer unto the Heathens Frontiers, where there was no more open way for Mules, but we must trust unto our feet. We went up and down mountaines amongst woods for the space of two daies, being much discouraged with the thickets and hardnesse of the way, and having no hope of finding out the Heathens. In the night we kept watch and guard for feare of enemies, and resolved yet the third day to goe forward. In the mountaines we found many sorts of fruits and in the bottomes springs and brookes with many trees of Cacao and Achiotte. The third day we went on, and came to a low valley, in the midst whereof ran a shallow river, where we found some _Milpa's_ or plantations of Maiz. These were a testimony unto us of some _Indians_ not far off, and therefore made us keep together and be in readinesse, if any assault or onset should be made upon us by the Heathens. Whilst we thus travelled on, we suddenly fell upon halfe a dozen poore cottages, covered with boughes and plantin leaves, and in them wee found three _Indian_ women, two men and five young children, all naked, who faine would have escaped, but they could not. We refreshed our selves in their poore cottages and gave them of our provision, which at the first they refused to eat, howling and crying and pulling, till _Moran_ had better incouraged and comforted them, whose language they partly understood. We clothed them and tooke them along with us, hoping to make them discover unto us some treasure or some bigger plantation. But that day they were so sullen that we could get nothing out of them. Thus we went on, following some tracks which here and there we found of _Indians_, till it was almost evening, and then we did light upon above a dozen cottages more, and in them a matter of twenty men, women, and children, from whom we tooke some bows and arrowes, and found there store of plantins, some fish, and wild Venison, wherewith we refreshed our selves. These told us of a great Towne two daies journey off, which made us be very watchfull that night. Here I began with some more of our company to be sick and weary, so that the next day I was not able to goe any further; whereupon we resolved to set up our quarters there, and to send out some scouts of _Indians_ and _Spaniards_ to discover the country, who found further more cottages and plantations of Maiz, of Chile, of Turkey beans, and Cotton-wooll, but no _Indians_ at all, for they were all fled. Our scouts returned, and gave us some incouragement from the pleasantnesse of the Country; but withall wished us to be watchfull and carefull, for that certainly the flight of those _Indians_ was a signe that our coming was noised about the Country. The next day we purposed to move forward to that plantation which our scouts had discovered, being (as we were informed) safer and more open to foresee any danger ready to befall us. All these plantations lay along by the river, where the sun was exceeding hot, which had caused feavers and a flux in some of us. With much wearinesse and faintnesse I got that day to our journeys end, beginning now to repent mee of what I was ingaged in and on foot, and fearing some suddain danger, by reason our coming was now known by the _Indians_. The prisoners we had with us began to tell us of some gold that they did sometimes find in that river, and of a great lake yet forward, about which did inhabit many thousand _Indians_, who were very warlike, and skilfull in their bows and arrows. The one incouraged some, the other much discouraged the rest, who wished themselves out of those woods and unknown places, and began to murmur against _Moran_, who had been the cause of their ingagement in that great danger. Our night was set, and I and the rest of the sick _Spaniards_ went to rest, some upon the bare ground, but my self and others in hamacca's, which are of net work tied at two posts or trees, and hanging in the aire, which with the least stirring of the body, rocke one asleep as in a Cradle. Thus I tooke my rest till about midnight; at which time our watches gave an alarm against our approaching enemies, who were thought to be about a thousand. They came desperately towards us, and when they saw they were discovered, and our drums beat up, and our fowling peeces and muskets began to shoot, they hollowed and cried out with a hideous noise, which uproar and suddain affrightment, added sweat and fear to my feaver. But _Moran_ (who came to confesse with mee, and to prepare himselfe for death or for some deadly wound) comforted me, wishing me to fear nothing, and to lie still, for that I could doe them no good, and that lesse was my danger then I apprehended, because our Souldiers had compassed me about, so that on no side the Heathens could come in, and flie we could not without the losse of all our lives. The skirmish lasted not above an hour, and then our enemies began to flie back. We tooke ten of them, and in the morning found thirteen dead upon the ground, and of ours five onely were wounded, whereof one died the next day.

In the morning our Souldiers began to mutiny and to talke of returning back, fearing a worse and more violent onset that day or the night following, for some of the _Indians_ who were taken, told them plainly that if they went not away there would come six or seven thousand against them. They told us further, that they knew well that the _Spaniards_ had all the country about, except that little portion of theirs, which they desired to enjoy quietly and peaceably, and not to meddle with us, but rather if we would see their countrey and goe through it as friends, they would let us without doing us any hurt; but if we came in a warlike manner to fight and to bring them into slavery, as we had done their neighbours, they were all resolved to die fighting rather then to yeeld. With these words our Souldiers were divided, some with _Moran_ were of opinion to try the _Indians_, and to go peaceably through their Country til they could come to some Towne of _Jucatan_; others were of opinion to fight, others to return back again, considering their weakenesse against so many thousands of _Indians_ as were in the Country. But that day nothing was agreed upon, for that we could not stir by reason of the sick and wounded. So we continued there that night, and as the night before much about the same time the enemies came againe upon us, but finding us ready and watching for them, they soone fled. In the morning we resolved to returne back, and _Moran_ sent the Heathens word, that if they would let him goe through their country quietly to discover some land of _Jucatan_, he would after a few monthes come peaceably unto them with halfe a dozen _Indians_, no more, trusting his life upon them; whom he knew if they wronged, all the _Spaniards_ in the country would rise up against them, and not leave one alive. They answered that they would entertaine him, and any few _Indians_ well and willingly; all which _Moran_ and they performed according to their agreement the next yeer following.

Thus we returned that day backe the same way that we had come, and I began to find my self better, and my feaver to leave me. We carried with us some of those young children which we had taken, to present them unto the President of _Guatemala_. And in _Coban_ the Prior _Moran_ thought he might first do God good service if he christened those yong children, saying that they might become Saints, and that afterwards their prayers might prevaile with God for the conversion of their parents and of all that country to Christianity. I could not but oppose this his ignorance, which seemed much like unto that of the Friers who entred _America_ with _Cortez_, and increased after the conquest daily more in number, who boasted to the Emperour, that they had some of them made above thirty thousand _Indians_ Christians by baptizing them; which truely they did as sheep are forced to the waters and driven to be washed; so were those first _Indians_ by thousands sprinkled (or if I may use their word, baptized) for they were driven by compulsion & force to the rivers, neither were they first principled in any grounds of belief and Christianity, neither themselves beleevers, nor children of of beleeving and faithfull parents. So would _Moran_ christen these children, though I told him that they ought not to partake of that sacrament and Ordinance of Christ, unlesse they were grounded in articles of Christianity and beleeved, or were children of beleeving parents. But as he had been brought up in errours, whereof that Church of _Rome_ is a wide and spatious nest, so he would be obstinate in this point against me and the truth, sprinkling with water those children, and naming them with names of Christians. After this he sent them well apparelled to the President of _Guatemala_, who commanded them to be kept, and brought up in the Cloister of the Dominican Friers.

I remained after this for a while in _Coban_, and in the Townes about, untill such time as the ships came to the Gulfe; whither I went with _Moran_ to buy wines, oyle, iron, cloth and such things as the Cloister wanted for the present. At which time there being a frigate ready to depart to _Truxillo_ (some occasions drawing _Moran_ thither) I tooke ship with him. We staied not much above a week in that Port (which is a weak one, as the _English_ and _Hollanders_ taking of it can witnesse) but presently we thought of returning back to _Guatemala_ by land through the countrey of _Comayagua_, commonly called _Honduras_. This is a woody and mountainous countrey, very bad and inconvenient for Travellers, and besides very poore; there the commodities are Hides, _Canna fistula_, and _Zarzaparilla_, and such want of bread, that about _Truxillo_ they make use of what they call _Cassave_, which is a dry root, that being eaten dry doth choak, and therefore is soaked in broth, water, wine or Chocolatte, that so it may go down. Within the Countrey, and especially about the City of _Comayagua_ (which is a Bishops seat, though a small place of some five hundred inhabitants at the most) there is more store of Maiz by reason of some _Indians_, which are gathered to Townes, few and small. I found this Countrey one of the poorest in all _America_. The chief place in it for health and good living is the valley which is called _Gracias a Dios_, there are some rich farms of Cattle and Wheat; but because it lieth as neer to the Countrey of _Guatemala_ as to _Comayagua_, and on this side the waies are better then on that, therefore more of that Wheat is transported to _Guatemala_ and to the Townes about it, then to _Comayagua_ or _Truxillo_. From _Truxillo_ to _Guatemala_ there are between fourescore and a hundred leagues, which we travelled by land, not wanting in a barren Countrey neither guides nor provision, for the poore _Indians_ thought neither their personall attendance, nor any thing that they enjoyed too good for us.

Thus we came again to _Guatemala_, and were by the Friers joyfully entertained, and by the President highly rewarded, and by the City called true Apostles, because we had ventured our lives for the discovery of Heathens, and opened a way for their conversion, and found out the chief place of their residence, and sent before us those children to the City, who witnessed with being in the Cloister our pains and indeavours. _Moran_ was so puffed up with the Presidents favour, and the popular applause, that he resolved in _Guatemala_ to venture again his life, and, according to that message which he had sent before to the Heathen _Indians_, to enter amongst them in a peaceable way with halfe a dozen _Indians_. He would fain have had me gone with him; but I considered the hardnesse of the journey, which I thought I should not be able to perform on foot; and also I feared that the _Barbarians_ might mutiny against us for those children which we had brought; and lastly I liked not the Countrey, which seemed poore and not for my purpose, to get meanes sufficient to bring me home to _England_, which was the chiefest thought and desire of my heart for the satisfaction of my conscience, which I found still unquiet. Wherefore I resolved to forsake the company of my friend _Moran_, and to desist from new discoveries of Heathens, and such difficult undertakings, which might endanger my health and life, and at last bring no profit, but only a little vain glory, fame and credit in that Countrey. I thought I might better employ my time, if I learned some _Indian_ tongue neerer to _Guatemala_, where I considered the riches of the Townes, the readinesse of the _Indians_, and their willingnesse to further their Preists wants; and lastly, their ignorance in some points of Religion, which I thought I might help and clear with some sound doctrin, and with preaching Christ crucified unto them, and bringing them unto that rock of eternall blisse and salvation. I trusted in my friends so much, that I knew it would not be hard for me to take my choice of any place about _Guatemala_; from whence I might facilitate my returne to _England_, and write to _Spain_, and have every yeer an answer easier then any where else. I opened my mind unto the Provinciall (who was then at _Guatemala_) and he presently and willingly condescended to my request, and counselled me to learn the _Poconchi_ language, (whereof I had already got some grounds in the _Vera Paz_) which is most used about _Guatemala_, and also is much practised in _Vera Paz_, and in the Countrey of _San Salvador_. He promised to send me to the Town of _Petapa_, to learne there the language, with a speciall friend of his named Frier _Peter Molina_, who was very old, and wanted the help and company of some younger person to ease him in the charge that lay upon him, of so great a Towne, and many Travellers that passed that way. The Provinciall as if he had knowne my mind, pitched upon my very hearts desire; and thus two weeks before _Midsummer_ day I departed from _Guatemala_ to _Petapa_, which is six leagues from thence, and there setled my selfe to learn that _Indian_ tongue. The Friers of those parts that are any way skilful in the _Indian_ languages, have composed Grammars & Dictionaries for the better furthering of others who may supply their places after their decease; but whilst they live are unwilling to teach the languages unto others, lest their schollers should after a good and well grounded knowledge of the tongues, supplant their own Masters, and be means of taking from them that great profit which they have by living as Curates in the _Indian_ Townes. Yet this old _Molina_ considering himselfe in yeers, and for his good friends sake the Provinciall, was not unwilling to accept of my company, and to impart unto me what knowledge he had got by many yeers practice of the _Poconchi_ tongue. He gave me therefore a short abstract of all the rudiments belonging unto it, which did consist chiefely of declining Nounes, and conjugating Verbs, (which I easily learned in the first fortnight that I had been with him) and then a Dictionary of _Indian_ words, which was all the rest of my study to get without book, untill I was able of my selfe to preach unto the _Indians_, which with much easinesse I obtained by discoursing and conferring with them, what with my private study I had learned.

After the first six weeks _Molina_ writ downe for me in the tongue a short exhortation, which he expounded to me, and wished me to learne it without booke, which I preached publikely upon the feast of _St. James_. After this he gave me another short exhortation in _Spanish_, to be preached upon the fifteenth of _August_, which he made me translate into the _Indian_ tongue, and he corrected in it what he found amisse, wherewith I was a little more emboldened, and feared not to shew my selfe in publick to the _Indians_. This practice I continued three or four times untill _Michaelmas_, preaching what with his help I had translated out of _Spanish_, untill I was able to talke with the _Indians_ alone, and to make mine own Sermons. After _Michaelmas Molina_ being not a little vain glorious of what he had done with me, in perfecting me in an unknowne tongue in so short a space, which was very little above one quarter of the yeer, writ unto the Provinciall acquainting him of what paines he had taken with me, and of the good successe of his endeavours, assuring him that I was now fit to take a charge of _Indians_ upon me, and to preach alone, further desiring him that he would bestow upon me some _Indian_ Towne and Benefice where I might by constant preaching practice and further that which with so much facility I had learned. The Provinciall (who had alwaies been my friend) needed not spurs to stir him up to shew more and more his love and kindnesse unto me; but immediately sent me order to goe unto the two Townes of _Mixco_ and _Pinola_, and to take charge of the _Indians_ in them, and to give quarterly an account of what I received thence unto the Cloister of _Guatemala_, unto which all that valley did appertaine. All the _Indian_ Townes and the Friers that live in them are subordinate unto some Cloister; and the Friers are called by their Superiours to give up for the Cloisters use what monies they have spared, after their own and their servants lawfull maintenance. Which Order yet in _Peru_ is not observed, for there the Friers who are once beneficed in _Indian_ Towns, depend not upon any Cloister, but keep all that they get for themselves, and so receive not from their Cloisters any clothing, or help for their provision, neither give they any account to their Superiours, but keep, clothe and maintain themselves, with what offerings and other duties fall unto them from the _Indians_; which is the cause that the Friers of _Peru_ are the richest in all the _India's_, and live not like Friers but rather like Lords, and game and Dice publikely without controul. But the Friers of _Guatemala, Guaxaca_, and _Mexico_, though they have enough and more then is well sutable to their vow and profession of poverty, yet they enjoy not the liberty of the _Peruan_ Friers in their _Indian_ Benefices; for what is over and above their expences, they give to their Superiours, and from them they receive every month a jar of wine, of an Arrobe and a halfe, and every yeer a new habit with other clothing. Yet with what I have said I must not excuse the Friers of _Guatemala_ from liberty, and the enjoyment of wealth and riches; for they also game and sport, and spend, and fill their bags, and where in their accounts and reckonings to the Cloisters they might well give up in a yeer five hundred Crownes besides their own expences, they give up peradventure three hundred, and usurpe the rest for themselves, and their vain and idle uses; and trade and traffique under hand with Merchants against their vow of poverty.

With this subordination therefore (which I have shewed) unto the Prior and Cloister of _Guatemala_, I was sent to preach unto the _Indians_ of _Mixco_ and _Pinola_, from whence for my sake was removed an old Frier of almost fourscore yeers of age, and called to his Cloister to rest, who was not able to performe the charge which lay upon him of two Townes, three leagues distant one from another. The setled means for maintenance which I enjoyed in these Townes, and the common offerings and duties which I received from the _Indians_ was this. In _Mixco_ I was allowed every moneth twenty Crownes, and in _Pinola_ fifteen, which was punctually payed by the Alcaldes and Regidores, Maiors and Jurates, before the end of the moneth; for which payment, the Townes sowed a common peece of land with Wheat or Maiz, and kept their book of accounts, wherein they set downe what crops they yeerly received, what monies they tooke in for the sale of their Corne, and in the same booke I was to write downe what every moneth I received from them; which booke at the yeers end they were to present to be examined by some officer appointed thereunto by the Court of _Guatemala_. Besides this monthly allowance, I had from the Sodalities of the soules in Purgatory every week in each Town two Crownes for a Masse; every moneth two Crownes in _Pinola_ upon the first Sunday of the moneth from the Sodalitie of the Rosary; and in _Mixco_ likewise every month from three Sodalities of the Rosary of the Virgin _Mary_, which were there belonging unto the _Indians_, the _Spaniards_, and the _Black-mores_, two Crownes a peece. Further from two more Sodalities belonging to the _Vera Cruz_, or the Crosse of Christ, every moneth two Crownes a peece. And in _Mixco_ from a Sodality of the _Spaniards_ belonging to _St. Nicolas de Tolentino_, two Crowns every month. And from a Sodality of _St. Blas_ in _Pinola_ every moneth two more Crownes; and finally in _Mixco_ from a Sodality entituled of _St. Jacintho_ every moneth yet two Crownes; besides some offerings, of either mony, fowles, or candles, upon those daies whereon these Masses were sung; all which amounted to threescore and nine Crowns a month, which was surely setled and paid before the end of the moneth. Besides from what I have formerly said of the Saints statues which doe belong unto the Churches, and doe there constantly bring both mony, fowles, candles, and other offerings upon their day, unto the Preist, the yeerly revenues which I had in those two Towns will appear not to have been small; for in _Mixco_ there were in my time eighteen Saints Images, and twenty in _Pinola_; which brought unto me upon their day four Crowns a peece for Masse and Sermon, and procession, besides fowles, Turkeys and Cacao, and the offerings before the Saints, which commonly might bee worth at least three Crowns upon every Saints day, which yeerly amounted to at least two hundred, threescore and six Crownes. Besides the Sodalities of the Rosary of the Virgin, (which as I have before said were foure, three in _Mixco_, and one in _Pinola_) upon five severall feasts of the yeer (which are most observed by the Church of _Rome_) brought unto me four Crownes, two for the dayes Masse, and two for a Masse the day following, which they call the Anniversarie for the dead, who had belonged unto those Sodalities, which besides those daies offerings (which sometimes were more, sometimes lesse) and the _Indians_ presents of fowles and Cacao, made up yeerly fourscore Crowns more. Besides this, the two Sodalities of the _Vera Cruz_ upon two feasts of the Crosse; the one upon the fourteenth of _September_, the other upon the third of _May_, brought four Crownes a peece for the Masse of the day, and the Anniversary Masse following, and upon every Friday in Lent two Crownes, which in the whole yeer came to four and fourty Crownes; all which above reckoned, was as a sure rent in those two Townes. But, should I spend time to reckon up what besides did accidentally fall, would be tedious. The Christmas offerings in both those two Townes, were worth to me when I lived there at least fourty Crownes. Thursday and Friday offerings before Easter day were about a hundred Crownes; all Soules day offerings commonly worth fourescore Crownes; and Candlemas day offerings commonly forty more. Besides what was offered upon the Feast of each Town by all the Country which came in, which in _Mixco_ one yeer was worth unto mee in Candles and money fourescore Crownes, and in _Pinola_ (as I reckoned it) fifty more. The Communicants (every one giving a Riall) might make up in both Towns at least a thousand Rials; and the Confessions in Lent at least a thousand more, besides other offerings of Eggs, Hony, Cacao, Fowles and Fruits. Every Christening brought two Rials, every Marriage two Crowns, every ones death two Crowns more at least; and some in my time dyed, who would leave ten or twelve Crownes for five or six Masses to bee sung for their soules.

Thus are those fooles taught that by the Preists singing their soules are delivered from weeping, and from the fire and torments of Purgatory; and thus by singing all the yeer doe those Fryers charme from the poore _Indians_ and their Sodalities and Saints an infinite treasure wherewith they inrich themselves and their Cloisters; as may bee gathered from what I have noted by my owne experience in those two Townes of _Mixco_ and _Pinola_, (which were farre inferiour yet to _Petapa_ and _Amatitlan_ in the same Valley, and not to bee compared in offerings and other Church duties to many other Townes about that Country) which yet yeelded unto mee with the offerings cast into the Chests which stood in the Churches for the souls of Purgatory, and with what the _Indians_ offered when they came to speake unto mee (for they never visit the Preist with empty hands) and with what other Masse stipends did casually come in, the summe of at least two thousand Crownes of _Spanish_ money, which might yeerly mount to five hundred _English_ pounds. I thought this Benefice might bee a fitter place for mee to live in, then in the Cloister of _Guatemala_, wearying out my braines with points of false grounded Divinity for to get onely the applause of the Scholars of the University, and now and then some small profit; which I thought I might looke after as well as the rest of my profession, nay with more reason, for that I intended to return to _England_, and I knew I should have little help for so long a journey in leaving there my friends, if so bee that I made not my mony my best friend to assist mee by Sea and Land. My first indeavour was to certifie my selfe from the Book of Receipts and Accounts in the Cloister of _Guatemala_, what reckonings my Predecessor and others before him had given up to the Cloister yeerly from _Mixco_ and _Pinola_, that I might regulate my selfe and my expenses so, as to be able to live with credit, and to get thanks from the Cloister by giving more then any before me had given. I found that four hundred crowns had been the most that my old Predecessour had given yeerly in his Accounts; and that before him little more was usually given from those two Towns; Whereupon I took occasion once in discourse with the Prior of _Guatemala_ to aske what hee would willingly expect from mee yeerly whilst I lived in those two Towns; to which he replyed that if I upheld for my part the Cloisters usuall and yeerly Revenues, giving what my Predecessour had given, he would thanke me, and expect no more from mee, and that the rest that befell mee in those Towns, I might spend it in Books, Pictures, Chocolatte, Mules, and Servants; to which I made reply, that I thought I could live in that Benefice creditably enough, and yet give from it more to the Cloister then ever any other before mee had given, and that I would forfeit my continuing there if I gave not to the Cloister every year four hundred and fifty Crowns. The Prior thanked mee heartily for it, and told mee I should not want for wine, (wishing mee to send for it every moneth) nor for clothing, which hee would every yeer once bestow upon me. This I thought would save a great part of my charges, and that I was well provided for as long as I lived in the _India's_. And here I desire, that _England_ may take notice how a Fryer that hath professed to be a Mendicant, being beneficed in _America_, may live with foure hundred pounds a yeer cleare, and some with much more, with most of his cloathing given him besides, and the most charge of his wine supplyed, with the abundance of Fowles, which cost him nothing, and with such plenty of Beef, as yeelds him thirteen pound for three pence? Surely well may hee game, buy good Mules, furnish his chamber with hangings, and rich pictures, and Cabinets, yea and fill them with _Spanish_ Pistols, and peeces of eight, and after all trade in the Court of _Madrid_ for a Mitre and fat Bishoprick, which commonly is the end of those proud worldly and lazy Lubbars.

After I was once setled in these my two Townes, my first care was to provide my selfe of a good mule, which might soon and easily carry mee (as often as occasion called) from the one Towne to the other. I soon found out one, which cost mee fourescore Crownes, which served my turn very well, to ride speedily the nine miles crosse the Valley, which were between the two Townes. Though my chief study here was to perfect my selfe in the _Indian_ tongue, that I might the better preach unto them, and be well understood; yet I omitted not to search out the Scriptures daily, and to addict my selfe unto the Word of God, which I knew would profit mee more then all those riches and pleasures of _Egypt_, which for a while I saw I must enjoy, till my ten yeers were fully expired, and Licence from _Rome_ or _Spain_ granted for me to return to _England_, which I began speedily to sollicite by meanes of one Captain _Isidro de Zepeda_, a _Sevill_ Merchant and Master of one of the Ships, which came that first yeer that I was setled in _Mixco_ with Merchandize for _Guatemala_; By this Captain (who passed often through the Valley) I writ unto my friends in _Spain_ and had answers, though at first to little purpose, which did not a little increase the troubles of my Conscience, which were great, and such whereof the wise man said, A wounded Conscience who can bear? My friendship with this Captain _Zepeda_ was such, that I broke my mind unto him, desiring him to carry mee in his Ship to _Spain_; which he refused to doe, telling me the danger he might bee in, if complaint should be made to the President of _Guatemala_, and wishing me to continue where I was, & to store my self with mony that I might return with Licence and credit. I resolved therefore with _David_ in the 16 _Psal._ and the 8. V. to set the Lord alwayes before me, and to choose him for my onely comfort, and to relie upon his providence who I knew only could order things for my good, and could from _America_ bring me home to the House of Salvation, and to the houshold of Faith; from which I considered my self an exile, and farre banished. In the mean time I lived five full yeers in the two Townes of _Mixco_ and _Pinola_. Where I had more occasion to get wealth and money, then ever any that lived there before mee; for the first yeer of my abiding there it pleased God to send one of the plagues of _Egipt_ to that Country, which was of Locusts, which I had never seen till then. They were after the manner of our Grashoppers, but somewhat bigger, which did flye about in number so thick and infinite that they did truly cover the face of the Sun and hinder the shining forth of the beames of that bright planet. Where they lighted either upon trees or standing Corn, there nothing was expected but ruine, destruction and barrennesse; for the corn they devoured, the leaves and fruits of trees they eat and consumed, and hung so thick upon the branches, that with their weight they tore them from the body. The high waies were so covered with them that they startled the travelling Mules with their fluttering about their head and feet; my eyes were often struck with their wings as I rid along, and much a doe I had to see my way, what with a Montero wherewith I was faine to cover my face, what with the flight of them which were still before my eyes.

The Farmers towards the South Sea Coast, cryed out for that their Indigo which was then in grasse, was like to bee eaten up; from the Ingenio's of Sugar, the like moan was made, that the young and tender Sugar Canes would bee destroyed; but above all grievous was the outcry of the husbandmen of the Valley where I lived, who feared that their Corn would in one night be swallowed up by that devouring Legion. The care of the Magistrate was that the Townes of _Indians_ should all goe out into the fields with Trumpets, and what other instruments they had to make a noise, and so to affright them from those places which were most considerable and profitable to the Common-wealth; and strange it was to see how the loud noise of the _Indians_ and sounding of the Trumpets, defended some fields from the feare and danger of them. Where they lighted in the Mountaines and High wayes, there they left behind them their young ones, which were found creeping upon the ground ready to threaten with a second yeers plagues if not prevented; wherefore all the Townes were called with Spades, Mattocks and Shovels to dig long Trenches and therein to bury all the young ones.

Thus with much trouble to the poore _Indians_, and their great paines (yet after much hurt and losse in many places) was that flying Pestilence chased away out of the Country to the South Sea, where it was thought to bee consumed by the Ocean, and to have found a grave in the waters, whilst the young ones found it in the Land. Yet they were not all so buried, but that shortly some appeared, which not being so many in number as before were with the former diligence soon overcome. But whilst all this feare was, these outcries were made by the Country and this diligence performed by the _Indians_, the Preists got well by it; for every where Processions were made, and Masses sung for the averting of that Plague. In _Mixco_ most of the idols were carryed to the field, especially the pictures of our Lady, and that of St. _Nicolas Tolentine_, in whose name the Church of _Rome_ doth use to blesse little Breads and Wafers with the Saint stamped upon them; which they think are able to defend them from Agues, Plague, Pestilence, Contagion, or any other great and imminent danger. There was scarce any _Spanish_ Husbandman who in this occasion came not from the Valley to the Town of _Mixco_ with his offering to this Saint, and who made not a vow to have a Masse sung unto Saint _Nicolas_; they all brought breads to bee blessed, and carryed them back to their Farmes, some casting them into their Corn, some burying them in their hedges and fences, strongly trusting in Saint _Nicolas_, that his bread would have power to keepe the Locust out of their fields; and so at the last those simple, ignorant, and blinded soules, when they saw the Locusts departed and their Corn safe, cried out to our Lady some, others to Saint _Nicolas_, Milagro, a Miracle, Judging the Saint worthy of praise more then God, and performing to him their vows of Masses, which in their feare and trouble they had vowed, by which erroneous and idolatrous devotion of theirs I got that yeer many more Crownes then what before I have numbred from the Sodalities. The next yeere following, all that country was generally infected with a kinde of contagious sicknesse, almost as infectious as the Plague, which they call Tabardillo, and was a Feaver in the very inward parts and bowels, which scarce continued to the seventh day, but commonly tooke them away from the world to a grave the the third or fifth day. The filthy smell and stench which came from them, which lay sick of this disease was enough to infect the rest of the house, and all that came to see them; It rotted their very mouths and tongues, and made them as black as a coal before they died. Very few _Spaniards_ were infected with this Contagion, but the _Indians_ generally were taken with it. It was reported to have begun about _Mexico_, and to have spread from Town to Town, till it came to _Guatemala_, and went on forwards; and so likewise did the Locusts the yeer before, marching as it were from _Mexico_ over all the Country. I visited many that died of this infection, using no other Antidote against it, save onely a handkercheif dipped in Vineger to smell unto, and I thanke God I escaped where many dyed. In _Mixco_, I buried ninety young and old, and in _Pinola_ above an hundred; and for all these that were eight yeere old, or upwards, I received two Crownes for a Masse for their soules delivery out of Purgatory. See good Reader, whether the conceit of Purgatory have not been a maine policy of _Rome_ to enrich the Preist and Clergy, with Masse stipends from such as die, making them beleeve that nothing else can helpe their soules if once plunged into that conceited fire; Where thou maist see that one contagious sicknesse in two small Townes of _Indians_ brought unto me in lesse then half a yeer neere a hundred pounds for Masses, for almost two hundred that died. Nay such is the greedy covetousnesse of those Preists, that they will receive three or four Masse stipends for one day, making the people beleeve that the same Masse may bee offered up for many, and doe one soule as much good as another. Thus with the Plague of Locusts, and the contagion of sicknesse, for the first two yeers together had I an occasion to enrich my self, as did other Preists my neighbours. But think not that because so many died, therefore the Towns growing lesse my offerings for the future were lessened. The Encomendero's or Lords of the two Towns took care for that, who, that they might not lose any part of that Tribute which was formerly paid unto them, presently after the sicknesse was ceased, caused them to bee numbred, and (as I have in the Chapter before observed) forced to marriage all that were twelve yeers and upwards of age; which also was a new streame of Crownes flowing into my bagges; for from every couple that were married I had also two Crownes besides other offerings, and in both the Towns, I married in that occasion above fourescore Couple. Truly by all this, I thank the Lord, I was more strengthened in my conceit against the Church of _Rome_, and not with that greedinesse of that Lucre intised to continue in it, though I found the preferments there farre greater then any might bee in the Church of _England_, where I knew nothing was to bee got with singing, or hudling over a Masse; But yet though for the present my profit was great, my eyes were open to see the errours whereby that profit came so plentifully to mee, and to all that crew of Idolatrous Preists; The judgments ceased not here in that Country in my time; but after this contagion there was such an Inundation of rain that the husbandmen feared again the losse of all their Corn. At noone time the darke clouds for a month together began to thicken and cover the face of the heavens, powring down such stormy showres as swept away much Corn, and many poore Cottages of _Indians_; besides the raine, the fiery thunder bolts breaking through the clouds threatned a dolefull judgement to all the Country. In the Valley of _Mixco_ two riding together were stricken dead from their Mules, the Chappel of our Lady of _Carmel_ in the same valley was burnt to the ground, and likewise two houses at the river of _Vaccas_. In _Petapa_ another flash of lightning, or thunderbolt fell into the Church upon the high Altar, cracking the walls in many places, running from Altar to Altar, defacing all the gold, and leaving a print and stamp where it had gone without any more hurt. In the Cloister of the Franciscans in _Guatemala_, a Frier sleeping upon his bed after dinner, was stricken dead, his body being left all blacke as if it had been burnt with fire, and yet no signe of any wound about him. Many accidents happened that yeer which was 1632. all about the Countrey. But my selfe was by the safe protection of the Almighty wonderfully saved; for being on a Saturday at night in _Mixco_ trembling and fearing, and yet trusting in my God, and praying unto him in my chamber, one flash of lightning or thunderbolt fell close to the Church wall to which my chamber joyned, and killed two Calves, which were tied to a post in a yard, to be slaughtered the next morning. The lightning was so neer and terrible that it seemed to have fired all my house, and strucke me downe unto the ground, where I lay as dead for a great while; when I came again to my self, I heard many _Indians_ about my house, who were come to see if either it or the Church were set on fire. This stormy season brought me also much profit, for (as formerly) the _Spaniards_ of the valley and the _Indians_ betooke themselves to their Idol Saints carrying them about in procession, which was not done without mony, which they call their almes unto their Saints, that they may the better be heard and intreated by them.

The summer following there was more then the ordinary earthquakes, which were so great that yeer in the Kingdome of _Peru_, that a whole City called _Truxillo_ was swallowed up by the earth which opened it selfe, and almost all the people were lost, whilst they were at Church worshiping and praying unto their Saints. The hurt they did about _Guatemala_ was not so much as in other places, only some few mud walls were shaken downe, and some Churches cracked; which made the people fear and betake themselves again to their Saints, and empty their purses before them for Masses and processions, lest the danger should prove as great, as was that of the great earthquake which happened before my coming into that Country. These earthquakes when they begin are more often, then long, for they last but for a while, stirring the earth with three motions, first on the one side, then on the other, and with the third motion they seem to set it right againe. If they should continue, they would doubtlesse hurle downe to the ground any steeple or building though never so great, and strong. Yet at this time in _Mixco_ some were so violent, that they made the steeple bend so much that they made the bells sound. I was so used unto them that many times in my bed I would not stir for them. Yet this yeer they brought me to such a feare, that had not the Lord been a present refuge to me in time of trouble I had utterly been undone. For being one morning in my chamber studying, so great and suddain was an earthquake, that it made me run from my table to a window, fearing that before I could get down the staires, the whole house might fall upon my head, the window was in a thicke wall vaulted upwards like an arch (which the _Spaniards_ hold to be the safest place if a house should fall) where I expected nothing but death; as soon as I got under it, the earthquake ceased, though my heart ceased not to quake with the suddain affrightment. Whilst I was musing and thinking what to doe, whether I should run downe to the yard, or continue where I was, there came a second shaking worse then the first. I thought with my selfe if the house should fall, the Arch would not save my life, and that I should either be stifled or throwne out of the window, which was not very low and neer unto the ground, but somewhat high wide open, having no glasse casements but woodden shuts, (such as there are used) and if I leaped out of the window, I might chance to breake a leg, or a limbe, yet save my life. The suddainnesss of the astonishment tooke from me the best and most mature deliberation in such a case; and in the midst of these my troubled and perplexed thoughts a third motion came as violent as the former, wherewith I had now set one foot in the window to leap down, had not the same Lord (to whom _David_ said in the 46 _Ps._ v. 2. Therefore will not wee feare, though the earth bee moved) by his wonderfull providence spoken both to mee and to the moving earth, saying as in the 10. Verse, Bee still and know that am I God; for certainly had it gone on to a fourth motion, I had by casting down my self broke either my neck, or a legge, or some other joynt. Thus was I twice saved by my good God in _Mixco_, and in _Pinola_ I was once no lesse in danger in losing a leg by means of a smaller instrument then is a flea.

This Towne of _Pinola_ in the _Indian_ language is called _Panac; Pan_, signifieth in, or amongst, _Cac_, signifieth three thinges; for it signifieth the fire, or a fruit otherwise called _guiava_; or thirdly, a small vermine, commonly called by the _Spaniards, Nigua_; which is common over all the _India's_, but more in some places then in others. Where there are many hogs, there is usually much of this sort of vermine. The _Spaniards_ report that many of the Souldiers of _Sir Francis Drake_ died of them, when they landed about _Nombre de Dios_, and marched up the high Mountaines of St. _Pablo_ towards _Panama_, who feeling their feet to itch, and not knowing the cause thereof, scratched them so much, till they festred, and at last, (if this report be true) cost them their lives. Some say, they breed in all places, high and low, upon Tables, Beds, and upon the ground; but experience sheweth the contrary, that they onely breed upon the ground, for where the houses are sluttish, and not often swept, there commonly they are most felt; and in that they usually get into the Feet and Shooes, and seldome into the hands or any other part of the body, argues that they breed upon the ground. They are lesse then the least Flea, and can scarce bee perceived, and when they enter into the Foot, they make it burn and itch; and if then they bee looked to, they appeare black, and no bigger then the point of a pin, and with a pin may easily bee taken out whole; but if part of them bee left, the smallest part will doe as much harm as the whole, and will get into the flesh. When once they are got in, they breed a little bagge in the flesh, and in it a great many Nits, which increase bigger and bigger to the bignesse of a great Pea; then they begin again to make the Foot itch, which if it be scratched, falleth to festering, and so indangereth the whole Foot. Some hold it best to take them out when they cause the first itching and are getting in; but this is hard to doe, because they can hardly then bee perceived, and they are apt to bee broken. Therefore others commonly let them alone, untill they bee got into the flesh, and have bred a bag with nits, which like a blister sheweth it self through the skinne, and then with the point of a pin, they dig round about the bag, till they can with the pins point take it out whole, if it bee broken, it comes to breed againe; if it bee taken out whole, then they put in a little Eare wax, or ashes where the bag lay, and with that the hole is healed up againe in a day or two. The way to avoid this vermines entering into the foot, is to lay both shoos and stockings, or whatsoever other clothing upon some stool or chair high from the ground, and not to go bare-foot; which yet is wonderfull in the _Indians_ themselves, that though they commonly doe goe barefoot, yet they are seldome troubled with them, which is attributed to the hardnesse of their skin; for certainly were they as tender footed and skinned as are those that wear both shoos and stockins, they would be as much troubled with them as these are. _Panac_ or _Pinola_, is much subject to this Vermin, or _Nigua_, and I found it by wofull experience, for at my first comming thither not knowing well the quality of it, I let one breed so long in my foot, and continued scratching it, untill my foot came to be so festered, that I was fain to lie two whole months in a Chirurgions hand, and at last through Gods great mercy and goodnesse to me I lost not a Limbe. But that the Providence of God may be known to me the worst of all his Creatures, living in so farre a Country from all my friends, and from me may be related unto future Generations, before I conclude this Chapter, I shall further shew both my dangers and deliverances. Though true it is, most of the _Indians_ are but formally Christians, and onely outwardly appear such, but secretly are given to witchcraft and idolatry, yet as they were under my charge, I thought by preaching Christ unto them, and by cherishing them, and defending them from the cruelty of the _Spaniards_, I might better worke upon them to bring them to more knowledge of some truths, at least concerning God and Christ. Therefore as I found them truely loving, kind and bountifull unto mee, so I indeavoured in all occasions to shew them love by commiserating their sufferings, and taking their part against any _Spaniard_ that wronged them, and keeping constantly in my Chamber such drugs (as hot Waters, Anniseed and wine and the like) which I knew might most please them, when they came to see mee, and most comfort them, when they were sick or grieved. This my love and pity towards them had almost in _Pinola_ cost mee my life; For an _Indian_ of that Town serving a _Spaniard_ named _Francisco de Montenegro_ (who lived a mile and a half from thence) was once so pittifully beaten and wounded by his Master, for that hee told him hee would complain to mee that hee payed him not his wages, that he was brought home to the Town, and had I not out of my charity called for a Chirurgion from _Petapa_ to cure him, he had certainly dyed. I could not but complain for the poor _Indian_ unto the President of _Guatemala_, who respecting my complaint, sent for my _Spaniard_ to the City, imprisoned him, and kept him close untill the _Indian_ was recovered, and so with a Fine sent him back againe. In a Sermon further I pressed this home unto the neighbouring _Spaniards_, warning them of the wrongs & abuses which they offered unto the poor _Indians_, which I told them I would put up no more then any injury done unto my self, for that I looked upon them as Neophytes and new plants of Christianity, who were not to be discouraged, but by all means of love incouraged to come to Christ; withall I commanded all the _Indians_ that had any wrong done unto them, to come unto mee, assuring them that I would make such a complaint for them as should bee heard, as they might perceive I had lately done to some purpose. This Sermon stuck so in _Montenegro_ his stomack, that (as I was informed) hee made an Oath, that hee would procure my death. Though it was told mee; yet I could hardly beleeve it, judging it to be more a bravery and a vaine boasting of a _Spaniard_, then anything else; Yet by the advice of some friends I was counselled to looke to my selfe, which yet I slighted, untill one day the boyes and _Indians_ that served in my house came running to my chamber door, wishing mee to look to my selfe, and not to come out, for that _Montenegro_ was come into my Yard with a naked sword to kill mee. I charged them from within to call the Officers of the Towne to aid and assist mee; but in the mean while my furious _Spaniard_ perceiving himselfe discovered left the Town. With this I thought of securing of my self better, and called for a Blackmore _Miguel Dalva_ a very stout and lusty fellow who lived from mee halfe a mile, to bee about mee untill I could discover more of _Montenegroes_ designes and malicious intents. The next Sabbath Day in the morning being to ride to the Town of _Mixco_, I carried my Blackmore, and half a dozen of _Indians_ in my company, and going through a little wood in the midst of the Valley, there I found my enemy waiting for mee, who seeing the train I brought, durst doe nothing, but gave mee spightfull languages, telling mee hee hoped that hee should finde mee alone some time or other. With this I thought fit to delay no longer my second complaint to the President against him, who as before heard mee willingly, and after a moneths imprisonment banished _Montenegro_ thirty leagues from the Valley. And not onely from _Spaniards_ was I in danger for the _Indians_ sake whilst I lived in those Townes; but also from some _Indians_ themselves, (who were false in Religion) I did undergoe great perils, and yet was still delivered.

In _Pinola_ there were some, who were much given to witchcraft, and by the power of the Devill did act strange things. Amongst the rest there was one old woman named _Martha de Carrillo_, who had been by some of the Town formerly accused for bewitching many; but the _Spanish_ Justices quitted her, finding no sure evidence against her; with this she grew worse and worse, and did much harm. When I was there, two or three dyed, withering away, declaring at their death that this _Carrillo_ had killed them, & that they saw her often about their beds, threatning them with a frowning and angry look. The _Indians_ for feare of her durst not complain against her, nor meddle with her; whereupon I sent word unto _Don Juan de Guzman_ the Lord of that Town, that if hee tooke not order with her, she would destroy his Town. He hearing of it, got for mee a Commission from the Bishop and another officer of the Inquisition to make diligent & private inquiry after her life and actions; which I did, and found among the _Indians_ many and grievous complaints against her, most of the town affirming that certainly she was a notorious witch, and that before her former accusation shee was wont whither soever shee went about the Town to goe with a Duck following her, which when shee came to the Church, would stay at the doore till shee came out again, and then would return home with her, which Duck they imagined was her beloved Devill, and familiar Spirit, for that they had often set dogs at her and they would not meddle with her, but rather run away from her. This Duck never appeared more with her, since she was formerly accused before the Justice, which was thought to be her policy, that she might be no more suspected thereby. This old woman was a widow, and of the poorest of the Town in outward shew, and yet she alwaies had store of mony, which none could tel which way she might come by it. Whilst I was thus taking privy information against her (it being the time of Lent, when all the Town came to Confession) she among the rest came to the Church to confesse her sins, and brought me the best present and offering of all the Towne, for whereas a Riall is common she brought me four, and besides a Turkey, egs, fish, and a little bottle of hony. She thought thereby to get with me a better opinion then I had of her from the whole Towne; I accepted of her great offering, and heard her Confession, which was of nothing but trifles, which could scarce be judged sinfull actions. I examined her very close of what was the common judgement of all the _Indians_, and especially of those who dying had declared to my selfe at their death that she had bewitched them, and before their sicknesse had threatned them, and in their sicknes appeared threatning them with death about their beds, none but they themselves seeing her. To which she replyed weeping, that she was wronged; I asked her, how she being a poore widow without any sons to helpe her, without any meanes of livelyhood had so much mony, as to give me more then the richest of the Town, how she came by that fish, Turkey, and hony, having none of this of her owne about her house? to which she replyed, that God loved her and gave her all these things, and that with her mony she had bought the rest. I asked her of whom? she answered that out of the Towne she had them. I perswaded her much to repentance, and to forsake the Devill and all fellowship with him; but her words and answers were of a Saintly and holy woman; and she earnestly desired me to give her the Communion with the rest that were to receive the next day. Which I told her I durst not doe, using Christs words, Give not the childrens bread unto dogs, nor cast your pearls unto swine; and that it would be a great scandall to give the Communion unto her, who was suspected generally, and had been accused for a witch. This she took very ill telling me that she had many yeers received the Communion, and now in her old age it grieved her to be deprived of it; her teares were many, yet I could not be moved with them, but resolutely denied her the Communion, and so dismissed her. At noone when I had done my worke in the Church, I bad my servants goe to gather up the offerings, and gave order to have the fish dressed for my dinner which she had brought; but no sooner was it carried into the Kitchin, when the Cook looking on it found it full of maggots, and stinking, so that I was forced to hurle it away. With that I began to suspect my old witch, and went to looke on her hony, and powring it out into a dish, I found it full of wormes, her egs I could not know from others, there being neer a hundred offered that day; but after as I used them, we found some rotten, some with dead chickens within; the next morning the Turkey was found dead; as for her four Rials, I could not perceive whether she had bewitched them out of my pocket, for that I had put them with many other, which that day had been given me, yet as far as I could, I called to memory who and what had been given me, and in my judgement and reckoning I verily thought that I missed four Rials. At night when my servants the _Indians_ were gone to bed, I sate up late in my chamber betaking my selfe to my bookes and study, for I was the next morning to make an exhortation to those that received the Communion. After I had studyed a while, it being between ten and eleven of the clock, on a suddain the chief door in the hall (where in a lower roome was my chamber, and the servants, and three other doores) flew open, and I heard one come in, and for a while walke about; then was another doore opened which went into a little room, where my saddles were laid; with this I thought it might be the Black-more _Miguel Dalva_, who would often come late to my house to lodge there, especially since my fear of _Montenegro_, and I conjectured that he was laying up his saddle, I called unto him by his name two or three times from within my chamber, but no answer was made; but suddainly another door that went out to a garden flew also open, wherewith I began within to feare, my joynts trembled, my haire stood up, I would have called out to the servants, and my voice was as it were stopped with the sudden affrightment, I began to thinke of the witch, and put my trust in God against her, and encouraged my selfe and voice calling out to the servants, and knocking with a cane at my doore within that they might heare me, for I durst not open it and goe out. With the noise which I made the servants awaked and came out to my chamber doore; then I opened it, and asked them if they had not heard some body in the hall, and all the doores opened. They said they were asleep, and heard nothing, onely one boy said he heard all, and related unto me the same that I had heard. I tooke my candle then in my hand and went out into the hall with them to view the doors, and I found them all shut, as the servants said they had left them. Then I perceived that the witch would have affrighted me, but had no power to doe me any harme; I made two of the servants lie in my chamber, and went to bed. In the morning early I sent for my _Fiscal_ the Clerk of the Church, and told him what had happened that night; he smiled upon me, and told me it was the widow _Carillo_, who had often played such tricks in the Town with those that had offended her, and therefore he had the night before come unto me from her desiring me to give her the Communion, lest she should doe me some hurt, which I denied unto him, as I had done to her selfe. The Clerk bad me be of good cheere, for he knew she had no power over me to do me any hurt. After the Communion that day some of the chief _Indians_ came unto me, and told me that old _Carillo_ had boasted that she would play me some trick or other, because I would not give her the Communion. But I to rid the Towne of such a limbe of Satan, sent her to _Guatemala_, with all the evidences and witnesses which I had found against her unto the President and Bishop, who commanded her to be put in prison, where she died within two months.

Many more _Indians_ there were in that Town, who were said in my time to doe very strange things. One called _John Gonzalez_ was reported to change himselfe into the shape of a Lion, and in that shape was one day shot in the nose by a poore harmelesse _Spaniard_ who chiefly got his living by going about the woods and mountaines, and shooting at wild Deer and other beasts to make mony of them. He espied one day a Lion, and having no other ayme at him but his snout behind a tree, he shot at him; the Lion run away; the same day this _Gonzalez_ was taken sick, I was sent for to hear his Confession, I saw his face and nose all bruised, and asked him how it came, he told me then that he had fallen from a tree and almost killed himself; yet afterwards he accused the poore _Spaniard_ for shooting at him; the businesse was examined by a _Spanish_ Justice, my evidence was taken for what _Gonzalez_ told me of his fall from a tree, the _Spaniard_ was put to his oath, who sware that he shot at a Lion in a thicke wood, where an _Indian_ could scarce be thought to have any businesse, the tree was found out in the wood, whereat the shot had been made and was still marked with the shot and bullet; which _Gonzalez_ confessed was to be the place; and was examined how he neither fell nor was seen by the _Spaniard_, when he came to seeke for the Lion thinking he had killed him; to which he answered that he ran away lest the _Spaniard_ should kill him indeed. But his answers seeming frivolous, the _Spaniards_ integrity being known, and the great suspicion that was in the Town of _Gonzalez_ his dealing with the Devill, cleared the _Spaniard_ from what was laid against him.

But this was nothing to what after happened to one _John Gomez_, the chiefest _Indian_ of that Towne of neer fourscore yeers of age, the Head and Ruler of the principallest Tribe among the _Indians_, whose advise and counsell was taken and preferred before all the rest, who seemed to be a very godly _Indian_, and very seldome missed morning and evening prayers in the Church, and had bestowed great riches there. This _Indian_ very suddainly was taken sick (I being then in my other Town of _Mixco_) the _Mayordomos_, or stewards of the Sodality of the Virgin fearing that he might die without Confession and they be chid for their negligence, at midnight called me up at _Mixco_, desiring me to goe presently and helpe _John Gomez_ to die, whom also they said desired much to see me and to receive some comfort from me. I judging it a work of charity, although the time of the night were unseasonable, and the great rain at the present might have stopped my charity, yet I would not be hindred by either of them, and so set forth to ride nine miles both in the dark and wet. When I came to _Pinola_ being thorow wet to the skin, I went immediately to the house of old sick _Gomez_, who lay with his face all muffled up, thanked me for my pains and care I had for his soul; he desired to confesse; and by his confession and weeping evidenced nothing but a godly life, and a willing desire to die and to be with Christ. I comforted him and prepared him for death, and before I departed, asked him how he felt himselfe; he answered that his sicknesse was nothing but old age, and weaknesse. With this I went to my house, changed my self and lay downe a while to rest, when suddainly I was called up again to give _Gomez_ the extream unction, which the _Indians_ (as they have been ignorantly taught) will not omit to receive before they die. As I anointed him in his nose, his lips, his eyes, his hands and his feet, I perceived that he was swelled, and black and blew; but made nothing of it, judging it to proceed from the sicknesse of his body; I went again home being now breake of the day, when after I had taken a small nap, some _Indians_ come to my doore for to buy candles to offer up for _John Gomez_ his soule, whom they told me was departed, and was that day to be buried very solemnly at Masse. I arose with drousie eyes after so unquiet a nights rest; and walked to the Church, where I saw the grave was preparing. I met with two or three _Spaniards_ who lived neer the Towne and were come to Masse that morning, who went in with me to my chamber, and with them I fell into discourse about _John Gomez_, telling them what comfort I had received at his death, whom I judged to have lived very holily, and doubted not of his salvation, and that the Towne would much want him, for that hee was their chief guide, and leader, ruling them with good advise and counsell. At this the _Spaniards_ smiled one at another, and told me I was much deceived by all the _Indians_, but especially by the deceased _Gomez_, if I judged him to have been a Saint, and holy man. I told them that they as enemies to the poore _Indians_ judged still uncharitably of them; but that I who knew very well their consciences, could judge better of them then they. One then replyed, that it seemed I little knew the truth of _John Gomez_ his death by the Confession which he had made unto me, and that I seemed to be ignorant of the stir which was in the Towne concerning his death. This seemed so strange unto me, that I desired them to informe me of the truth. Then they told me that the report went, that _John Gomez_ was the chief wizard of all the wizards and witches in the Town, and that commonly he was wont to be changed into the shape of a Lion, and so to walke about the mountaines. That he was ever a deadly enemie to one _Sebastian Lopez_ an ancient _Indian_, and head of another Tribe; and that both of them two daies before had met in the mountaine, _Gomez_ in the shape of a Lion, and _Lopez_ in the shape of a Tigre, and that they fought most cruelly, till _Gomez_ (who was the older, and weaker) was tired, much bit and bruised; and died of it. And further that I might be assured of this truth, they told me that _Lopez_ was in prison for it, and the two Tribes striving about it; and that the Tribe and kindred of _Gomez_ demanded from _Lopez_ and his Tribe and kindred satisfaction, and a great sum of mony, or els did threaten to make the case known unto the _Spanish_ power and authority, which yet they were unwilling to doe if they could agree and smother it up among themselves, that they might not bring an aspersion upon their whole Towne. This seemed very strange unto me, and I could not resolve what to beleeve, and thought I would never more beleeve an _Indian_, if I found _John Gomez_ to have so much dissembled and deceived me. I tooke my leave of the _Spaniards_ and went my selfe to the prison, where I found _Lopez_ with fetters. I called one of the officers of the Towne, who was Alguazil Maior, and my great friend, unto my house, and privately examined him why _Lopez_ was kept so close prisoner; he was loth to tell me fearing the rest of the _Indians_, and hoping the businesse would be taken up and agreed by the two Tribes, and not noised about the Country which at that very instant the two Alcaldes and Regidores, Maiors and Jurates, with the chiefe of both Tribes were sitting about in the Towne-house all that morning. But I seeing the officer so timorous, was more desirous to know something, and pressed more upon him for the truth, giving him an inkling of what I had heard from the _Spaniards_ before. To which he answered that if they could agree amongst themselves, they feared no ill report from the _Spaniards_ against their Towne; I told him I must know what they were agreeing upon amongst themselves so closely in the Towne-house. He told me, if I would promise him to say nothing of him (for he feared the whole Towne if they should know he had revealed any thing unto mee) he would tel me the truth. With this I comforted him, and gave him a cup of wine, and encouraged him, warranting him that no harm should come unto him for what he told me. Then he related the businesse unto me as the _Spaniards_ had done, and told me that he thought the Tribes amongst themselves would not agree, for that some of _Gomez_ his friends hated _Lopez_ and all such as were so familiar with the Devill, and cared not if _Gomez_ his dissembling life were laid open to the world; but others he said, who were as bad as _Lopez_ and _Gomez_, would have it kept close, lest they and all the witches and Wizards of the Town should bee discovered. This struck mee to the very heart, to think that I should live among such people, whom I saw were spending all they could get by their worke and labour upon the Church, Saints and in offerings, and yet were so privy to the counsels of Satan; it grieved mee that the Word I preached unto them, did no more good, and I resolved from that time forward to spend most of my indeavours against Satans subtility, and to shew them more then I had done, the great danger of their soules who had made any compact with the Devill, that I might make them abandon and abjure his workes, and close with Christ by Faith. I dismissed the _Indian_, and went to the Church, to see if the people were come to Masse; I found there no body but onely two who were making _Gomez_ his Grave. I went back to my Chamber, troubled much within my self, whether I should allow him a Christian Buriall, who had lived and died so wickedly, as I had been informed. Yet I thought I was not bound to beleeve one _Indian_ against him, nor the _Spaniards_ whom I supposed spoke but by hearsay. Whilst I was thus musing, there came unto mee at least twenty of the chiefest of the Town with the two Majors, Jurates, and all the Officers of Justice, who desired mee to forbeare that day the burying of _John Gomez_, for that they had resolved to call a Crowne Officer to view his Corps and examine his death, lest they all should bee troubled for him, and hee againe unburied. I made as if I knew nothing, but inquired of them the reason; then they related all unto me, and told me how there were witnesses in the Town who saw a Lyon and a Tyger fighting, and presently lost the sight of the beasts, and saw _John Gomez_, and _Sebastian Lopez_, much about the same place parting one from another; and that immediately _John Gomez_ came home bruised to his bed, from whence he never rise more, and that he declared upon his death-bed unto some of his friends that _Sebastian Lopez_ had killed him; whereupon they had him in safe custody. Further they told me that though they had never known so much wickednesse of these two chief heads of their Towne whom they had much respected and followed, yet now upon this occasion, from the one Tribe and the other they were certainly informed that both of them did constantly deale with the Devill, which would bee a great aspersion upon their Town, but they for their parts abjured all such wicked wayes, and prayed me not to conceive the worse of all for a few, whom they were resolved to persecute, and suffer not to live amongst them. I told them I much liked their good zeal, and incouraged them as good Christians to indeavour the rooting out of Satan from their Towne, and they did very well in giving notice to _Guatemala_, to the _Spanish_ power, of this accident, and that if they had concealed it, they might all have been punished as guilty of _Gomez_ his death, and Agents with Satan, and his instruments. I assured them I had no ill conceipt of them, but rather judged well of them for what they were agreed to doe. The Crowne Officer was sent for who came that night and searched _Gomez_ his body; I was present with him, and found it all bruised, scratched, and in many places bitten and sore wounded. Many evidences and suspitions were brought in against _Lopez_ by the _Indians_ of the Town, especiall by _Gomez_ his friends, whereupon hee was carryed away to _Guatemala_, and there againe was tryed by the same witnesses, and not much denying the fact himself, was there hanged. And _Gomez_, though his grave was opened in the Church, hee was not buried in it, but in another made ready for him in a Ditch.

In _Mixco_ I found also some _Indians_ no lesse dissemblers then was this _Gomez_, and those of the chiefest and richest of the Town, who were foure Brothers called _Fuentes_, and half a score more. These were outwardly very faire tongued, liberall, and free handed to the Church; much devoted to the Saints, great feasters upon their day, and yet in secret great Idolaters. But it pleased God to make mee his instrument, to discover and bring to light the secrecy of their hidden works of darknesse, which it seems the privacy of a thick Wood and Mountaine had many yeers hid from the eyes of the World. Some of these being one day in the company of other better Christians drinking hard of their _Chicha_, boasted of their God, saying that hee had preached unto them better then I could preach, nay that hee had plainly told them that they should not beleeve any thing that I preached of Christ, but follow the old wayes of their Forefathers, who worshipped their Gods aright, but now by the example of the _Spaniards_ they were deluded, and brought to worship a false God. The other Christians hearing of this began to wonder, and to enquire of them where that God was, and with much ado, promising to follow their ways, and their God, got out of them the place and Mountain where they might find him. Though this in drunkennes were agreed upon, yet in sobernes the good Christians thought better of what they had agreed upon, slighted what before in drinking they heard, and yet it was not kept by them so close, but that it came to the ears of a _Spaniard_ in the Vally; who finding himself touched in Conscience, came to _Mixco_ to me, and told me what he had heard, that some _Indians_ of that town followed an Idol, and boasted that he had preached unto them against my Doctrine, and for the ways of the former Heathens. I thanked God for that he was pleased to undermine the secret works of Satan daily; and desired the _Spaniard_ to tell me by whom hee came to know of this. He told me the _Indians_ name from whom he had it, and that he was afraid to discover the _Indians_, and to tell mee of it. I sent for the _Indian_ before the _Spaniard_, who confessed unto mee that hee had heard of such a thing; but knew that if hee did discover the _Indians_, they with the power of the Devill would doe him much harm; I told him, if hee were a true Christian, hee ought to fight against the Devill, and not to feare him, who could do him no harm if God were with him, and he closed by Faith with Christ, and that the discovery of that Idoll might bee a meanes for the converting of the Idolaters, when they should see the small power of their false God against the true God of the Christians. Further I told him plainly, that if hee did not tell mee who the _Indians_ were, and where their Idol was, that I would have him to _Guatemala_, and there make him discover what hee knew. Here the _Indian_ began to tremble, and told mee the _Fuentes_ had boasted of such an Idol, whom they called their God, and gave some signes of a Fountaine and of a Pine Tree at the mouth of a Cave in such a Mountaine. I asked him, if hee knew the place, or what kind of Idol it was; hee told mee, that hee had often been in that Mountaine, where hee had seen two or three springs of water, but never was in any Cave. I asked him if he would goe with me, and helpe mee to find it out, hee refused still fearing the Idolaters, and wished mee not to goe, for fear if they should bee there, they might kill mee rather then bee discovered. I answered him that I would carry with mee such a Guard as should bee able to defend mee against them, and my Faith in the true living God, would secure mee against that false God. I resolved therefore with the _Spaniard_ to goe to search out the cave the next day, and to carry with mee three or foure _Spaniards_ and my Blackmore _Miguel Dalva_, and that _Indian_. I told him I would not suffer him to goe home to his house that day, for feare hee should discover in the Towne my designe and purpose, and so wee might bee prevented by the Idolaters, who certainly that night would take away their Idol. The _Indian_ still refused, till I threatned him to send for the Officers of Justice, and to secure his person; with this hee yeelded, and that hee might have no discourse with any body in the Town, nor with the Servants of my house, I desired the _Spaniard_ to take him home to his house, and to keep him there close that day and night, promising to bee with him the next morning. I charged the _Spaniard_ also with secresie, and so dismissed him with the _Indian_. That day I rid to _Pinola_ for the Blackmore _Miguel Dalva_, and brought him to _Mixco_ with mee, not telling him what my intent was; I went also to foure neighbouring _Spaniards_, desiring them to bee in a readinesse the next morning to goe a little way with mee for the service of God, and to meet mee at such a neighbours house, and that if they would bring their Fowling peeces, wee might chance to find some sport where wee went, and as for Provision of Wine and Meat, I would provide sufficiently. They promised to goe with mee, thinking that although I told them, it was for the service of God, my purpose onely was to hunt after some wild Deere in the mountaines. I was glad they construed my action that way, and so went home, and provided that night a good Gammon of Bacon, and some Fowles rosted, cold, and others boiled, well peppered and salted for the next dayes work. Where I had appointed my _Indian_ to be kept, I met with the rest of my company, and from thence wee went together to the place of the Idolaters worshipping, which was some six miles from _Mixco_ towards the Town of St. _John Sacatepeques_. When wee came into the Wood wee presently met with a deep Barranca, or bottome, where was a running, which incouraged us to make there diligent search, but nothing could bee found; from thence wee ascended up out of the Barranca, and found after much time spent a spring of water, and looked carefully about it, but could finde no Cave. Thus in vaine wee searched till the Evening, and fearing lest wee might lose our way and our selves, if the night overtook us, my friends began to speak of returning homewards. But I considering that as yet wee had not gone over one half part of the Wood, and to goe home and come againe might make us to bee noted, and spoken of, wee thought it our best way to take up our lodging that night in the Wood, and in that bottome which we first searched, where was good water for to drinke Chocolatte, and warm lying under the trees, and so in the morning to make our second search. The Company was very willing to yeeld unto it, and the calme night favoured our good intentions. We made a fire for our Chocolatte, and supped exceeding well of our cold meat, and spent most part of the night in merry discourse, having a watchfull eye over our _Indian_, lest hee should give us the slip, and committing him to the charge of _Miguel Dalva_. In the morning wee prayed unto God, beseeching him to guide us that day in the work wee went about, and to discover unto us the Cave of darkenesse and iniquity, where lay hid that instrument of Satan, that so by his discovery Glory might bee given unto our true God, and shame and punishment brought upon his enemies. Wee entered againe into the thick Wood up a steepy hill, and having throughly searched all the South side of it, wee went on to the North side, where wee found another deepe descent, which wee began to walke downe looking on every side, and not in vain; for almost half a mile from the top wee found some markes of a way that had been used and trodden, which wee followed untill we came to another spring of water; we searched narrowly about it, and found some peeces of broken earthen dishes and pots, and one peece of a chafing dish, such as the _Indians_ use to burne Frankincense in, in the Churches before their Saints, we verily imagined that these were peeces of some such instruments wherewith the idolaters performed their duty unto their Idol, and we were the more comforted for that wee knew that earthenware had beene made in _Mixco_; the pine Tree which immediately we discovered confirmed our hopes. When wee came unto it we made very little more search, for neer at hand was the Cave, which was dark within, but light at the mouth, where wee found more Earthen ware, with ashes in them, which assured us of some Frankincense that had been burned. Wee knew not how farre the Cave might reach within, nor what might bee in it, and therefore with a flint wee struck fire and lighted a couple of candles and went in; at the entering it was broad, and went a little forward, but when wee were in, we found it turn on the left hand towards the mountaine, and not farre; for within two rods wee found the Idol standing upon a low stooll covered with a linnen cloth. The substance of it was wood, black shining like Jet, as if it had been painted or smoaked, the form was of a mans head unto the shoulders, without either Beard or Mustachoes; his looke was grim with a wrinkled forehead, and broad startling eyes. We feared not his frowning look, but presently seized upon him; and as wee lifted him up we found under him some single Rials, which his Favorites had offered unto him; which made us search more diligently the Cave; and it was not amisse, for wee found upon the ground more single Rials, some plantines and other fruits, wax candles halfe burned, pots of Maiz, one little one of Hony, little dishes wherein Frankincense had been burned, whereby I perceived the Idolaters and Christians both agreed in their offerings; and had I not been informed that they called this Idol their God, I could have blamed them no more then the rest of the Townes who worship, kneel before and offer such offerings unto their Saints made of Wood, and some no handsomer then was this Idol, which I thought, might have beene some beasts shape; but being the shape and form of a man, they might have named him by the name of some Saint, and so some way have excused themselves, which they could not doe, nor would they doe it, in that they persisted in this error, that he was their God, and had spoken and preached unto them, and being afterwards asked by mee, whether it were the picture of any Saint, such as were in _Mixco_, and other Churches, they answered, No, but that hee was above all the Saints in the Countrey.

Wee were very joyfull to see that wee had not spent our time in vaine, wee cut down boughes of trees, and filled the Cave with them and stopped the mouth of it up, and came away, making the _Indian_ that went with us carry the Idol on his back wrapped up in a cloth, that it might not bee seen or perceived as wee went. I thought it fit to delay the time till night, and then to enter into _Mixco_, that the _Indians_ might see nothing. So I stayed at one of the _Spaniards_ houses, till it were late, and desired him to warn from mee all the _Spaniards_ there-abouts to be at _Mixco_ Church the next Sabbath, (fearing lest the Idolaters might bee many, and rise up against mee) that I had somewhat to say onto them and their Blackmores concerning their Sodalities, for I would not have them know of the Idoll, till they heard of it and saw it in the Church, lest it should come to the _Indians_ hearing, and so the Idolaters might absent themselves. At night I tooke my _Indian_, and _Miguel Dalva_ with mee, and went home, and shutting up the Idol in a chest till the next Sabbath, I dismissed the _Indian_, charging him to say nothing, for hee knew if hee did what harme might come unto him from the Idolaters, and I knew few words now would suffice, for that hee feared himselfe if it should bee known that hee had been with mee, I kept _Miguel Dalva_ with mee, who was desirous to see the end of the businesse, and prepared my self against the next Sabbath to preach upon the 3 v. of the 20. of _Exodus, Thou shalt have none other Gods before mee,_ though it were a Text nothing belonging to the Gospel of the day, from whence commonly in the Church of _Rome_, the Texts and subjects of Sermons are deducted; but I judged that Text most seasonable for the present occasion. On the Sabbath day in the morning, when the Pulpit was made ready by him who had care of the Church and Altars, I caused _Miguel Dalva_ to carry under his Cloak the Idol, and to leave it in the Pulpit upon the ground that it might not bee seene, till such time as I should thinke fit in my Sermon to produce it, and to watch about the Church till the Congregation came in, that none might see it or take it away. Never was there a greater resort from abroad to that Church then that day of _Spaniards_ and Blackmores, who by the warning I sent unto them expected some great matter from mee, and of the Town very few were absent, the _Fuentes_ and all the rest that were suspected to be that Idols favorites (little thinking that their God was brought from his Cave, and now lay hid in the Pulpit to shame them) came also that day to Church. I commanded _Miguel Dalva_, to bee himself neer the Pulpit at Sermon time, and to warne those _Spaniards_ that knew the businesse, and some more Blackmores his friends to bee also neere the Pulpit staires.

Thus Masse being ended, I went up to preach; when I rehearsed the words of my Text, I perceived both _Spaniards_ and _Indians_ began to look one upon another, as not being used to Sermons out of the Old Testament. I went on laying open this command of God, for having no other Gods before him, so that the Doctrine might seem to convince all that were there present, as well Saint-worshippers, as indeed that Idols worshippers, if the cause of my preaching upon that Subject had not diverted their eyes from themselves to behold their own guiltiness of Idolatry, & to look only upon those who worshipped a peece of wood for God, & not, as they did, for a Saint (which yet in my judgment was much alike.) After I had spoken what I thought fit concerning that horrible sin, and shewed that no creature could have the power of God (who was the Creator of all things) neither could doe good or harme without the true living Gods Commission, especially inanimate Creatures as stocks, and stones, who by the hands and workmanship of man might have eyes, and yet were dead Idols, and see not, might have eares and not heare, might have mouths, and not speak, might have hands, and not worke, nor helpe or defend with them such as worshipped them, and bowed down unto them.

Thus having halfe finished my Sermon, I bowed my selfe downe in the Pulpit, and lifted up the black, grim, and staring Devill, and placed that Dagon on one side of the Pulpit, with my eyes fixed upon some of the _Fuentes_ and others, who I perceived changed their colour, blushed, and were sore troubled looking one upon another, I desired the Congregation to behold what a God was worshipped by some of them, and all to take notice of him, if any knew what part of the earth was the Dominion of this God, or from whence hee came. I told them that some had boasted that this peece of wood had spoken, and preached against what I had taught of Christ, and that therefore hee was worshipped by them for God, and they had offered mony, hony, and of the fruits of the earth unto him, and burnt Frankincense before him in a secret and hidden Cave under the earth, shewing thereby that they were ashamed to own him publickly, and that hee lurking in the darknesse of the earth, shewed certainly that hee belonged to the Prince of darknesse. I challenged him there in publicke to speak for himself, or else by silence to shame and confound all his worshippers. I shewed them how being but wood, hee had been made and fashioned by the hands of man, and therefore was but a dead idol. I spent a great deal of time arguing with him, and defying Satan who had used him as his instrument, daring the Devill himselfe to take him from that place which I had confined him to if hee could, to shew what little power he or Satan had against the power of my faith in Christ. After much arguing and reasoning according to the shallow capacity of the _Indians_ present, I told them if that their God had power to deliver him from that execution, which I had intended against him (which was there publikely to have him cut in pieces and burnt) they should not beleeve the Gospell of Jesus Christ; but if they saw no power at all in him against me the weakest instrument of the true living God, then I beseeched them to be converted unto that true God who created all things, and to imbrace salvation by his Son the only Mediatour and Saviour Jesus Christ, and to renounce and abjure from that time all Heathenish Idolatry of their forefathers, assuring them for what was past I would intercede for them, and secure them from what punishment might be inflicted upon them by the President and Bishop, and if they would come to me, I would spend my best indeavours for the helping and furthering of them in the way of Christianity.

And thus concluding without naming any person, I went downe out of the pulpit, and caused the Idol to be brought after me, and sending for an axe, and for two or three great pans of coales, I commanded him to be hewen in very small peeces, and to be cast in the fire and burned before all the people in the midst of the Church. The _Spaniards_ cried out joyfully _Victor Victor_, and others repeated, _Gloria à nostro Dios_, Glory to our God, the Idolaters held their peace and spake not then a word. But afterwards they acted most spightfully against me, and conspired day and night to get me at some advantage, and to kill me. I writ to the President of _Guatemala_ informing him of what I had done; and to the Bishop (as an Inquisitor to whom such cases of idolatry did belong) to be informed from him of what course I should take with the _Indians_ who were but in part yet discovered unto me, and those onely by the relation of one _Indian_. From both I received great thanks for my paines in searching the mountaine, and finding out the Idol, and for my zeal in burning of it. And as touching the _Indian_ Idolaters their counsell unto me was, that I should further enquire after the rest and discover as many as I could, and indeavour to convert them to the knowledge of the true God by faire and sweet meanes, shewing pity unto them for their great blindnesse, and promising them upon their repentance pardon from the Inquisition, which considering them to be but new plants useth not such rigour with them, which it useth with _Spaniards_ if they fall into such horrible sins. This advise I followed, and sent privately for the _Fuentes_ to my chamber, and told them how mercifull the Inquisition was unto them, expecting their conversion and amendment. They seemed somewhat stubborne and angry for that I had burned that God, whom not only they, but many others in the Towne, and also in the Towne of Saint _John Sacatepeques_ did worship. I used reasons to perswade them no honour was due unto it, as to a God. But one of them boldly replyed, that they knew that it was a peece of wood and of it selfe could not speake, but seeing it had spoken (as they were all witnesses) this was a miracle whereby they ought to be guided, and they did verily beleeve that God was in that piece of wood, which since the speech made by it was more then ordinary wood, having God himselfe in it, and therefore deserved more offerings and adoration then those Saints in the Church, who did never speake unto the people. I told them that the Devill rather had framed that speech (if any they had heard) for to deceive their souls and lead them to hell; which they might easily perceive from the Doctrin which I was informed he had preached against Christ the only begotten son of God, whom the Father loveth and in whom he is well pleased, and against whom he certainly would not speake in that idol. Another answered boldly, our forefathers never knew what Christ was, until the _Spaniards_ came unto that Countrey, but they knew there were Gods, & did worship them, and did sacrifice unto them; and for ought they knew this God of theirs belonged in old times unto their forefathers. Why then, said I unto them, he was a weake God who by my hands hath been burned? I perceived that at that time there was no reasoning with them, for they were stubborn and captious, and so I dismissed them. Had not God most graciously protected me against these my enemies, I had certainly been murthered by them; for a moneth after the burning of the idol, when I thought all had been forgotten, and that the Idolaters were quiet, then they began to act their spight and malice, which first I discovered by a noise which once at midnight I heard of people about my house, and at my chamber doore; to whom I called out from my bed not daring to open, but could have no answer from them, I perceived they would have come in by force, for they pushed hard at the doore. Whereupon I tooke suddainly the sheets from off my bed, tying them with a strong knot together, and with another to a bar of the window, making my selfe ready to fall down by them to the ground, and so to flie in the dark night, if they had used violence to come in. The sheets being thus prepared, and they still at the doore thrusting without any word from them, I thought by calling and crying out aloud I might affright them away. Wherefore with a shrill voice I called first to my servants, who were but boyes, and lay at the further end of a long gallery, then I cryed out to the neighbouring houses to come and assist me against theeves. The servants had heard the noise and were awake, who presently at my call came out; and with their coming my enemies ran down the staires, and were heard no more that night. But I perceiving which way their spight and malice was bent, thought fit to be no more alone in the night, with boyes only in so great a house as was that of _Mixco_; whereupon the next day I sent for my trusty friend _Miguel Dalva_ who was able to fight alone with any halfe dozen of _Indians_, wishing him to bring with him what weapons he could get for my defence. I kept him with me a fortnight; and the next Sabbath I gave warning in the Church, that whosoever came in the night to my house to affright me, or to doe me any other mischiefe should looke to him selfe, for that I had weapons both offensive and defensive. Though for a while I heard no more of them, yet they desisted not altogether from their evill and malicious intents; for, knowing that _Miguel Dalva_ did not lie in the same chamber with me, a fortnight after (I being till about midnight with my candle studying) they came up the staires so softly that I heard them not; but the _Black-more_ being awake it seems perceived that they were coming up, and softly arose up from a long table where he lay upon a Mat, and tooke in his hand a couple of brick-bats of many which lay under the table for a worke which I had in hand, and as he opened the dore made a little noise, which was to them an item to flie down the staires, and to run (as they thought) for their lives. The _Black-more_ did also run after them, and finding they had got too much advantage of him, and not knowing which way they might take, sent after them with a fury his two brick-bats, wherewith he supposed he did hit one of them, for the next day walking about the Towne he met with one of the _Fuentes_ having a cap on his head, and he inquired of some _Indians_ what he ailed, and he understood by them that his head was broke, but how they knew not. They perceiving that I was thus guarded by _Miguel Dalva_, desisted from that time from coming any more in the night unto my house, but yet desisted not from their spight and malice and from acting mischiefe against me. For a month after when I thought that all had been forgotten, and they seemed outwardly to be kind and curteous, there came a messenger to me from the oldest of them, named _Pablo de Fuentes_, to tel me that he was very sick, and like to die, and desired me to goe to comfort and instruct him in the truth, for that he truely desired to be converted. I conceived very great joy at this newes, and doubted not of the truth and certainty of it, and prayed to God to direct me in the conversion of that soul; and so with haste and good zeal, I went unto his house, where soon my joy and comfort was turned into bitternesse; for when I came to the dore of his house, and was with one step entred, I found all the brothers of _Pablo Fuentes_, and some others who were suspected to be Idolaters, sitting round the room; and missing _Pablo_, I withdrew my foot a little, and asked them where he was, mistrusting somewhat to see them there all gathered together; but when I perceived that they stood not up, nor answered me a word, nor so much as tooke off their hats to me, then I began to fear indeed, and to suspect some treachery; and so I turned back resolving to goe home again. But no sooner was I turned, but behold _Pablo Fuentes_ (who by his message had feigned both sicknesse and conversion) came from behind his house with a cudgell in his hand, lifting it up to strike at me. Had I not catched hold of his stick with both my hands, and prevented the intended blow, certainly he had struck me down. But whilst he and I were striving for the stick who should be Master of it, the rest of the _Indians_ who were sitting in the house, came out into the yard (which being a publick place was more comfort to me then if they had compassed me about within the house) and beset me round, some pulling mee one way, some another, tearing my clothes in two or three places, another to make me let goe my hand from the stick with a knife run me into the hand (which to this day a small scar doth witnesse) and certainly had we not been in a publike yard, that party would also have run his knife into my sides; another seeing I would not let goe the stick, tooke hold of it with _Pablo_ and both together thrust it against my mouth, and with such strength that they broke some of my teeth, and filled my mouth with goar blood, with which blow I fell, but soone recovered my selfe and arose, they laughing at me, but not daring to doe me any more harme for feare they should be seen, as God would have seen what already they had done; for a Mulatta slave to a _Spaniard_ in the valley, at that very time when I was down and rising passed by, and hearing me cry out for help to the neighbours (who lived somewhat far off that might helpe and succour me, for all the houses thereabouts were of the brothers the _Fuentes_) came into the yard, and seeing me all in blood thought I had been mortally wounded, and calling them murtherers ran along the street crying murther, murther in _Pablo Fuentes_ his yard, till she came to the Market place and Town-house, where she found the Maiors and Jurats sitting, & a couple of _Spaniards_, who when they heard of my danger, with drawn swords came presently running with all the officers of Justice to the yard of _Pablo Fuentes_ to aid and assist me; but in the mean while the Idolaters perceiving the outcry of the Mulatta, began to fall away and to hide themselves; _Pablo Fuentes_ going to shut up his house also to absent himselfe, I held him hard to it, striving with him that he might not escape away till some help came unto me. The _Spaniards_ when they came and saw me all in a blood, made furiously to _Pablo Fuentes_ with their naked swords, whom I stopped desiring them not to hurt him, lest what harme they did unto him should be imputed unto me. I wished the Justice not to feare him though he were a rich _Indian_, and as they would answer before the President of _Guatemala_ to lay hold of him, and to carry him to prison, which they presently performed. I made the _Spaniards_ and the Mulatta to witnesse under writing by way of information what they had seen, what blood about my clothes, what wound in my hand, what blow in my mouth they had found, and sent with speed to the President of _Guatemala_ this their information. The businesse was soon noised about the valley, whereupon most of the _Spaniards_ came to offer their help and aid unto me; _Miguel Dalva_ also chancing to be neer at a _Spaniards_ house in the same valley came with the rest, who would have done that night some mischief among the _Indians_ if I had not prevented them. I desired them to depart and goe home to their houses, telling them I feared nothing, and that _Miguel Dalva_ his company would be guard enough unto me. But they would by no meanes yeeld unto this, saying that night might prove more dangerous unto me then I imagined, and that I needed a stronger guard then of one man alone, for they conceived that the Idolaters knowing what already they had done, and fearing what grievous punishment might be inflicted upon them from the President of _Guatemala_, seeing themselves lost and undone men might desperately that night rescue their brother out of prison, and attempt some mischiefe against me, and so flie away. Which I could not be brought to fear, or to beleeve any such thing of their cowardly spirits, nor that they would flie away for that they had houses and land there in and about the Towne, yet I was willing for one night to yeeld to have a stronger guard of _Spaniards_ then at other times I had had with the Blackmore _Miguel Dalva_ alone. After supper they kept watch about my house till such time as they perceived all was still, and the _Indians_ a bed, and then they set a watch about the prison that _Pablo Fuentes_ might not be taken out. And after this (pretending that they were in danger as wel as I being but about a dozen, if the Towne should all rise and mutiny by the suggestion of the Idolaters, who most of them were rich and powerfull with the rest, which yet I feared not) they would needs goe and raise up the two Alcaldes or Maiors alone, with two more petty officers to make search about the Town for the rest of the _Fuentes_ and other known Idolaters, that being found they might secure them in the prison to appear at _Guatemala_, and prevented from doing any mischief either that night, or at any other time. With this stir which they made, and their care of mee, they suffered me not to take any rest that night; but went and called up the Alcaldes and two officers and brought them to my house, desiring me to signifie unto them, how fit and necessary it was to search for the rest of the _Indians_. The poore Alcaldes trembled to see so many _Spaniards_ at that time in my house with naked swords, and durst not but doe what they thought best to be done, and so from my house about midnight they walked about the Towne, searching such houses as they most suspected might conceale any of the _Fuentes_, or of the rest that had been that day in the rebellion and mutiny against mee. They could find none at home, till at last comming to the house of one _Lorenzo Fuentes_, one of the brothers, they found all that had been in the conspiracy against mee, gathered together drinking and quaffing. The house being beset there was no flying nor escaping, and seeing the _Spaniards_ naked swords, they durst not rebell, who doubtlesse (as wee were afterwards informed) would have made a great stirre in the Town that night, and were met together to rescue _Pablo_ their brother, and to doe mee some mischief and flye, not knowing that I was so strongly manned and guarded by the _Spaniards_. There were ten of them, and were presently without any noise in the Town carryed to the Prison, and there shut up, and guarded by the _Spaniards_.

In the morning the President of _Guatemala_ (who then was _Don Juan de Guzman_, a Religious Governour) taking into his consideration what the day before I had writ unto him, and judging my danger to bee great, sent a _Spanish_ Alguazile, or Officer of Justice with a very large Commission to bring Prisoners to the City all those _Indians_ who the day before had been in rebellion against mee, and in case they could not bee found, then to seize upon what goods soever of theirs could be found in _Mixco_. But with the diligence of the _Spaniards_ the night before they were all in a readinesse for him, and paying the Alguazile first his charges (which hee demanded as hee listed) and bearing the charges of _Miguel Dalva_, and two or three more _Spaniards_, who were commanded in the Kings Name to bee aiding and assisting the Officer for the safer carrying them to _Guatemala_, they were horsed and had away that day to the President, who committed them close Prisoners, and afterwards commanded them to be whipped about the streets, banished two of them from _Mixco_ to the Golf of St. _Thomas de Castilia_, and would have banished them all, had they not humbled themselves, and desired mee to intercede for them, promising to amend their lives, and to make mee great satisfaction, if they might return again to their Town, and that if ever more they did stirre against mee, they would yeeld to be hanged and to lose al their goods. With this the President (fining them yet to pay twenty Crowns a peece to the Church to be imployed in what I should think fittest) sent them back; who, as they had promised, came unto mee, and humbled themselves before mee with much weeping, with many expressions, shewing their sorrow from their hearts for what they had done, casting all upon the Devill, whom they confessed had been great with them in tempting them, whom also now they did abjure and renounce, promising to live as good Christians, and never more to worship any God but one. I was very much taken with their deepe sorrow expressed with many tears, and indeavoured to instruct them in the true knowledge of Christ, whom now I found they were very willing to imbrace. I lived not very long after in that Towne; but for the time I did continue in it, I found a great change and alteration in their lives, which truly made mee apt to judge that their repentance was unfained. And these former particulars of a few _Indians_ of those two Towns, I have not here inserted to bring an aspersion upon all that Nation, (which I doe very much affect, and would willingly spend the best drops of blood in my veines to doe them good, and to save their soules) but to cause rather pity and commiseration towards them, who after so many yeers preaching have been made as yet but formall and outward Christians, and by the many Saints of wood, which they have been taught to worship by the Preists, have rather been inclined to the superstition and Idolatry of their Forefathers, and to trust to living Creatures, and bow to inanimate stocks and stones, which they daily see performed publickly in their Churches. Certainly they are of a good and flexible nature, and (were those Idols of Saints statues removed from their eyes) might bee brought easily to worship one onely God; and whereas they so willingly lavish out their small meanes and what they labour for, in offerings to the Preists and to their Saints, and in maintaining Lazy singing Lubbars, they without doubt would bee free enough to true Ministers of Gods Word, who should venture their lives to beat down those false Gods, and set up Jesus Christ, and him that sent him into the World to save such as truly beleeve in him.

The yeere that this stirre happened in _Mixco_, I received from _Rome_ from the Generall of the Dominicans Order, License to come home to _England_; at which I rejoyced much, for now I was even weary with living among the _Indians_, & grieved to see the little fruit I reaped amongst them, and that for feare of the Inquisition I durst not preach a new Gospell unto them, which might make them true, reall, and inward Christians; and lastly, for that I perceived that _Antonio Mendez de Satomayor_ (who was Lord of the Towne of _Mixco_) did stomack me for having caused two of his Towne to bee banished, and publikely affronted the _Fuentes_ for their Idolatry, which hee thought was a great aspersion laid upon his _Indians_.

All which well considered I writ unto the Provinciall (who was then in _Chiapa_) of my desire to returne home to mine owne Countrey, for the which I had a licence sent unto me from _Rome_. But he having heard of what good I had done in the Town of _Mixco_, in reducing some Idolaters, burning their idol, and venturing my life in so good a cause; and also for the perfect knowledge which now I had of the _Poconchi_ tongue, would by no meanes yeeld that I should go; but with fair and flattering words incouraged me to stay, where he doubted not, but I did, and I might yet doe God much more good service; and that he might the better worke upon me, he sent me a Patent of Vicar of the Towne and Cloister of _Amatitlan_, where at the present there was a new Cloister a building to separate all that valley from the Cloister of _Guatemala_. He desired me to accept of that small preferment, not doubting but that I speaking so well the _Indian_ language might prevaile much in that place, and better then another, to further the building of that new Cloister; which worke would be a good step for him to advance me afterwards to some better preferment. Although I regarded neither that present Superiority, nor any better honour which might afterwards ensue unto me, I thought the time which God had appointed for my returning to _England_ was not yet come; for that if the Provinciall, and with him the President of _Guatemala_ (for so much I conjectured out of the Provincialls letter) should both oppose and hinder my departure from that Countrey, it would be very hard for me to take my journey any way, and not be discovered and brought back. Whereupon I resolved to stay the Provincialls coming to _Guatemala_, and there to confer with him face to face, and to shew him some reasons that moved me to leave that Countrey, and to seek againe mine owne wherein I was borne. So for the present I accepted of the Towne of _Amatitlan_, where I had more occasions of getting mony than in the other two, where I had lived five full yeers; for albeit that Towne alone was bigger then both _Mixco_ and _Pinola_ together, and the Church fuller of Saints pictures and statues, and very many Confraternities and Sodalities belonged unto it; besides this from without the Towne I had great comings in from the Ingenio of Sugar, which I related before stood close unto that Towne, from whence I had dayly offerings from the _Black-mores_ and _Spaniards_ that lived in it; and besides this I had under my charge another lesser Towne called St. _Christoval de Amatitlan_, standing two leagues from great _Amatitlan_. This Town of St. _Christoval_, or _St. Christopher_, is called properly in that language, _Palinha, ha,_ signifying water, and _Pali_, to stand upright, and is compounded of two words which express water standing upright; for the Towne standeth on the back side of the Vulcan of water, which looketh over _Guatemala_, and on this side sendeth forth many fountaines, but especially spouteth forth from a high rock a stream of water, which as it falleth from high with a great noise and down-fall, the rocke standing upright over the bottome where it falleth, and causeth a most pleasant stream by the Townes side, it hath moved the _Indians_ to call their Towne, _Palinha_, from the high and upright standing rock, from whence the water falleth. In this Towne there are many rich _Indians_, who trade in the coast of the South sea; the Towne is as an harbour shadowed with many fruitfull trees; but the chief fruit here is the Pinna, which groweth in every _Indians_ yard, and with the neernesse of the Ingenio of Sugar, are by the _Spaniards_ thereabouts much made up in Preserves; some whole, some in slices, which is the daintiest and most luscious Preserve that I ever did eat in that Countrey. The _Indians_ of this Towne get much by boards of Cedar, which they cut out of many Cedar-trees, which grow on that side of the Vulcan, which they sell to _Guatemala_ and all about the Countrey for new buildings.

Between great _Amatitlan_ and this Town the way is plain, and lieth under a Vulcan of fire, which formerly was wont to smoak as much as that of _Guatemala_, but having formerly burst out at the top, and there opened a great mouth, & cast down to the bottome mighty stones (which to this day are to be seen) it hath not since been any waies troublesome unto the Countrey. In this way there was in my time a new Trapiche of Sugar erecting up by one _John Baptista_ of _Guatemala_, which was thought would prove very usefull, and profitable unto the foresaid City. I had yet for the time that I lived in _Amatitlan_ another very little village at my charge, called _Pampichi_ at the bottome of a high mountaine on the other side of the lake over against it, which was but a Chappell of ease unto great _Amatitlan_, unto which I went not above once in a quarter of a yeer, and that for pastime and recreation; for this village is well in that language a compound also of _Pam_, in, and _Pichi_, flowers, for that it standeth compassed about with flowers, which make it very pleasant, and the boats or Canoa's which doe constantly stand neer the doores of the houses, invites to much pleasure of fishing and rowing about the lake.

And thus whilst I lived in _Amatitlan_ I had the choice of three places wherein to recreate my selfe, and because the charge of many soules lay in my hands, I had one constantly to helpe me. The Towne of _Amatitlan_ was as the Court in respect of the rest, where nothing was wanting that might recreate the mind and satisfie the body with variety and change of sustenance, both for fish and flesh. Yet the great care that did lie upon me in the worke and building of the Cloister, made me very soone weary of living in that great and pleasant Towne; for sometimes I had thirty, sometimes twenty, sometimes fewer, and sometimes fourty worke-men to looke unto, and to pay wages to on Saturday nights, which I found wearied much my braine, and hindred my studies, and was besides a worke which I delighted not in, nor had any hopes ever to enjoy it. And therefore after the first yeer that I had been there I betooke my selfe unto the Provinciall, who was in _Guatemala_, and againe earnestly besought him to peruse the Licence which I had from _Rome_ to goe to _England_ mine owne Countrey for to preach there (for that was the chiefe ground of letting me goe home, as the Generall largely expressed) where I doubted not but I might doe God great service, and in Conscience I told him I thought I was bound to employ what parts God had bestowed upon me, rather upon my own Countreymen, then upon _Indians_ and strangers. The Provinciall replyed unto me that my Countrey men were Heretickes, and when I came amongst them they would hang me up. I told him, I hoped better things of them, and that I would not behave my selfe among them so as to deserve hanging, not daring to tell him what was in my heart concerning points of Religion. After a long discourse I found the Provinciall inexorable, and halfe angry, telling me that he and that whole Province had cast their eyes upon me, and honoured me, and were ready and willing to promote me further, and that I would shew my selfe very ungratefull unto them, if I should forsake them for my owne nation and people, whom I had not knowne from my young and tender age. I perceived there was no more to be said, and all would be in vaine, and so resolved to take my best opportunity, and with my Licence from _Rome_ to come away unknowne unto him. But for the present I humbly beseeched him to remove me from _Amatitlan_, for that I found my selfe unable to undergoe that great charge, and too weake for that strong worke, that was then building. With much adoe he would be brought to this, alleadging what an honour it was to be a Founder and builder of a new Cloister, in whose walls my very name would be engraven to posterity; all which I told him I regarded not, but estemed more of my health and a quiet mind, then of such preferments and vanities. Upon which at last he condescended to my request, and gave me order to goe to _Petapa_, and that the Vicar of _Petapa_ should goe to finish the worke of _Amatitlan_. In _Petapa_ I lived above a twelve moneth, with great ease, pleasure and content for all things worldly and outward; but within I had still a worme of Conscience, gnawing this gourd that shadowed and delighted me with worldly contentment. Here I grew more and more troubled concerning some points of Religion, dayly wishing with _David_, that I had the wings of a Dove, that I might flie from that place of dayly Idolatry into _England_, and be at rest. I resolved therefore to put on a good courage, and relie wholly upon my God, knowing that the journey was hard and dangerous, and might bring shame and trouble unto me, if I should be taken in the way flying and brought back to _Guatemala_; here I weighed the affliction and reproach which might ensue unto me, after so much honor, pleasure, and wealth which I had enjoyed for about twelve yeers in that Countrey; but in another balance of better consideration, I weighed the trouble of a wounded Conscience, and the spirituall joy and comfort that I might enjoy at home with the people of God, and so resolutely concluded upon that place of _Heb._ 11. 25, 26, 27. with _Moses_, to choose rather to suffer affliction with the people of God (who as _Paul_ well observeth, I _Thes._ 3. 3. are appointed thereunto; and again _Phil._ 1. 29. unto whom it is given in the behalfe of Christ, not onely to beleeve in him, but also to suffer for his sake) then to enjoy the pleasures of sinne for a season; esteeming the reproach of Christ greater riches then the treasures in _Egypt_. So for faith and a safe conscience I now purposed likewise with _Moses_ to forsake _Egypt_, not fearing the wrath of the President the Kings owne Deputy, nor of the Provinciall, and my best friends; but to indure all this (if I should be taken) as seeing him who is invisible. I thought this was a businesse not to be conferred with flesh and blood, lest the best friend knowing of it should betray me; yet on the other side, I thought it hard to flie alone without some friend for the first two or three daies journey; and besides having many things to sell away to make mony of, I thought I were better to imploy some trusty friend, then to doe all alone. I thought of none fitter then _Miguel Dalva_, whom by long experience I knew to be true and trusty, and that a small mony matter would content him; whom I sent for to _Pinola_, and charging him with secrecy, I told him I had a journey for my conscience sake to make to _Rome_ (I would not tell him that I intended _England_, lest the good old _Black-more_ should grieve thinking never more to see me, and for the love he bare me, and interest he had many times from me, he should by discovering my intent, seek to stop me) which I would have none to know of but himselfe, not doubting but to returne againe, as he knew many had taken the like journey, and returned within two yeers.

The _Black-more_ offered himselfe to goe with me, which I refused, telling him that the seas would be too hard for his old age to endure, and that as a _Black-more_ in foraine Countries he might be stopped and apprehended for a fugitive; which reason he liked well, and offered himselfe to goe with mee as farre as the sea side; for which I thanked him and employed to sell me away some Mules, Wheat, and Maiz which I had, and what else might well passe through his hands. As for many rich pictures which hung in my chamber, I thought the Towne of _Petapa_ would buy them for their Church, and propounded it unto the Governour, who willingly accepted of them. Most of my bookes, chests, cabinets, quilts, and many good peices of houshold-stuffe, by the paines and industry of _Miguel_ (whom I kept with me for the space of two moneths before I came away) I sold to _Guatemala_, reserving onely two Peraca's or leatherne chests, with some bookes and a quilt for my journey. When I had sold all that I intended, I found I had in _Spanish_ mony neer nine thousand peeces of eight, which I had got in twelve yeers that I lived in that Country. So much mony I thought would be too combersome for a long journey; whereupon I turned above four thousand of them into pearles and some pretious stones, which might make my carriage the lighter; the rest I laid up some in bags, some I sowed into my quilt, intending in the way to turne them into _Spanish_ Pistols. Thus the chiefe provision being made of mony, I tooke care for Chocolatte and some Conserves for the way, which were soon provided. Now because I considered that my flight the first week must be with speed, and that my chests could not post day and night as my selfe intended to doe; I thought of sending my carriage four dayes at least before me; and not daring to trust any _Indian_ of _Petapa_, I sent to _Mixco_ for one speciall _Indian_ friend whom I had there, who knew the way that I was to travaile very well; to whom I opened my mind, and offered what mony I knew would well content him, and at midnight sent him away with two Mules, one for himselfe, and another for my chests, wishing him to keep on travelling towards _St. Miguel_, or _Nicaragua_ till I overtooke him. I gave him the advantage of four daies and nights, and then resolutely with my good _Blackmore_ in my company leaving the key of my chamber in my doore, and nothing but old papers within, when all the _Indians_ where fast sleep, I bad adieu unto _Petapa_, and to the whole valley, and to all my friends throughout _America_.

CHAP. XXI.

_Shewing my journey from the Towne of_ Petapa, _into_ England; _and some chiefe passages in the way._

The chiefe thing which troubled me in my resolved purpose to come home, was the choice of the safest way; which made me utterly forsake the Gulfe (though the easiest way of all, and that sea neerest to the place where I lived) for that I knew I should meet there with many of my acquaintance, and the setting out of the ships was so uncertain, that before they departed, order might come from _Guatemala_ to stop me; if I should go by land through _Comayagua_ to _Truxillo_, and there wait for the ships, likewise I feared lest the Governour of that place by some item from the President of _Guatemala_ might examine me, and send me backe, and that the Masters of the ships might have charge given them not to receive me into their ships. If I should goe backe to _Mexico_ and _Vera Cruz_, then I called to mind, how I was troubled in that long journey, when I came first to _Chiapa_ in company of friends, and that now alone I should certainly be much put to it, for I would not carry _Miguel Dalva_ so far by land with me. Wherefore rejecting these three wayes, I chose the fourth, which was by _Nicaragua_ and the Lake of _Granada_; and therefore I deferred my journey till the week after _Christmas_, knowing that the time of the frigats setting out from that lake to the _Havana_ was commonly after the middle of _January_, or at _Candlemas_ at the furthest, whither I hoped to reach in very good time. Now that I might by no means be suspected to have taken this way; before I went I left by the hand of _Miguel Dalva_ a letter to a friend of his to be delivered to the Provinciall in _Guatemala_, foure dayes after my departure, wherein I kindly tooke my leave of him, desiring him not to blame me nor to seeke after me; and whereas I had a sufficient Licence from _Rome_, and could not get his, that I thought I might with a safe Conscience goe where I was born, leaving Linguists enough to supply my place amongst the _Indians_. And because he should not make enquiry after me by _Nicaragua_, I dated and subscribed my letter to him from the Towne of _St. Antonio Suchutepeques_, which was the way to _Mexico_ and quite contrary to _Nicaragua_.

The next day after _Twelfth_ day, being the seventh of _January_, 1637. at midnight I set out of _Petapa_ upon a lusty Mule (which afterwards in the way I sold for fourscore peeces of eight) with _Miguel Dalva_ alone; and the first part of the way being very hilly we could not goe so fast as our hearts would have posted; for it was breake of day before we could get to the top of the mountaine, which is called _Serro Redondo_, or the round hill; which is much mentioned in that Countrey, for the good pasture there which serveth for the Cattell and Sheep, when the valleys below are burnt and no grasing left for Beasts. This hill is also a great refuge to Travellers, for there they find good entertainment in a _Venta_, where wine and provision is sold, and is a great Lodge, for to lay up dry what carriages they bring; there is besides one of the best Estancia's or farmes of Cattell in the Countrey, where of Goats and Ewes milke is made the best cheese thereabouts. This round hill or mountaine is five leagues from _Petapa_, where I feared I might meet with some people of _Petapa_, and therefore the day now dawning I made haste by it, leaving in the lodge asleep many _Indians_, who attended on two _Spanish_ Requa's of Mules, which that day were to goe to _Petapa_; foure leagues further from this _Serro Redondo_ is a Towne of _Indians_ called _Los Esclavos_, or the Slaves, not that now they are more slaves then the rest of the _Indians_, but because in the old time of _Montezuma_ the Emperour, and the _Indian_ Kings that were under him, the people of this Towne were more slaves then any other, for from _Amatitlan_ (which is so called from _Amat_, which in the _Mexican_ tongue signifieth Letter, and _Itlan_ which signifieth Towne, for that it was the Towne of Letters as some say, for a rine of a tree, whereon they were wont formerly to write and expresse their minds, or because it was the place whither from all parts letters were sent to be carried about the Countrey, and to _Peru_) these _Indians_ of the Towne of _Esclavo's_ or slaves, were commanded as slaves to goe all about the Countrey with letters, or whatsoever else they should be charged with; and they were bound constantly to send every week so many of their Towne (as were appointed) unto _Amatitlan_, there to wait and attend the pleasure of that Towne for the conveying of letters, or any carriages to other parts.

This Towne of _los Esclavos_ standeth in a bottome by a river, over the which the _Spaniards_ have built a very strong stone Bridge to goe in and out of the Town, for otherwise with mules there is no passing by reason of the violent and rapid streame of the water, and many rocks in the River, from which the water falleth down with great force. From this Town (where wee onely stayed to drink a cup of Chocolatte and to bait our mules) wee went on that day to _Aguachapa_, being ten leagues further, and not farre from the South Sea, and the port called _De la Trinidad_; whither wee came towards Evening, having that day and part of the night travelled about threescore _English_ miles up hils, and upon stony wayes from the _Esclavo's_ unto this Town; which is much mentioned in that Country for two things. The one is for the earthen ware which is made there (as some think) exceeding that of _Mixco_. The other is for a place within a mile and a halfe from the Town, which the _Spaniards_ doe credibly report and beleeve to be a mouth of hell. For out of it there is constantly ascending a thick black smoak smelling of Brimstone, with some flashes now and then of fire; the earth from whence this smoak ariseth is not high, but low. None ever durst draw nigh to find out the truth and ground of it; for those that have attempted to doe it, have been stricken down to the ground and like to lose their lives. A friend of mine a Fryer (whom I thought verily I might beleeve) upon his oath affirmed unto me, that travelling that way with a Provinciall hee resolved to goe unto the place, and satisfie himselfe of the ground and cause of the strange talke which was every where about the Country concerning that smoke. He went within a quarter of a mile of it, and presently, hee said, he heard a hideous noise, which together with the stench of the fiery smoke and brimstone, struck him into such a fear that he was like to fall to the ground, and retiring himself back with all speed was taken with a burning Feaver, which was like to cost him his life. Others report that drawing neer unto it, they have heard great cries as it were of men and women in torment, noise of iron, of chaines, and the like, which (how simply I leave it to my Judicious Reader) maketh them beleeve that it is a mouth of hell. Of my knowledge I will say no more, but that I saw the smoke, and asked the _Indians_ what was the cause of it; and if ever they had been neer unto it? And they answered mee, that they could not imagine what might bee the cause of it, neither durst they draw nigh unto it; and that they had seen Travellers, attempting to goe neere it, and that they were all stricken either to the ground, or with some suddaine amazement, or Feaver. I told them that I would walke thither my self, and they desired mee that I would not, if I loved my life. It was not yet for all this report the feare of being so neer the _Spaniards_ hell (as they call it) that made me haste with speed out of that Town, but fear of some messenger that might come after mee to stop my journy. For at midnight I departed from thence, and went to breake my fast to a great Town called _Chalchuapan_, where the _Indians_ made very much of mee, being _Pocomanes_, who spake the _Poconchi_ or _Pocoman_ tongue which I had learned. They would willingly have had me to stay with them and preach unto them the next Sabbath, which I would have done, had not a better designe called upon mee to make haste.

Here I was troubled, how I should get through St. _Salvador_, which was a City of _Spaniards_, and wherein there was a Cloister of Dominicans, whom I feared most of all, because I was known by some of them. My resolution was therefore when I came neere unto the City, to turn out of my way to a _Spaniards_ Farm as if I had lost my way, and there to delay the time till Evening in drinking Chocolatte, discoursing, and baiting my mules well, that so I might travell all that night, and bee out of the reach of that City, and Fryers (who lived in _Indian_ Towns about it) the next morning, early. This City of St. _Salvador_ is poore, not much bigger then _Chiapa_, and is governed by a _Spanish_ Governour. It standeth forty leagues at least from _Guatemala_, and towards the North Sea side, is compassed with very high mountains, which are called Chuntales, where the _Indians_ are very poore. In the bottome where the City standeth there are some _Trabiches_ of Sugar, some Indigo made, but the chief Farmes are Estancia's of Cattell. Towards Evening I departed from that Farm where I had well refreshed my selfe and my Mule, and about eight of the clock I rid through the City not being known by any body. My purpose was to bee the next morning at a great River, called _Rio de Lempa_, some ten leagues from St. _Salvador_, for within two leagues of it there lived in an _Indian_ Town a Fryer belonging to the Cloister of St. _Salvador_ who knew mee very well. But such haste I made that before break of the day I passed through that Town, and before seven of the clock I was at the River, where I found my _Indian_ of _Mixco_ ready to passe over with my carriage, who that morning by three of the clock had set out of that Town two leagues off. I was not a little glad to have overtaken my Chests, wherein was most of my treasure. There I sate down a while by the River whilst my mules grazed, and my _Indian_ struck fire and made me Chocolatte. This River of _Lempa_ is held the broadest, and biggest in all the Jurisdiction belonging unto _Guatemala_; there are constantly two Ferry Boats to passe over the Travellers, and their Requa's of Mules. This River is privileged in this manner, that if a man commit any hainous crime or murther on this side of _Guatemala_, and _San Salvador_, or on the other side of St. _Miguel_, or _Nicaragua_, if hee can flie to get over this River, he is free as long as hee liveth on the other side, and no Justice on that side whither hee is escaped can question or trouble him for the murther committed. So likewise for Debts hee cannot bee arrested. Though I thanked God I neither fled for the one, or for the other, yet it was my comfort that I was now going over to a priviledged Country, where I hoped I should bee free and sure, and that if any one did come after mee, hee would goe no further then to the River of _Lempa_. My Blackmore did much laugh at this my conceipt, and warranted mee that all would doe well. Wee Ferried safely over the River; and from thence went in company with my _Indian_ to a little small Towne of _Indians_ two leagues off, where wee made the best dinner that we had done from the Towne of _Petapa_, and willingly gave rest to all our mules till foure of the clocke in the afternoone; at which time wee set forth to another small Town little above two leagues off, through a plain, sandy, and Champaigne Country. The next day wee had but ten leagues to travaile to a Town called St. _Miguel_, which belongeth unto _Spaniards_, and though it bee not a City, yet is as bigge almost as _San Salvador_, and hath a _Spanish_ Governour; in it there is one Cloister of Nuns, and another of Mercenarian Fryers, who welcomed mee unto their Cloister. For here I began to shew my face, and to think of selling away the Mule I rid on, being resolved from hence to goe by water or an Arm of the Sea, to a Town in _Nicaragua_ called _La Vieja_. I would here have dismissed my _Indian_, but hee was loth to leave me untill I got to _Granada_, where hee desired to see mee shipped. I refused not his kind offer, because I knew hee was trusty and had brought my Chests well thither, and knew well the way to _Granada_. So I sent him by land to _Realejo_, or to _La Vieja_, which stand very neere together and thirty leagues by land from St. _Miguel_, and my self stayed that day and till the next day at noon in that Town, where I sold the mule, I rid on, because I knew that from _Realejo_ to _Granada_ I could have of the _Indians_ a Mule for nothing for a dayes journey. My Blackmores mule I sent also by land with the _Indian_, and the next day went to the Gulfe, being three or foure miles from St. _Miguel_, where that afternoone I tooke Boat with many other passengers, and the next morning by eight in the morning was at _La Vieja_, which journey by land would have taken mee up neere three dayes. The next day my _Indian_ came at night, and wee went to _Realejo_, (as I have observed before) a Haven very weak and unfortified on the South Sea; where if I would have stayed one fortnight I might have taken shipping for _Panama_, to goe from thence to _Portabelo_, and there stay for the Galeons from _Spain_. But I considered that the Galeons would not be there till _June_ or _July_, and that so I should be at great charges in staying so long. But afterwards I wished I had accepted of that occasion, for I was at last forced to goe to _Panama_, and _Portabelo_. From hence to _Granada_ I observed nothing, but the plainnesse and pleasantnesse of the way, which with the fruits and fertility of all things may well make _Nicaragua_ the Paradise of _America_. Betweene _Realejo_ and _Granada_ standeth the City of _Leon_, neere unto a _Vulcan_ of fire, which formerly burst out at the top, and did much hurt unto all the Country about; but since that it hath ceased, and now letteth the Inhabitants live without feare. Sometimes it smokes a little, which sheweth that as yet there is within some sulphurous substance.

Here it was that a Mercenarian Fryer thought to have discovered some great treasure, which might inrich himselfe and all that Country, being fully perswaded that the metall that burned within that _Vulcan_ was Gold; whereupon hee caused a great Kettle to bee made, and hung at an iron chain to let it down from the top, thinking therewith to take up gold enough to make him Bishop and to inrich his poor kindred. But such was the power and strength of the fire within, that no sooner had hee let downe the Kettle, when it fell from the chain and from his hands being melted away.

This City of _Leon_ is very curiously built, for the chief delight of the Inhabitants consisteth in their houses, and in the pleasure of the Country adjoyning, and in the abundance of all things for the life of man, more then in any extraordinary riches, which there are not so much injoyed, as in other parts of _America_. They are contented with fine gardens, with variety of singing birds, and parrets, with plenty of fish and flesh, which is cheap, and with gay houses, and so lead a delicious, lazy and idle life; not aspiring much to trade and traffique, though they have neer unto them the Lake, which commonly every yeere sendeth forth some Frigats to _Havana_ by the North Sea, and _Realejo_ on the South Sea, which to them might bee very commodious for any dealing and rich Trading in _Peru_, or to _Mixco_, if their spirits would carry them so farre: The Gentlemen of this City are almost as vaine and phantasticall as are those of _Chiapa_. And especially from the pleasure of this City, is all that Province of _Nicaragua_, called by the _Spaniards Mahomets_ Paradise. From hence the way is plain and Levell to _Granada_, whither I got safely and joyfully, hoping that now I had no more journey to make by land, till I should land at _Dover_ in _England_, and from thence post up to _London_. Two dayes after I had arrived at this place and rested my selfe, and injoyed the pleasant prospect of the Lake, I began to think of dismissing my _Indian_ and Blackmore. But true and faithfull _Miguel Dalva_ would by no meanes leave mee, till he saw me shipped; and that I had no more need of him by land; Likewise the _Indian_ would willingly have stayed, but by no meanes I would permit him, for that I considered hee had a wife and children to looke to at home. Hee was as willing to return a foot, as to ride, because hee would have mee sell my mules, and make what mony I could of them; but I seeing the good nature of the _Indian_, would recompence his love with as much mony as might bee more beneficiall to him, then a tired Mule; which might have dyed in the way under him, and left him on foot; so I gave him money enough to bear his charges home, and to hire Mules at his one pleasure, and some to spare, when he came home. The _Indian_ with many teares falling from his eyes, saying, hee feared hee should never more see mee, tooke his leave of mee the third day after wee arrived at _Granada_. My Blackmore and I being left alone, first began to thinke of selling away the two Mules, which had brought thither the _Indian_, and my Chests; for which I got fourscore and ten peeces of eight after so long a journey, and thought they were well sold. I would have had _Miguel_ have sold away that whereon hee rid, (which was his own) and offered to buy him another that might better carry him back, but the loving and carefull Blackmore would not suffer mee to bee at such charges, considering the long journey which I was to make. After this, wee hearing that the frigats were not like to depart in a fortnight, thought of viewing well that stately and pleasant Towne a day or two, and then to betake our selves to some neer _Indian_ Town, where wee might bee hid, (lest by the great resort of Requa's of Mules, which at that time brought Indigo and Cochinill from _Guatemala_ to the Frigats, wee should bee discovered) and might now and then come to the Town to treat concerning my passing in one of the Frigats to the _Havana_ or to _Carthagena_. What in that Town wee observed was, two Cloisters of Mercenarian and Franciscan Fryers, and one of Nuns, very rich; and one Parish Church, which was as a Cathedrall, for the Bishop of _Leon_ did more constantly reside there then in the City. The houses are fairer then those of _Leon_, and the Town of more Inhabitants, among whom there are some few Merchants of very great wealth, and many of inferiour degree very well to passe, who trade with _Carthagena, Guatemala, San Salvador_, and _Comayagua_, and some by the South sea to _Peru_ and _Panama_. But at this time of the sending away the frigats, that Town is one of the wealthiest in all the North Tract of _America_; for the Merchants of _Guatemala_ fearing to send all their goods by the Gulfe of _Honduras_, for that they have been often taken by the _Hollanders_ between that and _Havana_, think it safer to send them by the frigats to _Carthagena_, which passage hath not been so much stopped by the _Hollanders_ as the other. So likewise many times the Kings treasure, and revenues (when there is any report of ships at sea, or about the Cape of _St. Anthony_) are this way by the Lake of _Granada_ passed to _Carthagena_. That yeer that I was there, before I betooke my selfe to an _Indian_ Towne, in one day there entred six Requa's (which were at least three hundred Mules) from _St. Salvador_ and _Comayagua_ onely, laden with nothing else but Indigo, Cochinil and Hides; and two dayes after from _Guatemala_ came in three more, the one laden with silver, which was the Kings tribute from that Countrey; the other with Sugar, and the other with Indigo. The former Requa's I feared not; but the latter made me keep close within my lodging, lest going abroad, I should be knowne by some of those that came from _Guatemala_; who after they had delivered what they brought, presently departed, and with their departure set mee at liberty, who for their sakes was a voluntary prisoner within mine owne lodging. But fearing lest more of these Requa's might come and affright mee, I went to a Towne out of the rode, a league from _Granada_, and took my pleasure up and downe the Countrey where I was much feasted by the Mercenarian Friers, who enjoy most of those Towns. Amongst these I heard much of the passage in the frigots to _Carthagena_, which did not a little dishearten and discourage me. For although, whilst they saile upon the Lake, they goe securely and without trouble, yet when they fall from the Lake to the river (which there they call _El Desaguadero_) to goe out to the Sea, _hic labor, hoc opus est_, here is nothing but trouble, which sometimes makes that short voyage to last two moneths; for such is the fall of the waters in many places amongst the rockes, that many times they are forced to unlade the frigots, and lade them again with helpe of Mules which are there kept for that purpose, by a few _Indians_ that live about the river, and have care of the Lodges made for to lay in the wares, whilest the frigots passe thorow those dangerous places to another Lodge, whither the wares are brought by Mules, and put againe into the frigots. Beside this trouble (which must needs be tedious to a passenger, to be thus stopped, who would willingly come soone to his journeys end) the abundance of gnats is such, which maketh him to take no joy in his voiage, and the heat in some places so intolerable, that many doe die before they get out to the sea. Though all this was terrible to me to hear, yet I comforted my selfe that my life was in the hands of the Lord, and that the frigots did commonly every yeer passe that way, and seldome any were lost. I went now and then to _Granada_ to bargaine for my passage, and to know when the frigots would for certaine set out, and to provide my selfe of some dainties and Chocolatte for my journey, having agreed with a Master of a frigot for my diet at his table. The time was appointed within foure or five dayes; but suddainly all was crossed with a strict command from _Guatemala_, that the frigots should not goe out that yeer, because the President and whole Court was informed for certaine that some _English_ or _Holland_ ships was abroad at sea, and lay about the mouth of the river or _Desaguadero_ waiting for the frigots of _Granada_, and that the said were sometimes lurking about the Islands of _St. John_, and _St. Catharine_ (which then was our _Providence_) which made all the Merchants of the Countrey to feare and sweat with a cold sweat, and the President to be carefull for the Kings revenues, lest the losse of them should be imputed to his wilfull negligence, in stopping the frigots, whilst he might, and had warning given. This was but sad newes unto me, who knew not for the present, which way to dispose of my selfe. I began to thinke of the ship that was at _Realejo_ ready to set out to _Panama_, thinking that would now be my best course, but enquiring after it, I was for certaine informed by some Merchants that it was newly gone. Then my eyes looked upon _Comayagua_ and _Truxillo_, and upon the ships of _Honduras_, but these were but vaine and troubled thoughts, arising from a perplexed heart, for the ships were also gone from thence, without some small vessell or frigot might be there with newes from _Havana_ or _Carthagena_ (for those places send often word and notice of what ships are abroad at sea) but this also was a meer chance, and not to be trusted unto, as my friends did advise, and counsell me. Whereupon my perplexity more and more increased; onely my comfort was that there were more passengers besides my selfe, who I knew must take some course, and whom I also resolved to follow by sea, or land. Amongst us all we were once resolving to hire a frigot to carry us onely to _Carthagena_, but this would not bee granted, for no body would hazard his vessel and life for our sakes. Whilest we were thus distressed and perplexed enquiring about _Granada_ of the Merchants what course we might take to get to _Spaine_ that yeer, or to meet with the _Havana_ or _Carthagena_, one that wished us well, counselled us to goe to _Costarica_, where at _Carthago_ we should be sure to hear of some vessels bound for _Portobel_, either from the river called _de los Anzuelos_, or from the river called _Suere_, from whence every yeer went out some small frigots to carry Meale, Bacon, Fowles, and other provision for the Galeons to _Portobel_. This we thought was a hard and difficult journey, and of neer a hundred and fifty leagues, over mountaines and through desarts, where we should misse the pleasure, variety, and dainties of _Guatemala_ and _Nicaragua_, and after all this peradventure might misse of an opportunity of any frigot bound to _Portobelo_. Yet so unwilling were we all to returne to _Guatemala_ from whence we came, that we would rather go forward, and undergoe any difficulties, so that at last we might find any shipping to convey us where we might meet with the Galeons, which we knew were not to come to _Portobel_, till the month of _June_ or _July_. We therefore agreed foure of us, three _Spaniards_ and my selfe, to goe to _Costarica_, and there to trie our fortune. They had each of them (as my selfe had) carriage for one Mule, and none to ride on; but thought it their best way to buy each of them a Mule to carry them, which they hoped after their journey to sell againe at _Costarica_, and to get mony by them, and for their carriages to hire Mules and _Indians_ from Towne to Towne, who also might serve to guide us through many dangerous places and passages, which we understood were in the way. Now I wished I had my Mule which I sold at _San Miguel_, or any one of the two which I sold before in _Granada_. But for my mony I doubted not, with the helpe of my _Black-more_, but I should find one for my purpose. I furnished my selfe very speedily, for fifty peeces of eight, of one which I feared not would performe my journey. My good and trusty _Black-more_ would willingly have gone on with me, and further round the world if I would have permitted him; but I would not; but (thanked him heartily for what he had done, and gave him money enough in his purse, and dismissed him) hoping that the company of the three _Spaniards_ would be sufficient comfort unto me.

Thus with one _Indian_ to guide us we set four of us out of _Granada_, enjoying for the two first daies more of the pleasure of that _Mahomets_ paradise _Nicaragua_, finding the way for the most part plain, the Townes pleasant, the Countrey shady, and every where fruits abounding. The second day after we set out, we were much affrighted with a huge and monstrous Caiman or Crocodile, which having come out of the Lake (which we passed by) and lying crosse a puddle of water bathing himselfe, and waiting for some prey, as we perceived after, whom we not knowing well at the first, but thinking that it had been some tree that was felled or fallen, passed close by it; when on a suddain we knew the scales of the Cayman, and saw the monster stir and move, and set himself against us; wherewith we made hast from him; but he thinking to have made some of us his greedy prey, ran after us, which when we perceived, and that he was like to overtake us, we were much troubled, untill one of the _Spaniards_ (who knew better the nature & quality of that Beast then the rest) called upon us to turn on one side out of the way, and to ride on straight for a while, and then to turn on another side; and so to circumflex our way, which advice of his without doubt saved mine, or some of the others lives, for thus we wearied that mighty monster and escaped from him, who (had we rid out straightway) had certainly overtaken us, and killed some mule or man, for his straight forward flight was as swift as our Mules could run; but whilst he turned and wheeled about his heavy body, we got ground and advantage till we left him far behind us; and by this experience we came to know the nature and quality of that beast, whose greatnesse of body is no hinderance to run forward as swift as a Mule; but otherwise, as the Elephant once laid down is troubled to get up, so this monster is heavy and stiffe, and therefore much troubled to turne and wind about his body. We praised God who had that day delivered us, and riding for a while by the side of the lake, we were watchful that we might not fall again into the like danger. But the greatnesse of this lake of _Granada_ may from hence be knowne, in that the second and third day of our journey, being at least threescore miles from whence we set out, we now and then found our way lying by it. After that wee had wholly lost the sight of it, we began to enter into rough and craggy wayes, declining more to the South then to the North sea. And in all the rest of our journey to _Carthago_, we observed nothing worth committing to posterity, but onely mighty woods and trees on the South sea side, very fit for to make strong ships, and many mountaines and desert places, where we lay sometimes two nights together, either in woods or open fields, far from any Town or habitation of _Indians_, yet for our comfort in these so desert places we had stil a guide with us, and found lodges, which by the command of the neerest Justices had been set up for such as travelled that way. We came at last through thousand dangers to the city of _Carthago_, which we found not to be so poor as in richer places, as _Guatemala_ and _Nicaragua_ it was reported to be. For there we had occasion to inquire after some Merchants for exchange of gold and silver, and wee found that some were very rich, who traded by Land and Sea with _Panama_, and by Sea with _Portobelo, Carthagena_, and _Havana_, and from thence with _Spain_. This City may consist of foure hundred Families, and is governed by a _Spanish_ Governour; It is a Bishops Sea, and hath in it three Cloisters, two of Fryers, and one of Nuns. Here we began to enquire after that which had brought us through so many Mountaines, Woods and deserts, to wit, after some speedy occasion of shipping our selves for _Portobelo_ or _Carthagena_; and according to our desires wee understood of one Frigat almost ready to set out from the River called _De los Anzuelos_, and another from the River _Suere_; and being well informed that _Suere_ would bee the best place for us to Travaile unto by reason of more provision in the way, more Towns of _Indians_, and Estancia's of _Spaniards_, we resolved within foure dayes after wee had rested in _Carthago_, to undertake a new journey towards the North Sea. Wee found that Country mountainous in many places, yet here and there some Valleys where was very good corn, _Spaniards_ living in good Farmes, who as well as the _Indians_ bred many hogs; but the Townes of _Indians_ we found much unlike to those which wee had left behind in _Nicaragua_ and _Guatemala_; and the people in curtesie and civility much differing from them, and of a rude and bold carriage and behaviour towards us; yet they are kept under by the _Spaniards_, as much as those whom I have formerly spoken of about _Guatemala_. Wee came in so good a time to the River _Suere_, that wee stayed there but three dayes in a _Spanish_ Farm neere unto it, and departed.

The Master of the Frigat was exceeding glad of our company, and offered to carry mee for nothing, but for my prayers to God for him, and for a safe passage; which hee hoped would not bee above three or four daies sailing. What hee carried was nothing but some Hony, Hides, Bacon, meal and fowles. The greatest danger he told us of, was the setting out from the River, (which runs in some places with a very strong stream, is shallow and full of rocks in other places) till wee come forth to the maine Sea. Whither we got out safely and had not sailed on above twenty leagues, when we discovered two ships making towards us; our hearts began to quake, and the Master himselfe of the Frigat wee perceived was not without feare, who suspected that they were _English_, or _Holland_ Ships; wee had no guns nor weapons to fight with, save onely foure or five Muskets and half a dozen Swords; wee thought the wings of our nimble Frigat might be our best comfort, and flying away our chiefest safety. But this comfort soon began to fail us, and our best safety was turned into neer approaching danger; for before wee could flie on five leagues towards _Portobel_, wee could from our Top Mast easily perceive the two Ships to be _Hollanders_, and too nimble for our little Vessell, which presently one of them (which being a Man of Warre, was too much and too strong for our weaknesse) fetcht up, and with a thundring Message made us strike Saile. Without any fighting wee durst not but yeeld, hoping for better mercy. But O what sad thoughts did here run to and fro my dejected heart, which was struck down lower then our Saile? How did I sometimes look upon Deaths frighting visage? But if again I would comfort and incourage my selfe against this feare of Death; how then did I begin to see an end of all my hopes of ever more returning to my wished and desired Country? How did I see that my treasure of Pearles, pretious Stones, and peeces of Eight, and golden Pistols, which by singing I had got in twelve yeers space, now within one halfe houre ready to be lost with weeping, and become a sure prey to those who with as much ease as I got them, and with laughing were ready to spoile mee of all that with the sound of Flutes, Waits and Organs I had so long been hording up? Now I saw I must forcedly and fainedly offer up to a _Hollander_ what superstitious, yea also forced and fained offerings of _Indians_ to their Saints of _Mixco, Pinola, Amatitlan_ and _Petapa_ had for a while enriched mee. My further thoughts were soone interrupted by the _Hollanders_ who came abord our Frigat with more speed then wee desired. Though their Swords, Muskets and Pistols did not a little terrifie, yet wee were somewhat comforted, when wee understood who was their chief Captaine and Commander, and hoped for more mercy from him, who had been born and brought up amongst _Spaniards_, then from the _Hollanders_, who as they were little bound unto the _Spanish_ Nation for mercy, so did wee expect little from them. The Captain of this _Holland_ Ship which took us was a Mulatto, born and bred in _Havana_, whose Mother I saw and spoke with afterwards that same yeer, when the Galeons struck into that Port to expect there the rest that were to come from _Vera Cruz_. This Mulatto for some wrongs which had been offered unto him from some commanding _Spaniards_ in the _Havana_, ventured himself desperately in a boat out to the Sea, where were some _Holland_ Ships waiting for a prize, and with Gods helpe getting unto them, yeelded himself to their mercy, which hee esteemed farre better then that of his own Country-men, promising to serve them faithfully against his owne Nation, which had most injuriously and wrongfully abused, yea and (as I was afterwards informed) whipped him in the _Havana_.

This Mulatto proved so true and faithful in his good services unto the _Hollanders_, that they esteemed much of him, marryed him to one of their Nation, and made him Captain of a Ship under that brave and gallant _Hollander_ whom the _Spaniards_ then so much feared, and named, _Pie de Palo_, or Woodden Leg. This famous Mulatto it was that with his Sea Souldiers borded our Frigat, in the which hee had found little worth his labour, had it not been for the _Indians_ offerings which I carryed with mee, of which I lost that day the worth of four thousand Patacons or peeces of eight in pearles, and pretious stones, and neer three thousand more in money. The other _Spaniards_ lost some hundreds a peece, which was so rich a prize, that it made the _Hollanders_ stomach loath the rest of our grosse provision of Bacon, Meale and Fowles, and our money tasted sweeter unto them, then the Hony which our Frigat also afforded them. Other things I had (as a Quilt to lie on, some Bookes, and Lamina's, which are pictures in brasse, and clothes) which I begged of that Noble Captaine the Mulatto, who considering my Orders and calling, gave mee them freely, and wished me to bee patient, saying that hee could doe no otherwise then he did with my mony and Pearles, and using that common Proverbe at Sea, _Oy por mi, manana por ti_, to day fortune hath been for mee, to morrow it may bee for thee: or to day I have got what to morrow I may lose again. Here I made use also of that common saying, that il gotten goods never thrive, and perceived it was the will of my heavenly Father to take from me what so unlawfully by superstitious and idolatrous Masses, by Offerings unto Idols and Statues of Saints I had got amongst the _Indians_. I offered in lieu of those former offerings my will unto my Lord Gods will, desiring him to grant mee patience to bear that great losse. I confesse, though it was very crosse to flesh and blood, yet I found an inward spirituall strengthning from above, and to be very true what _Paul_ writes to the _Hebrews_ in the 12 Chapter, and Verse 11. saying, _No chastening for the present seemeth to bee joyous, but grievous; neverthelesse afterward it yeeldeth the peaceable fruit of righteousnesse unto them which are exercised thereby_: for that very day I found my inward man quiet and peaceable with a full and totall submission unto the holy will of God, which I desired might bee done in earth, in the Sea, and performed and obeyed by me at that present, as it is alwayes done in heaven. And although this was my best and chief comfort, yet from the creature by the Creators permission I had also some comfort left in a few pistols, some single, some double, which I had sowed up in my Quilt (which the Captain restored unto mee, saying it was the bed I lay in) and in the doublet which I had at that present, which mounted to almost a thousand Crownes, and in their searching was not found out. After the Captain and Souldiers had well viewed their prize, they thought of refreshing their stomacks with some of our provision; the good Captaine made a stately dinner in our Frigat, and invited mee unto it, and knowing that I was going towards the _Havana_, besides many other brindi's or healths, hee drank one unto his mother, desiring mee to see her, and to remember him unto her, and how that for her sake hee had used mee well and courteously in what hee could; and further at Table hee said that for my sake hee would give us our Frigat that wee might return again to land, and that I might find out from thence some safer way and means to get to _Portobelo_, & to continue on my journey unto _Spain_. After dinner I conferred with the Captain alone, and told him that I was no _Spaniard_, but an _English_ man born, shewing him the Licence which I had from _Rome_ to goe to _England_, and that therefore I hoped, not being of an enemy nation to the _Hollanders_, he would restore unto me what goods were mine. But all this was of little consequence with him, who had already taken possession of mine, and all other goods in the ship: he told me, I must suffer with those, amongst whom I was found, and that I might as wel claime all the goods in the ship for mine. I desired him then to carry me along with him to _Holland_, that from thence I might get to _England_, which also he refused to doe, telling me that he went about from one place to another, and knew not when he should goe to _Holland_, and that he was daily ready to fight with any _Spanish_ ship, and if he should fight with the _Spaniards_ whilst I was in his ship, his souldiers in their hot blood might be ready to doe me a mischiefe, thinking I would doe them harm, if in fight they should be taken by the _Spaniards_. With these his answers I saw there was no hope of getting againe what now was lost, therefore (as before) I commended my selfe againe to Gods providence and protection. The Souldiers and Mariners of the _Holland_ ship, made hast that afternoone, to unlode the goods of our Frigat into their Man of warre, which tooke them up that, and part of the next day, whilst we as prisoners were wafting up and down the sea with them. And whereas we thought our mony had satisfied them enough, and to the full, we found the next day that they had also a stomack to our fowles and Bacon, and wanted our Meale to make them bread, and our hony to sweeten their mouthes, and our Hydes for shooes and bootes; all which they tooke away, leaving me my Quilt, Bookes, and brasse pictures, and to the Master of the frigat some small provision, as much as might carry us to land, which was not far off, and thus they tooke their leaves of us, thanking us for their good entertainment. And we weary of such guests, some praying to God that they might never entertaine the like againe, some cursing them all, and especially the Mulatto to hell, calling him Renegado; some thanking God for their lives which were given them for a prey, we all returned again to _Suere_ from whence we had set out, and going up the river, were almost like to bee cast away, and lose our lives, after we had lost our goods. When we came to land, the _Spaniards_ about the Countrey pitied our case, and helped us with almes gathering a Collection for us. The three _Spaniards_ of my company lost all their mony and most of their best clothes, yet they had reserved some bills of Exchange for money to be taken up at _Portobelo_; which I wished I had also for what I had lost. For the present we knew not what course to take; we thought of going to _Rio de los Anzuelos_, but we were informed that certainly the frigats there were either gone, or would be gone before we could get thither; and if they stayed not with the newes of the _Hollanders_ ships at sea, they either already were or would be their prize, as we had been. We resolved therefore with the charitable assistance of the _Spaniards_ about the Countrey to returne again to _Carthago_, and from thence to take some better directions. In the way we conferred what we had saved, the _Spaniards_ bragged yet of their bills of Exchange, which would yeeld them mony at _Carthago_, I would not let them know what I had saved, but somewhat I told them I had kept; and we agreed all the way we went to signifie nothing but poverty and misery, that the _Indians_ and _Spaniards_ in the way might pitty and commiserate us, and our great losses. When we came to _Carthago_ we were indeed much pittied, and Collections were made for us; and as it was expected from mee, that I should sing againe at the Altars (who truely could rather have cried to see and consider my many misfortunes and disasters, which I desired might at last by a safe returne to _England_, prove the trials of the faith I intended to search out) and that I should preach wheresoever I came; so by these two waies, of singing and of hudling over _Dominus vobiscum_ and the rest of the Masse, and by accepting of what Sermons were recommended unto me, I began againe to store my selfe with monies. Yet I knew that in such a poore Countrey as that was, where I was little knowne, I could not possibly get enough to bring me home with credit into _England_, and therefore the cunning enemy finding me to stand upon my credit, began strongly to tempt me to returne againe to _Guatemala_ (where I doubted not but I should be welcomed and entertained by my friends) and to settle my selfe there, untill I had againe by sacrilegious, base, superstitious, and idolatrous means, and works, made up a new purse to returne with credit home.

But I perceiving that God already had shewed himselfe angry, and justly taken from me, what by unlawfull meanes I had in twelve yeers obtained, bad Satan avaunt, purposing never more to returne to the flesh pots of _Egypt_, and to goe still home-wards, though in the way I did beg my bread. Yet (lest I might be suspected amongst the _Spaniards_, and troubled for not exercising my orders and function) I resolved to take what as to a stranger and traveller for preaching or any other exercise might be offered unto me.

Thus with courage resolving to goe on still towards _England_, I enquired at _Carthago_ which way I might get to _Portobelo_. But this doore of hope was fast shut up; though my trust in Gods providence was not weakened. In this season, there came to _Carthago_ some two or three hundred Mules unsadled or unloaden with some _Spaniards, Indians_, and _Black-mores_, from the parts of _Comayagua_ and _Guatemala_ to convey them to _Panama_ by land, over the mountaines of _Veragua_ there to be sold. This is the yeerly and onely trading by land, which _Guatemala, Comayagua_, and _Nicaragua_, hath with _Panama_ over that narrow _Isthmus_ lying between the North, and South sea, which is very dangerous by reason of the craggy waies, rockes, and mountaines, but more especially, by reason of many Heathens, Barbarians and savage people, which as yet are not conquered by the _Spaniards_, and sometimes do great hurt and mischief, and kill those that with Mules passe through their Countrey, especially if they misdemean themselves, or please them not well. Yet for all these difficulties, I was entertaining a thought to go along with those Mules and _Spaniards_, which were now on their way by land to _Panama_. The three _Spaniards_ were halfe of the same mind; but the providence of God who better ordereth and disposeth mans affaires then he himselfe, disappointed these our thoughts for our good and safety, as after we were informed; for we heard for certain at _Nicoya_, that some of those Mules and _Spaniards_ were killed by the _Barbarians_ and savage _Indians_, amongst whom my life might have been lost, if I had attempted that hard and dangerous journey; from which many well wishers at _Carthago_ did disswade me, both for the danger of the _Indians_, and for the difficulties of the waies and mountaines, which they told me the weakenesse of my body would never indure. After we had wholly desisted from this Land journey, the best counsell, that we had from some Merchants our friends, was to try whether _Mar del Zur_, or the South sea, would favour our designe and journey, better then the _Mar del Norte_, or the North sea had done; who wished us to goe to _Nicoya_, and from thence to _Chira_, and to the _Golfo de Salinas_, where they doubted not but we should find shipping to _Panama_. Wee were willing to follow any good advise and counsell; yet we knew that this was the last shift which we could make, and the _non plus ultra_ of our hopes, and that if here we should be disappointed, we could expect no other way ever to get to _Panama_, except we should venture our lives most desperately over the mountaines of _Veragua_, and by land without any guide or company through the Countrey of the Barbarians, (who before had slaine some _Spaniards_ passing that way) or else should returne againe, all the way that we had come, to _Realejo_, where our hopes might be frustrated, and peradventure no shipping found for _Panama_, without a yeers waiting for it.

We resolved therefore to follow this our friends counsell, and to goe yet to _Nicoya_, and from thence to _Golfo de Salinas_, where laughing, I told the three _Spaniards_ of my company, that if we were disappointed, we would like _Hercules_ set up a Pillar to eternize our fame, with our names, and this inscription upon it, _Non plus Ultra_, for that beyond it there was no other Port, Haven, or place, to take shipping to _Panama_; neither could any man have done more (nor ever did any _English_ man in that Countrey doe more then my selfe) then wee had done, but especially my selfe, who from _Mexico_ had thus travelled by land to _Nicoya_ at lead six hundred leagues, or eighteen hundred _English_ miles straight from North to South, besides what I had travelled from _Vera Cruz_ to _Mexico_, and from _Guatemala_ to _Vera Paz_, and to _Puerto de Cavallos_, or _Golfo dulce_, and from thence to _Truxillo_, and from thence back againe to _Guatemala_, which was at least thirteen or fourteen hundred _English_ miles more, which I thought to eternize upon a pillar at _Nicoya_. But what there was not erected, I hope here shall be eternized, and that this my true and faithfull History shall bee a Monument of three thousand, and three hundred miles travelled by an _English_ man, within the main land of _America_, besides other sea navigations to _Panama_, from _Portobel_ to _Carthagena_, and from thence unto the _Havana_. The way which we travelled from _Carthago_ to _Nicoya_ was very mountainous, hard, & unpleasant, for we met with few Estancia's of _Spaniards_, and few _Indian_ Towns, and those very poor, smal, and all of dejected and wretched people. Yet _Nicoya_ is a pretty Towne, and head of a _Spanish_ government, where wee found one _Justo de Salazar_, Alcalde Maior, who entertained us very well, and provided lodgings for us for the time that wee should abide there, and comforted us with hopeful words, that though for the present there was no ship or frigat in the Golfe of _Salinas_, yet he doubted not, but very shortly one would come from _Panama_ thither, for Salt and other commodities, as yeerly they were wont. The time of the yeer when we came thither, was a fit time for me to get againe some monies after my great losse; for it was in Lent which is the Friers chiefest harvest, who (as I have before observed) then by Confessions and by giving the Communion get many money offerings.

The time, and the Franciscan Frier who had the Pastorship and charge of that Towne, were both very commodious unto me, who could not refuse as long as I stayed there to exercise my function, lest I should bring a just cause of suspition and aspersion upon my selfe. The Frier of the Towne was a _Portingal_, who about three weeks before my comming thither had had a very great bickering and strife with _Justo de Salazar_ the Alcalde Maior, for defending the _Indians_, whom _Salazar_ did grievously oppresse, employing them in his, and his wifes service as slaves, and not paying them what for the sweat of their browes was due unto them, and commanding them to be from their home and from their wives, and from their Church upon the Sabbath, working for him as well that day as any other. Which the Frier not enduring, charged them in the pulpit, not to obey any such unlawfull commands from their Alcalde Maior. But _Justo de Salazar_ (who had been trained up in warres and fighting, and had served formerly in the Castle of _Milan_) thought it a great disparagement unto him, now to be curbed by a Frier, and by such a one to be interrupted in his government of the _Indians_, and in the waies of his owne lucre and gaine. Therefore after many bitter words and defiances, which had passed between him and the Frier, he came one day resolutely to the Friers house with his sword drawne; and certainly had not the Frier been assisted by some of the _Indians_, he had killed him. The Frier being as hot as he, and standing upon his calling, Orders, and Preisthood, presuming that hee durst not touch him violently, lest his priviledge should bring an excommunication upon the striker and offendour, would not flie from him, but dared him boldly; which was a strong provocation to _Salazars_ heat and passion, and caused him to lift up his sword, and aime his blow and stroke at the Frier, which fell so unhappily that with it he strucke of two of the Friers fingers, and had undoubtedly seconded another blow more hurtfull and dangerous to the Frier, had not the _Indians_ interposed themselves, and shut up their Preist into his chamber. _Justo_ was for this action excommunicated, yet for that he was a man of high authority, he soone got off his excommunication from the Bishop of _Costarica_ and sent his complaint to the Chancery of _Guatemala_ against the Frier, where with friends and mony he doubted not but to overcome the Mendicant Preist, as it happened after; for (as I was informed) hee caused the Frier to be sent for up to the Court, and there prevailed so much against him, that he got him to be removed from _Nicoya_. In this season the Frier kept his house and chamber, and would by no means goe out to the Church, either to say Masse, or to preach, or hear Confessions, (all which that time of the yeer did require of him) but had got one to helpe him; who alone not being able to performe so great a charge of many hundred _Indians, Spaniards, Black-mores_, and _Mulatto's_, who from the Countrey without, and from the Towne within expected to have their Confessions heard, their sins absolved, the word preached, and the Communion to be given them; hearing of my comming desired me to assist and helpe him, and that for my paines I should have my meat and drinke at his table, and a Crowne daily for every Masse, and whatsoever else the people should voluntarily offer, besides the Sermons, which should be well rewarded unto me. I staied in this Towne from the second week of Lent untill Easter weeke, where what with three Sermons at ten Crownes a peece, what with my daily stipend and many other offerings, I got about an hundred and fifty Crownes.

The weeke before Easter newes came of a frigat from _Panama_ to _Golfo de Salinas_, which much comforted us, who already began to mistrust the delay. The Master of the frigat came to _Nicoya_, which is as Court thereabouts; and with him the three _Spaniards_ and my selfe agreed for our passage to _Panama_. About _Chira, Golfo de Salinas_, and _Nicoya_, there are some farmes of _Spaniards_, few and very small _Indian_ Townes, who are all like slaves employed by the Alcalde Maior, to make him a kind of thred called Pita, which is a very rich Commodity in _Spain_, especially of that colour wherewith it is dyed in these parts of _Nicoya_, which is a purple colour; for the which the _Indians_ are here much charged to work about the Sea shore, and there to finde out certain shels, wherewith they make this purple dye.

There are also shels for other colours, which are not knowne to be so plentifully in any other place as here. About _Chira_ and _Golfo de Salinas_ the chief commodities are Salt, Hony, Maiz, some Wheat and Fowles, which every yeer they send by some few Frigats to _Panama_, which from thence come on purpose to fetch them with this purple coloured thred, or _Pita_, which I have spoken of. The Frigat which came when I was there, was soon laden with these Commodities, and with it we set out hoping to have been at _Panama_ within five or six dayes. But as often before we had been crossed, so likewise in this short passage wee were striving with the Wind, Sea, and Corrientes, as they are called (which are swift streames as of a River) foure full weekes. After the first day that wee set out, wee were driven with a wind and storme towards _Peru_, till wee came under the very Æquinoctiall line, where what with excessive heat, what with mighty stormes, we utterly despaired of life. But after one week that we had thus run towards death, it pleased God in whom and by whom all creatures live, move, and have their being, to comfort us againe with hopes of life, sending us a prosperous gale, which drove us out of that Æquinoctiall heat, and stormy Sea, towards the Islands of _Perlas_ and _Puerta de Chame_, lying on the South side of the Mountaines of _Veragua_, from whence wee hoped within two dayes at the most, to be at rest and Anchor at _Panama_. But yet these our hopes were frustrated, for there our wind was calmed, and we fell upon those strong Corrientes or streams, which drave us back in the night for the space of almost a fortnight as much as wee had sailed in the day. Had not God againe been merciful here unto us, we had certainly perished in this our striving with the stream; for although wee wanted not provision of food, yet our drink failed us so, that for foure dayes wee tasted neither drop of wine or water, or any thing that might quench our thirst, save onely a little hony which wee found did cause more thirst in us, which made mee and some others to drink our own Urine, and to refresh our mouthes with peeces of lead bullets, which did for a while refresh, but would not long have sufficed Nature, had not Gods good Providence sent us such a wind which in the day drave us quite off from those Corrientes. Our first thoughts were then to strike either to the Continent, or some Island of many which were about us to seek for water, finding our bodies weak and languishing; which the Captaine of the Ship would by no meanes yeeld unto, assuring us that that day hee would land us at _Panama_; but wee not being able to saile on without drink, unlesse wee should yeeld to have our dead and not live bodies landed where hee promised, thought it no good purchase though we might buy all _Panama_ with our lives, which wee judged could not hold out another day; and seeing that the wind began to slacken, we all required him to strike into some Island for water; which he stubbornly refused and denyed to doe; whereupon the three _Spaniards_ and some of the Mariners mutinied against him with drawn Swords, threatning to kill him if he betooke not himselfe presently to some Island. The good Master thought it bad sport to see Swords at his breast, and so commanded his Ship to bee turned to two or three Islands, which were not above two or three houres sail from us. When we drew nigh unto them, wee cast our Anchor, and our Cock-boat, and happy was hee that could first cast himself into it to be rowed to land to fill his belly with water. The first Island wee landed upon, was on that side unhabitable, where wee spent much time running to and fro, over heating our selves and increasing our thirst; thus whilst one ran one way, and another tryed another to find out some fountain, our hopes being frustrated and I lost in the Wood, and my shooes torne from my feet, with stony rocks, and many thornes and bushes in other places; my company betook themselves to the Cock-boat to try another Island, leaving mee alone, and lost in the Wood; out of which at last when I came, and found the Cock-boat gone from the shore, I began to consider myself a dead man, thinking that they had found water and were gone to Ship, and not finding mee would hoise up their sailes for _Panama_. Thus being dejected I cryed out to the Ship, which I perceived could not possibly hear my weak voyce, and running up and down the Rocks to see if I could discover the Cock-boat, I perceived it was not with the Ship, and espied it at the next Island. With this I began to hope better things of them that they would call for mee when they had gotten water; so I came down from the Rocks to the plain shore, where I found a shade of trees and amongst them some berries (which might have been poison, for I knew them not) wherewith I refreshed my mouth for a while; but my body so burned that I thought there with heat, weaknesse and faintnesse I should have expired and given up the Ghost. I thought by stripping my selfe naked and going into the Sea unto my neck, I might thus refresh my body, which I did, and comming out againe into the shade, I fell into a deep sleep, in so much that the Cock-boat comming for mee, and the company hollowing unto mee, I awaked not, which made them feare that I was dead or lost; till landing, one searched for mee one way, and another another, and so they found me, who might have been a prey to some wild Beast, or slept till the Frigat had gone away, and so have perished in a barren and unhabitable Island. When they awaked mee, I was glad to see my good company, and the first thing I enquired for, was, if they had got any water; they bad mee bee of good cheere and arise, for they had water enough, and Oranges and Lemmons from another Island, where they met with _Spaniards_ that did inhabit it. I made haste with them to the Boat, and no sooner was I entred into it, but they gave mee to drink as much as I would. The water was warme and unsetled, for they could not take it up so but that they tooke of the gravell and bottome of the Fountain, which made it look very muddy; yet for all this (as though my life had depended upon it) I drank up a whole pot of it; which no sooner had I dranke, but such was the weaknesse of my stomack that it presently cast it up againe not being able to beare it. With this they wished me to eat an Orange or a Lemmon; but them also did my stomack reject; so to our Frigat wee went, and in the way I fainted so that the company verily thought I would die, before wee got aboard. When wee came thither I called againe for water, which was no sooner downe my stomack, but presently up again; they had mee to bed with a burning Feaver upon mee; where I lay that night expecting nothing but death, and that the Sea should bee my grave.

The Master of the Ship seeing the wind was turned, began to bee much troubled, and feared that with that wind he should never get to _Panama_. He resolved to venture upon a way, which never before hee had tryed; which was, to get between the two Islands which wee had searched for water, knowing that the wind, which on this side was contrary, on the other side of the Islands would bee favourable unto him. Thus towards the Evening hee tooke up Anchor and hoised up his sailes, and resolved to passe his Frigat between the two Islands; which how dangerous and desperate an attempt it was, the event witnessed. I lay in this season (as I may truely say) upon my death bed, not regarding which way the Master of the Ship, or fortune carried mee, so that the mercy of the Lord carryed my soule to heaven. No sooner had the Frigat steered her course between the narrow passage of the two Islands, when being carryed with the stream too much to the one side of the land it ran upon a Rock; so that the very stern was lifted up, and almost call out of the Pilots hands, who cryed out not to God, but unto the Virgin _Mary_ saying, _Ayudad nos Virgen Santissima, que si no aqui nos perecemos_, help us, O most holy Virgin, for if not, here we perish. This, and the outcry of all that were in the Frigat gave unto mee an Alarm of death; from the which yet it pleased God by the meanes and diligence of the painefull Mariners to deliver mee and all the Company, for with much adoe most part of that night they haled from the Cock-boat the Frigat off from the Rock, after the streame had made it three severall times to strike upon it. After a very troublesome night in the morning wee got our little Ship out of all danger and from between the two Islands on the other side of them, where wee sailed prosperously towards _Panama_. That morning my stomack recovered some of its lost strength, and I began to eat and to drink, and to walk about, rejoycing much to see those pleasant Islands which wee sailed by. In the Evening wee got to _Puerto de Perico_; where wee cast Anchor, expecting to bee searched in the morning; but that night (the Master of our Ship having gone to shore) the wind turned and blew so strong that wee lost our Anchor, and and were driven back almost to _la Pacheque_ and feared wee should bee carried out into the Ocean againe so farre that we should with great difficulty get to _Panama_. But that God whom the Sea and winds doe obey, turned againe that contrary wind into a prosperous gale, wherewith wee came once more unto _Perico_; and being searched wee went on with full sail to _Panama_; Being neere the Port and without an Anchor in our Ship the wind once more blew us back and had not the Ship Master sent us an Anchor, we had gon againe to _Pacheque_ or further. But with that anchor we stayed all that night at _Perico_, wondring among our selves that so many crosses should befall us, which made some say that we were bewitched; others, that certainly there was amongst us some excommunicated person, whom they said if they knew of, they would hurle him over bord. Whilst they were in this discourse, the wind turned yet againe, and we levying our anchor went on to _Panama_, whither it pleased God that time safely to conduct us in. I being now well strengthened made no stay in that frigat, which I thought would have been my last abiding place in this world, but went to land, and betooke my selfe to the Cloister of the Dominicans, where I stayed almost fifteen daies viewing and reviewing that City; which is governed like _Guatemala_ by a President and six Judges, and a Court of Chancery, and is a Bishops sea. It hath more strength towards the South sea, then any other Port which on that side I had seen, and some Ordnances planted for the defence of it; but the houses are of the least strength of any place that I had entred in; for lime and stone is hard to come by, and therefore for that reason, and for the great heat there, most of the houses are built of timber and bords; the Presidents house, nay the best Church walls are but bords, which serve for stone and bricke, and for tiles to cover the top. The heat is so extraordinary that a linnen cut doublet, with some slight stuffe or taffetie breeches is the common cloathing of the inhabitants. Fish, fruits and herbage for sallets is more plentifull there then flesh; the coole water of the Coco is the womens best drinke, though Chocolatte also, and much wine from _Peru_ be very abounding. The _Spaniards_ are in this City much given to sinne, loosenesse and venery especially, who make the _Black-mores_, (who are many, rich, and gallant) the chiefe objects of their lust. It is held to be one of the richest places in all _America_, having by land and by the river _Chiagre_ commerce with the North sea, and by the South, trading with all _Peru, East-India's, Mexico_, and _Honduras_. Thither is brought the chiefe treasure of _Peru_ in two or three great ships, which lie at anchor at _Puerto de Perico_ some three leagues from the City; for the great ebbing of the sea at that place especially suffereth not any great vessell to come neerer, where daily the sea ebbs and falls away from the City two or three miles, leaving a mud, which is thought to cause much unhealthinesse in that place, being seconded with many other muddy and moorish places about the Town. It consisteth of some five thousand inhabitants, and maintaineth at least eight Cloisters of Nuns and Friers. I feared much the heats, and therefore made as much haste out of it as I could. I had my choice of company by land and water to _Portobelo_. But considering the hardnesse of the mountaines by land, I resolved to goe by the river _Chiagre_; and so at midnight I set out from _Panama_ to _Venta de Cruzes_, which is ten or twelve leagues from it. The way is thither very plaine for the most part, and pleasant in the morning and evening.

Before ten of the clock we got to _Venta de Cruzes_, where live none but _Mulatto's_ and _Black-mores_, who belong unto the flat boates that carry the merchandize to _Portobel_. There I had very good entertainment by that people, who desired me to preach unto them the next Sabbath day, and gave me twenty Crownes for a Sermon, and procession. After five daies of my abode there, the boats set out, which were much stopped in their passage downe the river; for in some places we found the water very low, so that the boats ran upon the gravell; from whence with poles and the strength of the _Black-mores_ they were to be lifted off againe; sometimes again we met with such streams that carried us with the swiftnesse of an arrow downe under trees and boughes by the river side, which sometimes also stopped us till we had cut downe great branches of trees. Had not it pleased God to send us after the first weeke plentifull raine, which made the water run downe from the mountaines and fill the river (which otherwise of it selfe is very shallow) we might have had a tedious and longer passage; but after twelve daies we got to the sea, and at the point landed at the Castle to refresh our selves for halfe a day. Certainly the _Spaniards_ trust to the streames and shallownesse of that river, which they thinke will keep off any forain nation, from attempting to come up to _Venta de Cruzes_ and from thence to _Panama_, or else they would strengthen more and fortifie that Castle, which in my time wanted great reparations, and was ready to fall downe to the ground. The Governour of the Castle was a notable wine-bibber, who plyed us with that liquor the time that we stayed there, and wanting a Chaplain for himselfe, and Souldiers, would faine have had me stayed with him; but greater matters called me further, and so I tooke my leave of him, who gave us some dainties of fresh meat, fish, and conserves, and so dismissed us. We got out to the open sea, discovering first the _Escudo de Veragua_, and keeping somewhat close unto the land we went on rowing towards _Portobel_, till the evening which was Saturday night; then we cast anchor behind a little Island, resolving in the morning to enter in _Portobel_. The _Black-mores_ all that night kept watch for fear of _Hollanders_, whom they said did often lie in wait thereabouts for the boats of _Chiagre_; but we passed the night safely, and next morning got to _Portobelo_, whose haven we observed to be very strong with two Castles at the mouth and constant watch within them, and another called _St. Miguel_ further in the Port.

When I came into the Haven I was sorry to see that as yet the Galeons were not come from _Spaine_, knowing that the longer I stayed in that place, greater would be my charges. Yet I comforted my selfe that the time of the yeer was come, and that they could not long delay their coming. My first thoughts were of taking up a lodging, which at that time were plentifull and cheape, nay some were offered me for nothing with this caveat, that when the Galeons did come, I must either leave them, or pay a dear rate for them. A kind Gentleman, who was the Kings Treasurer, falling in discourse with me promised to helpe me, that I might be cheaply lodged even when the ships came, and lodgings were at the highest rate. Hee, interposing his authority, went with me to seeke one, which at the time of the fleets being there, might continue to be mine. It was no bigger then would containe a bed, a table, and a stoole or two, with roome enough besides to open and shut the doore, and they demanded of me for it during the foresaid time of the Fleet, sixcore Crownes, which commonly is a fortnight. For the Towne being little, and the Souldiers, that come with the Galeons for their defence at least four or five thousand; besides Merchants from _Peru_, from _Spain_ and many other places to buy and sell, is the cause that every roome, though never so small be dear; and sometimes all the lodgings in the Towne are few enough for so many people, which at that time doe meet at _Portobel_. I knew a Merchant who gave a thousand Crownes for a shop of reasonable bignesse, to sell his wares and commodities that yeer that I was there, for fifteen daies only, which the Fleet continued to be in that Haven. I thought it much for me to give the sixcore Crownes which were demanded of me for a room, which was but as a mouse hole, and began to be troubled, and told the Kings Treasurer that I had been lately robbed at sea, and was not able to give so much, and bee besides at charges for my diet, which I feared would prove as much more. But not a farthing would be abated of what was asked; whereupon the good Treasurer pitying me, offered to the man of the house to pay him threescore Crowns of it, if so be that I was able to pay the rest, which I must doe, or else lie without in the street. Yet till the Fleet did come I would not enter into this deare hole, but accepted of another faire lodging which was offered me for nothing. Whilest I thus expected the Fleets coming, some mony and offerings I got for Masses, and for two Sermons which I preached at fifteen Crownes a peece. I visited the Castles, which indeed seemed unto me to be very strong; but what most I wondred at was to see the requa's of Mules which came thither from _Panama_, laden with wedges of silver; in one day I told two hundred Mules laden with nothing else, which were unladen in the publicke Market place, so that there the heapes of silver wedges lay like heaps of stones in the street, without any feare or suspition of being lost. Within ten daies the fleet came, consisting of eight Galeons and ten Merchant ships, which forced me to run to my hole. It was a wonder then to see the multitude of people in those streets which the weeke before had been empty.

Then began the price of all things to rise, a fowl to be worth twelve Rials, which in the main land within I had often bought for one; a pound of beefe then was worth two Rialls, whereas I had had in other places thirteen pound for half a Riall, and so of all other food and provision, which was so excessive dear, that I knew not how to live but by fish and Tortoises, which there are very many, and though somewhat deare, yet were the cheapest meat that I could eate. It was worth seeing how Merchants sold their commodities, not by the Ell or yard, but by the piece and weight, not paying in coined peeces of mony, but in wedges which were weighed and taken for commodities. This lasted but fifteen dayes, whilst the Galeons were lading with wedges of silver and nothing else; so that for those fifteen daies, I dare boldly say and avouch, that in the world there is no greater Fair then that of _Portobel_, between the _Spanish_ Merchants and those of _Peru, Panama_, and other parts thereabouts.

Whilest this traffique was, it happened unto me, that which I have formerly testified in my Recantation Sermon at _Pauls_ Church, which if by that meanes it have not come unto the knowledge of many, I desire again to record it in this my History, that to all _England_ it may be published; which was, that one day saying Masse in the chiefe Church, after the Consecration of the bread, being with my eyes shut at that mentall prayer, which the Church of _Rome_ calleth the _Memento_ for their dead, there came from behind the Altar a mouse, which running about, came to the very bread or wafer God of the Papists, and taking it in his mouth ran away with it, not being perceived by any of the people who were at Masse, for that the Altar was high by reason of the steps going up to it, and the people farre beneath. But as soone as I opened my eyes to goe on with my Masse, and perceived my God stollen away, I looked about the Altar, and saw the mouse running away with it; which on a suddain did so stupifie me, that I knew not well what to doe or say, and calling my wits together, I thought that if I should take no notice of the mischance, and any body else in the Church should, I might justly be questioned by the Inquisition; but if I should call to the people to look for the Sacrament, then I might bee but chid and rebuked for my carelessenesse; which of the two I thought would be more easily borne, then the rigour of the Inquisition. Whereupon not knowing what the people had seen, I turned my selfe unto them, and called them unto the Altar, and told them plainely, that whilest I was in my _Memento_ prayers and meditations, a mouse had carried away the Sacrament, and that I knew not what to doe, unlesse they would helpe me to find it out again. The people called a Priest that was at hand, who presently brought in more of his Coat; and as if their God by this had been eaten up they presently prepared themselves to find out the thief, as if they would eat up the mouse that had so assaulted and abused their God; they lighted candles and torches to find out the Malefactour in his secret and hidden places of the wall; and after much searching and enquiry for the sacrilegious beast, they found at last in a hole of the wall the Sacrament halfe eaten up; which with great joy they took out, and as if the Arke had been brought again from the _Philistines_ to the _Israelites_, so they rejoyced for their new found God, whom with many people now resorted to the Church, with many lights of candles and Torches, with joyfull and solemne musicke they carried about the Church in procession. My selfe was present upon my knees, shaking and quivering for what might be done unto mee, and expecting my doome and judgement; and as the Sacrament passed by me, I observed in it the markes and signes of the teeth of the mouse, as they are to bee seen in a piece of cheese gnawne and eaten by it.

This struck mee with such horrour, that I cared not at that present whether I had been torne in a thousand peices for denying publickely that Mouse-eaten God, I called to my best memory all Philosophy concerning substance and accidents, and resolved within my selfe that what I saw gnawne, was not an accident, but some reall substance eaten and devoured by that vermin, which certainly was fed and nourished by what it had eaten, and Philosophy well teacheth; _substantia Cibi (non accidentis) convertitur in substantiam alii_, the substance (not the accident,) of the food or meat is converted, and turned into the substance of the thing fed by it and alimented; Now here I knew that this Mouse had fed upon some substance, or else how could the markes of the teeth so plainely appeare? But no Papist will bee willing to answer that it fed upon the substance of Christs Body, _ergo_ by good consequence it followes that it fed upon the substance of bread; and so Transubstantiation here in my judgement was confuted by a Mouse; which meane and base creature God chose to convince mee of my former errours, and made mee now resolve upon what many yeeres before I had doubted, that certainly the point of Transubstantiation taught by the Church of _Rome_ is most damnable and erroneous; for besides, what before I have observed, it contradicteth that Philosophicall Axiome, teaching that _duo contradictoria non possunt simul & semel de eodem verificari_, two contradictories cannot at once and at the self same time be said, and verified of the same thing; but here it was so; for here in _Romes_ Judgement and opinion Christs body was gnawne and eaten, and at the same time the same body in another place and upon another Altar in the hands of another Preist was not eaten and gnawne, Therefore here are two contradictories verified of the same body of Christ: to wit, it was eaten and gnawne, and it was not eaten and gnawne. These impressions at that time were so great in me, that I resolved within my selfe, that bread really and truely was eaten upon that Altar, and by no meanes Christs glorious body which is in heaven, and cannot be upon earth, subject to the hunger or violence of a creature. Here againe I desired with godly _David_, that I might have the wings of a Dove to flie into my Country of _England_, and there be satisfied upon this point, and be at rest of Conscience. Here I resolved that if I had been questioned for my carelessenesse, or for my contempt of that Romish Sacrament (which I thought would be the judgement of the _Spaniards_, who knew me to be an _English_ man borne) that I would sacrifice willingly my life for the Protestant truth, which as yet I had been no otherwise taught, but by that Spirit which (as _Solomon_ well observeth) in a man is the candle of the Lord. I conceived here that this was some comfort to my soule, which my good God would afford mee in the way of my travelling to _Canaan_, that I might more willingly beare whatsoever crosses yet might befall mee in my way and Journey to _England_. The event of this accident was not any trouble that fell upon mee for it; for indeed the _Spaniards_ attributed it unto the carelessnesse of him, who had care of the Altars in the Church, and not to any contempt in mee to the Sacrament. The part of the wafer that was left after the Mouse had filled her belly, was laid up after the Solemne Procession about the Church, in a Tabernacle for that purpose, that afterwards it might be eaten up by some hungry Preist. And because such a high contempt had beene offered by a contemptible Vermin to their Bread God, it was commanded through _Portabel_ that day, that all the people should humble themselves and mourn, and fast with bread and water onely. Although I saw I was not questioned for the case, yet I feared where there were so many Souldiers, and forain people, that by some or other I might bee mischiefed out of their blind zeale, wherefore I thought it not amisse for a day or two to keepe within my lodging. _Don Carlos de Ybarra_, who was the Admirall of that Fleet, made great haste to bee gone; which made the Merchants buy and sell apace, and lade the ships with silver wedges; whereof I was glad, for the more they laded, the lesse I unladed my purse with buying deare provision, and sooner I hoped to be out of that unhealthy place, which of it selfe is very hot, and subject to breed Feavers, nay death, if the feet bee not preserved from wetting when it raineth; but especially when the Fleet is there, it is an open grave ready to swallow in part of that numerous people, which at that time resort unto it, as was seene the yeare that I was there when about five hundred of the Souldiers, Merchants, and Mariners, what with Feavers, what with the Flux caused by too much eating of fruit and drinking of water, what with other disorders lost their lives, finding it to bee to them not _Porto bello_, but _Porto malo_. And this is usuall every yeare; and therefore for the reliefe and comfort of those that come sick from Sea, or sicken there, a great and rich Hospitall is in the Towne, with many Fryers called _De la Capacha_, or by others _De Juan de Dios_, whose calling and profession is onely to cure, and attend upon the sick, and to beare the dead unto their graves. The Admirall fearing the great sicknesse that yeare, made haste to be gone, not fearing the report that was of some three or four _Holland_ or _English_ ships abroad at Sea, waiting (as it was supposed) for some good prize out of that great and rich Fleet. This news made mee beginne to feare, and to thinke of securing my selfe in one of the best and strongest Galeons; but when I came to treat of my passage in one of them, I found that I could not bee carryed in any under three hundred Crownes, which was more then my purse was able to afford. With this I thought to addresse my self to some Master of a Merchants ship, though I knew I could not bee so safe and secure in any of them, as in a Galeon well manned and fortified with Souldiers, and Guns of Brasse; yet I hoped in God, who is a strong refuge to them that feare him, and in this occasion provided for mee, a cheap and sure passage. For meeting one day with my friend the Treasurer, hee againe pitying me as a stranger and lately robbed, commended me to the Master of a Merchant Ship, called St. _Sebastian_, whom hee knew was desirous to carry a Chaplaine with him at his own Table. I no sooner addressed my selfe unto him, using the name and favour of his and my friend the Treasurer, but presently I found him willing to accept of my company, promising to carry me for nothing, and to board mee at his own Table, onely for my prayers to God for him and his; offering farther to give mee some satisfaction for whatsoever Sermons I should preach in his Ship. I blessed God, acknowledging in this also his Providence, who in all occasions furthered my returne to _England_. The Ships being laden wee set forth towards _Carthagena_, and the second day of our sayling wee discovered foure Ships which made the Merchant Ships afraid, and to keepe close to the Galeons, trusting to their strength more then their own. The Ship I was in, was swift and nimble under sail, and kept still under the wings either of the Admirall or of some other of the best Galeons; but all the other Merchants Ships were not so, but some slowly came on behind, whereof two were carryed away by the _Hollanders_ in the night, before ever wee could get to _Carthagena_.

The greatest feare that I perceived possessed the _Spaniards_ in this Voyage, was about the Island of _Providence_, called by them _Sta Catalina_, or St. _Catharine_, from whence they feared lest some _English_ Ships should come out against them with great strength. They cursed the _English_ in it, and called the Island, the den of theeves and Pirates, wishing that their King of _Spain_ would take some course with it; or else, that it would prove very prejudiciall to the _Spaniards_, lying neer the mouth of the _Desaguadero_, and so endangering the Frigats of _Granada_, and standing between _Portobel_ and _Carthagena_, and so threatning the Galeons, and their Kings yeerely and mighty treasure.

Thus with bitter invectives against the _English_ and the Island of _Providence_ we sayled on to _Carthagena_, where againe wee met with the foure Ships, which before had followed us and had taken away two of our Ships, and now at our entering into that Port, threatned to carry away more of our company; which they might have done, if they would have ventured to have come upon the Ship wherein I went, which at the turning about the land point to get into the Haven, ran upon the shore, which if it had been rocky, as it was sandy and gravelly, had certainly there beene cast away by keeping too neere unto the land, from which danger by the care of the Mariners, and their active paines we were safely delivered, as also from the ships which followed us as far as they durst for fear of the Cannon shot of the Castle; and thus we entered into the Haven of _Carthagena_, and stayed there for the space of eight or ten dayes; where I met with some of my Country men their Prisoners, who had been taken at Sea by the _Spaniards_, and belonged unto the Island of _Providence_; among whom was the Renowned Captaine _Rouse_, and about a dozen more, with whom I was glad to meet, but durst not shew them too much countenance, for feare of being suspected; yet I soon got the good will of some of them, who, being destined to _Spain_, were very desirous to goe in the ship, wherein I went; which desire of theirs I furthered, and was suiter unto my Captaine to carry foure of them in his ship, which for my sake he willingly yeelded unto; amongst these was one _Edward Layfield_, (who afterwards setting out of St. _Lucar_ for _England_, was taken Captive by the _Turkes_, and since from _Turkey_ writ into _England_ unto mee to helpe to release him) with whom both at _Carthagena_, and in the way in the ship I had great discourse concerning points of Religion, and by him came to know some things professed in _England_, which my conscience (whilst I lived in _America_) much inclined unto. I was much taken with his company, and found him very officious unto mee, whose kindnesse I requited by speaking for him in the ship to the Masters and Mariners, who otherwise were ready and forward to abuse him and the rest of the _English_ company as prisoners and slaves.

At _Carthagena_ wee heard a report of threescore saile of ships of _Hollanders_ waiting for the Galeons, which struck no little feare into the _Spaniards_; who called a councell whether our Fleet should winter there, or goe on to _Spain_. It proved to be but a false report of the Inhabitants of _Carthagena_, who for their own ends and lucre would willingly have had the ships and Galeons to have stayed there; but _Don Carlos de Ybarra_ replyed, that hee feared not a hundred saile of _Hollanders_, and therefore would goe on to _Spain_, hoping to carry thither safely the Kings treasure. Which hee performed and in eight dayes arrived at _Havana_, where we stayed eight dayes longer, expecting the Fleet from _Vera Cruz_. In which time I viewed wel that strong Castle manned with the twelve Guns, called the twelve Apostles, which would doe little hurt to an Army by land, or marching from the River of _Matansos_. I visited here the mother of that Mulatto, who had taken away all my meanes at Sea; and spent much time in comforting my poore Country men the prisoners; but especially that gallant Captaine _Rouse_, who came unto mee to complaine of some affronts which had been offered unto him by _Spaniards_, in the ship wherein he came; which hee not being able to put up, though a Prisoner unto them desired to question in the field, challenging his proud contemners to meet him if they durst in any place of the Havana, (a brave courage in a dejected and Imprisoned _English_ man to challenge a _Spaniard_ in his Country, a Cock upon his own dunghill,) which as soone as I understood by _Edward Layfield_, I desired to take up, fearing that many would fall upon him cowardly and mince him small in peices. I sent for him to the Cloister where I lay, and there had conference with him, prevailing so far as that I made him desist from his thoughts of going into the field, and shewing his manhood in such a time and place, where his low condition of a Prisoner might well excuse him. The rest of my poore country men were here much discouraged and in some want; whom I relieved (especially _Layfield_) and incouraged as much as I was able. I chanced here to have occasion to take a little physick before I went again to Sea, & thereby I learned what before I never knew, to wit, the dyet which on such a day the best Physitians of _Havana_ prescribe unto their patients. Whereas after the working of my physick, I expected some peece of Mutton, or a fowl, or some other nourishing meat, my Physitian left order that I should have a peece of rosted Porke, which seeming unto mee a Dyet contrary to that daies extremity, I began to refuse it, alleadging to my Doctor the contrary course of all Nations, the naturall quality of that meat to open the body. To which he replyed, that what Porke might worke upon mans body in other Nations, it worked not there, but the contrary; and so he wished me to feed upon what hee had prescribed, assuring mee that it would doe mee no hurt. Now as Hogs flesh there is held to be so nourishing, so likewise no other meat is more then it, and Tortoises, wherewith all the ships make their provision for _Spain_. The Tortoises they cut out in long thin slices, as I have noted before of the Tassajos, and dry it in the wind after they have well salted it, and so it serveth the Mariners, in all their voyage to _Spain_, which they eate boyled with a little garlicke, and I have heard them say that to them it tasted as well as any Veale. They also take into their ships some fowles for the Masters and Captaines tables, and live hogs, which would seem to be enough to breed some infection in the ship, had they not care to wash often the place where such unclean beasts lie. In the ship where I was passenger, was killed every weeke one for the Masters, Pilots and passengers table. Thus all things being made ready for the ships provision to _Spain_, and the Merchants goods and the Kings Revenue being shipped in nine dayes that we abode there; we now wanted nothing, but onely the company of the Fleet from _Vera Cruz_, which should have met us there upon the eight day of _September_. But _Don Carlos de Ybarra_, seeing it stayed longer then the time appointed, and fearing the weather, & the New Moon of that moneth which commonly proveth dangerous in the Golf of _Bahama_, resolved to stay no longer, but to set out to _Spain_. On a Sabbath day therefore in the morning we hoised sails, (being in all seven and twenty ships with those which had met with us there from _Honduras_ and the Islands), and one by one we sailed out of Havana to the main Sea, where we that day wafted about for a good wind, and also waiting for our guide, which was not yet come out of the Havana to guide us through the Gulfe of _Bahama_. But that night wee wished our selves againe in the Havana, thinking that we were compassed about with a strong Fleet of _Hollanders_; many ships came amongst us, which made us provide for a fight in the morning. A Councell of War was called, and all that night watch was kept, the Guns prepared, red Clothes hung round the ships, Orders sent about both to the Galeons and to the Merchants ships what posture and place to bee in. That which I was in, was to attend the Admirall, which I hoped would bee a strong defence unto us; Our men were couragious and ready to fight, though I liked not such Martiall business and discourse; but for mee a place was prepared where I might lie hid, and be safe among some barrels of bisket; I had all the night enough to doe, to heare the confessions of those in the Ship, who thought they could not dye happily with the shot of a _Holland_ Bullet, untill they had confessed all their sinnes unto mee, who towards morning had more need of rest, then of fighting, after the wearying of my eares with hearing so many wicked, grievous and abominable sinnes. But the dawning of the day discovered our causelesse feare; which was from friends, and not from any enemies or _Hollanders_; for the ships which were joyned unto us in the night were as fearefull of us, as we of them, and prepared themselves likewise to fight in the morning, which shewed unto us their colours, whereby wee knew that they were the Fleet which wee expected from _Vera Cruz_ to goe along with us to _Spain_. They were two and twenty Sail, which little thought to find us out of the Havana, but within the Haven lying at Anchor, waiting for their comming, and therefore in the night feared us much more then wee them. But when the day cleared our doubts, feares and jealousies, then began the Martiall colours to be taken down; the joyfull sound of Trumpets with the helpe of Neptunes Kingdomes ecchoed from ship to ship, the boates carryed welcoming messages from one to another, the _Spanish_ Brindis with _buen Viaje, buen passaje_, was generally cried out, the whole morning was spent in friendly acclamations and salutations from ship to ship. But in the midst of this our joy, and Sea greetings, wee being now in all two and fifty Saile, (yet wee not knowing well how many they were from _Vera Cruz_, nor they how many wee were from the Havana) two ships were found amongst us, whether _English_ or _Hollanders_ wee could not well discover, but the _English_ Prisoners with mee told mee they thought one was a ship of _England_ called the _Neptune_, which having got the wind of us, singled out a ship of ours, which belonged to _Dunkerk_, and from St. _Lucar_ or _Cales_ had beene forced to the Kings service in that voyage to the _India's_, laden with sugars & other rich commodities to the worth of at least fourscore thousand Crowns; and suddainly giving her a whole broad side (receiving a reply onely of two Guns) made her yeeld, without any hope of help from so proud and mighty a Fleet, for that she was somewhat far straggled from the rest of the ships. The whole businesse lasted not above half an houre: but presently shee was carryed away from under our noses; the _Spaniards_ changed their merry tunes into _voto a dios_ and _voto a Christo_, in raging, cursing, & swearing, some reviling at the Captaine of the ship which was taken, and saying that he was false & yeelded on purpose without fighting, because he was forced to come that Voyage; others cursing those that tooke her, and calling them _bijos de puta, Borrachos, infames Ladrones_, Bastards, Drunkards, infamous theeves, and Pyrates; some taking their swords in their hands, as if they would there cut them in peeces, some laying hold of their Muskets as if they would there shoot at them, others stamping like mad men, and running about the ship, as if they would leap over board, and make haste after them; others grinning their teeth at the poore _English_ prisoners that were in the ship, as if they would stab them for what (they said) their Country men had done. I must needs say, I had enough to doe to hold some of those furious and raging brains from doing _Layfield_ some mischief, who more then the rest would bee smiling, arguing and answering their outragious nonsense. Order was presently given to the Vice-Admirall and two more Galeons to follow and pursue them; but all in vaine, for the wind was against them, and so the two ships laughing and rejoycing as much as the _Spaniards_ cursed and raged, sailed away _con Viento en Popa_, with full Sail, gallantly boasting with so rich a prize taken away from two and fifty ships, or (as I may say) from the chiefest, and greatest strength of _Spain_.

That afternoone the Fleet of _Vera Cruz_, tooke their leave of us, (not being furnished with Provision to goe on to _Spain_ with us,) and went into the Havana; and we set forwards towards _Europe_, fearing nothing for the present but the Gulfe of _Bahama_; through which wee got safely with the help and guidance of such Pilots, which our Admirall _Don Carlos_ had chosen, and hired for that purpose.

I shall not need to tell thee my Reader of the sight which wee had of St _Augustine, Florida_, nor of many stormes which we suffered in this Voyage, nor of the many degrees wee came under, which made us shake with cold more then the Frost of _England_ doe in the worst of winter; onely I say, that the best of our Pilots not knowing where they were, had like to have betrayed us all to the Rocks of _Bermuda_ one night, had not the breaking of the day given us a faire warning that we were running upon them. For which the _Spaniards_ in stead of giving God thankes for their delivery out of that danger, began againe to curse and rage against the _English_ which inhabited that Island, saying, that they had inchanted that and the rest of those Islands about, and did still with the devill raise stormes in those Seas when the _Spanish_ Fleet passed that way. From thence when wee had safely escaped, wee sailed well to the Islands called _Terceras_, where faine wee would have taken in fresh water, (for that which we had taken in at Havana now began to stink, and look yellow, making us stop our noses, whilst wee opened our mouthes,) but rigid _Don Carlos_ would not pity the rest of his Company, who led us by the Islands; and that night following wee all wished our selves in some harbour of them; for (though in their conceipt those Islands were not inchanted by _English_ men, but inhabited by holy and Idolatrous Papists) wee were no sooner got from them, when there arose the greatest storme that wee had in all our voyage from _Havana_ to _Spain_, which lasted full eight dayes, where wee lost one Ship and indangered two Galeons, which shot off their warning peeces for helpe, and made us all stay and wait on them, till they had repaired their Tacklings and maine Mast. We went on sometimes one way, sometimes another, not well knowing where wee were, drinking our stinking water by allowance of pints, till three or foure dayes after the storme was ceased, wee discovered land, which made all cry out, _Hispania, Hispania, Spain, Spain_; whilst a Counsell was summoned by the Admirall to know what land that was, some sold away barrels of bisket, others of water, to those that wanted (every one thinking that it was some part of _Spain,_) but the result of the wise Counsell was, after they had sailed neerer to the land, and had layed and lost many wages about it, that it was the Island of _Madera_, which made some curse the ignorance of the Pilots, and made us all prepare our selves with patience for a longer voyage. It pleased God from the discovery of this Island, to grant us a favourable wind to _Spain_, where within twelve dayes we discovered _Cales_; and some of the ships there left us, but most of them went forward to _San Lucar_, as did the ship wherein I went; when wee came neere to the dangerous place, which the _Spaniards_ call _La Barra_, wee durst not venture our ships upon our Pilots own knowledge; but called for Pilots to guide us in, who greedy of their lucre came out in boats almost for every ship one. Upon the eight and twentyeth of _November_, 1637. we cast Anchor within St. _Lucar de Barameda_ about one of the clock in the afternoon, and before evening other passengers and my selfe went a shore (having first been searched) and although I might presently have gone to the Cloister of St. _Dominick_, where my old friend Fryer _Pablo de Londres_ was yet living, whom I knew would bee glad of my coming from the _India's_, yet I thought fit the first night to enjoy my friends company both _Spaniards_ and _English_, (who had come so long a voyage with me) in some Ordinary, and to take my rest better abroad then I should doe in a Cloister, where I expected but a poore Fryers supper, a hard and mean lodging, many foolish questions from old Fryer _Pablo de Londres_ concerning the _India's_, and my abode there so many yeeres, and finally the noise of Bells and ratlers to rouse up the drowsie Fryers from their sleep to Matines at midnight. That night therefore I betooke my selfe to an _English_ Ordinary, where I refreshed my selfe and my poore prisoners, (who by the Master of the ship were committed to my charge that night and forwards upon my word, so as to bee forth comming when they should bee called) and the next morning I sent my honest friend _Layfield_ with a letter to the Cloister to old _Pablo de Londres_, who upon my summons came joyfully to welcome mee from the _India's_, and after very little discourse told mee of ships in the Haven ready to set out for _England_. The old Fryer being of a decrepit and doting age, thought every day a yeere that I stayed there, and suspended my Voyage for _England_, and (not knowing the secrets of my heart) judged already that the Conversion or turning of many Protestant soules to Popery waited for my comming, which made him hasten mee, who was more desirous then hee to bee gone the next day, if I might have found wind, weather, and shipping ready. But God, who had been with me in almost ninety dayes sailing from _Havana_ to _San Lucar_, and had delivered mee from many a storme, prepared and furthered all things in a very short time for the last accomplishment of my hope and desire, to returne to _England_ my native soil, from whence I had been absent almost for the space of foure and twenty yeers.

My first thought here in St. _Lucar_, was to cast off now my Fryers weed, that outward sheepskin, which covers many a wolvish, greedy, and covetous heart under it; which doubtlesse is the ground, why in _Germany_ in the Protestant and _Lutheran_ towns, when the boyes and young men see a Fryer goe along their streets, they cry out to the neighbours, saying, a Wolfe, a Wolfe, shut your doores; meaning, that though what they weare seeme to bee _pellis ovina_, or _Agnina_, a sheep or Lambeskin and their condition of mortified, humble, and meek men, yet under it lyeth _cor Lupinum_, a Wolves heart, greedy of some prey, either worldly, of wealth and riches, or spirituall, of seducing, deceiving and misleading poore soules. Such was the habit, which now I desired to shake off, which was a white Coat or gown hanging to the ground girded about with a leathern belt, and over it from the shoulders downward a white Scapulary (so called there,) hanging shorter then the gown both before and behind, and over that a white hood to cover the head, and lastly, over that a black cloak with another black hood; both which together, the black and white make the Fryers of that profession look just like Mag-pies, and is acknowledged by the Church of _Rome_ it self in a verse which they faine of Mr. _Martin Luther_, (with what just ground I know not) saying of his former life and profession before his Conversion, _Bis Corvus, bis Pica fui, ter fune ligatus_. I was twice a Crow, twice a Magpie, and thrice was bound or tyed with a Cord; by a Crow meaning an Augustin Fryer, who is all in black; by a Magpie, meaning a Dominican, and by bound with a rope or cord, meaning a Franciscan, who indeed is girded about with a cord made of hempe. Though the Dominican Magpie by this his habit make such a glosse and understanding, which is contrary to his life and conversation; for by his outward black habit, hee saith, is signified an outward shew of deadnesse and Mortification to the world, and by his inward white habit, an inward purity and chastity of heart, thoughts and life; both which truely are little seen in those Fryers especially, who outwardly are worldly, and living to the world, covetous and ambitious of honours, preferments, Bishoprickes, and places of publique reading and preaching; and therefore have by favour obtained many places of authority, as by the laws of _Aragon_ to be the King of _Spain_ his Ghostly father, to bee Masters of the Popes Palace, and there to read a lesson of Divinity, to be chief heads of the Inquisition, and from these places to bee promoted to sit in the Councell of the State in _Spain_, or to bee Cardinals in _Rome_, and so Popes, or to injoy the richest and fattest Bishopricks and Arch-Bishopricks in _Spain, Italy_, and _India's_, which sheweth how little they are dead to the world, nay how they are living to the world and its preferments, contrary to the black and dead colour of their habits. So likewise doe they not live according to the whitenesse of their inward habits, whose lives are found impure and unchast, as I could exemplify at large, shewing what base and unclean acts have been committed by some of that profession in the Low Countries, in _Spain_, in the _India's_, in _Italy_, nay here in _England_ by one _Dade_ the Superior of them, by one _Popham_ well knowen to bee a good fellow, and still at this day abiding in the _Spanish_ house, by one _Crafts_ and others, which would bee too too long a digression from the whitenesse of their habit. But I applying the Allegory of this black and white habit otherwise unto my selfe, and in the outward black part of it seeing the foulenesse and filthinesse of my life and Idolatrous Preisthood in the exercise of that profession, and Orders which from _Rome_ I had received; and in the white inward habit considering yet the purity, and integrity of those intentions and thoughts of my inward heart, in pursuance whereof I had left what formerly I have noted, yea all _America_, which, had I continued in it, might have been to mee a Mine of wealth, riches and treasure; I resolved here therefore to cast off that hypocriticall cloak and habit, and to put on such Apparell whereby I might no more appeare a Wolfe in sheepskin, but might goe boldly to my Country of _England_, there to shew and make known the Candor of my heart, the purity and sincerity of my thoughts, which had brought mee so farre, by a publik profession of the pure truths of the Gospell, without any invention or addition of man unto it. With the small meanes therefore which was left mee after so long and almost a whole yeeres journey from _Petapa_ to St. _Lucar_ (having yet about a hundred Crownes) I gave order for a sute of Cloathes to bee made by an _English_ Taylor, which I willingly put on, and so prepared my self for _England_. Three or four ships were in readinesse, who had onely waited for the Fleet, to take in some Commodities, especially some wedges of silver, of which I was with old _Pablo de Londres_, in doubt which to choose. The first that went out was thought should have beene my lot, in the which my friend _Layfield_ imbarked him selfe (for all the _English_ prisoners were there freed to goe home to their Country) and from which the great providence of God diverted mee, or else I had beene this day with _Layfield_ a slave in _Turkey_; for the next day after this ship set out, it was taken by the _Turkes_, and carryed away for a rich prize, and all the _English_ in it for Prisoners to _Argell_. But God (who I hope had reserved mee for better things,) appointed for mee a safer convoy home in a ship (as I was informed) belonging to Sir _William Curtin_, under the command of an honest _Flemming_, named _Adrian Adrianzen_ living at _Dover_ then, with whom I agreed for my passage and dyet at his Table. This ship set out of the Barre of St. _Lucar_ the ninth day after my arrivall thither, where it waited for the company of foure ships more, but especially for some _Indian_ wedges of silver, which upon forfeiture of them it durst not take in within the Barre and Haven.

And thus being now cloathed after a new fashion and ready to lead a new life; being now changed from an _American_ into the fashion of an _English_ man, the tenth day after my abode in _San Lucar_, I bad adieu to _Spain_ and all _Spanish_ fashions, factions, and carriages, I bad farewell my old Fryer _Pablo de Londres_, with the rest of my acquaintance, and so in a boat went over the bar to the ship, which that night in company of foure more set forward for _England_. I might observe here many things of the goodnesse of _Adrian Adrianzen_, and his good carriage towards mee in his ship, which I will omit, having much more to observe of the goodnesse of God, who favoured this our voyage with such a prosperous wind, and without any storm at all, that in thirteen dayes wee came to _Dover_, where I landed, the ship going on to the _Downes_. Others that landed at _Margaret_ were brought to _Dover_, and there questioned and searched; but I, not speaking _English_, but _Spanish_, was not at all suspected, neither judged to be an _English_ man; and so after two dayes I tooke post in company of some _Spaniards_ and an _Irish_ Colonel, for _Canterbury_, and so forward to _Gravesend_. When I came to _London_, I was much troubled within my selfe for want of my Mother tongue, (for I could onely speak some few broken words) which made mee fearefull I should not bee accknowledged to bee an _English_ man born. Yet I thought my kinred (who knew I had beene many yeers lost) would some way or other acknowledge mee, and take notice of mee, if at the first I addressed my selfe unto some of them, untill I could better expresse my selfe in _English_. The first therefore of my name, whom I had notice of, was my Lady _Penelope Gage_, widow of Sir _John Gage_, then living in St. _Jones_; to whom the next morning after my arrivall to _London_, I addressed my selfe for the better discovery of some of my kinred; whom though I knew to bee Papists, and therefore ought not to be acquainted with my inward purpose and resolution; yet for feare of some want in the mean time, and that I might by their means practice my selfe in the use of my forgotten native tongue, and that I might enquire what Childs part had beene left me by my father, that I might learn some fashions, and lastly, that in the meane time, I might search into the Religion of _England_, and find how farre my conscience could agree with it, and bee satisfied in those scruples which had troubled mee in _America_, for all these reasons I thought it not amisse to looke and inquire after them. When therefore I came unto my Lady _Gage_, shee beleeved mee to bee her kinsman, but laughed at mee, telling mee, that I spake like an _Indian_ or _Welch_ man, and not like an _English_ man; yet shee welcomed mee home, and sent mee with a servant to a Brothers lodging in _Long Aker_, who being in the Country of _Surrey_, and hearing of mee sent horse and man for mee to come to keepe Christmas with an Uncle of mine living at _Gatton_; by whom as a lost and forgotten Nephew, and now after foure and twenty yeeres returned home againe, I was very kindly entertained, and from thence sent for to _Cheam_, to one Mr. _Fromand_ another kinsman, with whom I continued till after twelfth day, and so returned againe to _London_ to my brother.

Thus my good Reader, thou seest an _American_, through many dangers by Sea and Land, now safely arrived in _England_; and thou maiest well with mee observe the great and infinite goodnesse and mercy of God towards mee a wicked and wretched sinner. How I have answered to this Gods gracious calling mee from so farre and remote a Country, to doe him service here, I will shew thee in the Chapter following, and conclude this my long and tedious History.

CHAP. XXII.

_Shewing how, and for what causes, after I had arrived in_ England, _I tooke yet another Journey to_ Rome, _and other parts of_ Italy, _and returned againe to settle my selfe in this my Country._

Now Reader, as the stone that is falling, the neerer it cometh to its Center, more haste it maketh; So I the neerer I am coming to the conclusion of this my History, more haste I desire to make in this last Chapter, for the compleating and finishing of it. With brevity therefore I will relate some of my travels in _Europe_, in which I will yeeld to many of my Nation, but for _America_, and my travels and experience there, I dare boldly challenge all travellers of my Country. After my return to _London_, from _Surrey_, I began to expostulate with my younger Brother (knowing hee had been present at my Fathers death, and had a chief hand in the ordering and executing his last Will and Testament,) concerning what childs part was left unto mee. To which hee made mee answer, that my father had indeed left him, and my Brother the Colonell, and two other sons by a second wife, and my owne sister, every one somewhat, but to mee nothing, nay that at his death he did not so much as remember mee; which I could not but take to heart, and called to minde the angry and threatning letter which I had received from him in _Spain_, because I would not bee a Jesuite. Though for the present I said nothing, yet afterwards in many occasions I told my Brother I would have the Will produced, and would by course of law demand a childs part; but hee put me off, assuring me I should never want amongst other my friends and kindred, with whom hee knew I should bee well accommodated as long as I continued in _England_. After few dayes that I had been in _London_, my kinsman at _Cheam_, desired me to come to live with him; where I continued not long; for my Uncle at _Gatton_ invited mee to his house, offering mee there meat, drink, lodging, horse and man, with twenty pound a yeare, which hee promised in other waies to make as good as thirty. Here I continued a twelve moneth, refining my self in my native tongue, and (though altogether unknown to my Uncle and kindred) searching into the Doctrine and truth of the Gospel professed in _England_; for which cause I made many journeys to _London_, and then privately I resorted to some churches, and especially to _Pauls_ Church to see the service performed, and to heare the Word of God Preached; but so, that I might not be seen, known or discovered by any Papist. When in _Pauls_ Church I heard the Organs, and the Musick, and the Prayers and Collects, and saw the Ceremonies at the Altar, I remembred _Rome_ againe, and perceived little difference between the two Churches. I searched further into the Common-Prayer, and carryed with me a Bible into the Country on purpose to compare the Prayers, Epistles, and Gospels with a Masse Book, which there I had at command, and I found no difference but onely English and Latin, which made mee wonder, and to acknowledge that much remained still of _Rome_ in the Church of _England_, and that I feared my calling was not right. In these my scruples coming often to _London_, and conversing with one _Dade, Popham_, and _Crafts, Connel_ and _Brown, English_ and _Irish_ Dominican Fryers, I found their wayes and conversations base, lewd, light and wanton, like the _Spanish_ and _Indian_ Fryers, which made me againe reflect upon the Popish Church, upheld by such Pillars. I came yet to the acquaintance of one _Price_, Superiour to the Benedictine Monkes, whom I found to be a meer States-man, and a great Politician, and very familiar, private, and secret with the Archbishop of _Canterbury William Laud_; in conversion with my Brother, (who belonged then unto one Signior _Con_, the Popes Agent, and was in such favour at the Court, that hee was sent over by the Queen with a rich present to a Popish Idol, named our Lady of _Sichem_, in the _Low Countries_) I heard him sometimes say, that hee doubted not but to bee shortly Curate and Parish Preist of _Coven Garden_, sometimes that he hoped to bee made Bishop in _England_, and that then I should want for nothing, and should live with him, till hee got mee another Bishoprick; by which discourse of his, and by his and other Preists favour at Court and with the Archbishop I perceived things went not well, _Spanish_ Popery was much rooted, Protestant Religion much corrupted, and the time not seasonable for me to discover my secret intents and purpose or heart. At this time comming once from _Surrey_ to _London_, I chanced to bee discovered and knowne to one of the State Officers, a Pursevant, who had a large Commission for the apprehending of Seminary Preists and Jesuites, named _John Gray_, who meeting mee one day in _Long Aker_, followed and dogged me as far as _Lincolns Inne_ wall, where he clapped mee on the shoulders, and told me, that he had a Commission against mee, to apprehend mee, and carry me to the Councell Table or to one of His Majesties Secretaries. To whom I spoke in _Spanish_ (thinking thereby to free my selfe out of his hands for a _Spaniard_:) but this would not doe, for he replyed hee knew mee to bee an _English_ man born, and by the name of _Gage_, and Brother to Colonel _Gage_ and Mr. _George Gage_, and that before he left mee I must speake in _English_ to him, he carryed mee to a Tavern, and there searched my Pockets for Letters and mony, which in discourse he told me was too little for him (not being above twelve shilling) and that I must goe with him to answer before one of His Majesties Secretaries. I told him that I would willingly goe before the Archbishop of _Canterbury_, or before Sir _Francis Windebanke_; at which he smiled, saying: I knew well whom to make choice of to favour and protect mee, but hee would carry mee to none of them, but to Secretary _Cooke_. I fearing the businesse might goe hard with me, and knowing him to be greedy of money, told him that I would give him any thing that might content him, and so offered him twelve shillings then about mee, and my word to meet him in any place the next day, with a better and fuller purse. Hee accepted of my money for the present, and further offer for the day following, and appointed the _Angel_ Taverne in _Long Aker_, (knowing that I lodged thereabout) to bee the place of our meeting, and so dismissed mee. I being free from him, went immediately to my Brother, and told him what had happened unto mee, what money I had already given unto him, and what I had promised the next day following. My Brother hearing me began to chafe and vex, and to fall into furious words against _John Gray_, calling him knave and rogue, and that he could not answer what he had done, and that hee would have his Commission taken from him, chiding mee for that I had given him any money, and calling me young novice and unexperienced in the affairs of _England_. This seemed strange to me, that my Brother should not onely not fear a Pursevant, but should threaten to take away the Commission from him, who was appointed to search for and finde out Preists and Jesuites. Yet I told him I would according to my word and promise meet him the next day, and satisfie him for his faire carriage towards mee; to which my Brother would by no means yeeld, but said hee would meet him; which hee accordingly performed, and although for my sake and promise he gave him some money, yet he brought him before Signor _Con_, and there himselfe and the Popes Agent with him spake most bitter words unto him, and threatned him very much if ever again he durst meddle with mee.

After this my Brother carryed mee to one Sir _William Howard_ a Papist Knight, living at _Arundel_ gate over _Clements_ Church, who was very familiar with Sir _Francis Windebanke_, telling him what had happened unto me, and desiring him to carry me with him in his Coach to Sir _Francis_, and to get his protection for mee. Secretary _Windebanke_ understanding who I was, told mee I should feare no Pursevant of them all, and that if I lived quietly in _England_, no body should trouble me, and that _John Gray_ was a knave, and wished me if ever he medled with me again to come unto him. Though for the present this was good and commodious for me to have such favour and protection, yet I perceived, this my Brothers power, and this conniving at Preists and Jesuites could not bee usefull for mee, if I should publish my mind and and purpose to alter my Religion. I was therefore much troubled in mind and conscience, which I found was curbed with the great power of the Papists. I resolved therefore to goe againe out of _England_, and to travell in some other Countries amongst both Papists and Protestants, and to try what better satisfaction I could find for my conscience at _Rome_ in that Religion, or in _France_ and _Germany_ amongst the Protestants. I writ therefore to the Generall of the Dominicans at _Rome_, (without whose License I could not goe thither) that hee would bee pleased to send mee his Letters Patents, to goe to conferre some points with him; which hee willingly granted unto mee. I wanted not money from my Uncle (who commended unto mee some businesse to bee dispatched for him at _Rome_) for so long a journey, other friends also helped mee; but my chief trust was upon my Brother Colonell _Gage_, then in the _Low Countries_, whom I knew not, nor had seen him from a child. I had no other passe to take shipping at _Dover_, but onely the letter of a Papist in _London_, (by meanes of one _Popham_ a Dominican Fryer) to Sir _John Manwood_ his Lady, who was then Governour of _Dover_ Castle, and with the foresaid letter suffered mee not to bee troubled, examined or searched, but gave order that I should freely and quietly passe over in the Packet boat to _Dunkerke_, wherewith in foure houres with a good wind I arrived, and from thence by _Newport_ and _Bridges_ went to _Gant_; not farre from whence my Brother with his Regiment lay in field against the _Hollander_. Hee was glad to see mee, and knowing what journey I was minded to take, furnished mee with more money, and for my Uncles businesse recommended mee to the Marques _De Serralvo_ (then at _Brussels_) and to other great men, desiring them to give mee their letters to their friends at _Rome_; from them I got a letter to _Don Francisco Barbarini_, the Popes Nephew, and one of the chief Cardinals then in _Rome_, likewise to Cardinal _Cucua_, and Cardinal _Albornos_ both _Spaniards_. With these letters I thought I should have occasion of some conversation with these pillars of the Church of _Rome_, and in discourse might pry into the hearts and wayes of them, and see whether in them were more Policy then Religion. By reason of the Warres between _France_ and the _Low Countries_, I durst not make my journey the neerest and shortest way through _France_; but though there were Wars also in _Germany_, I thought that would bee my safest way, and I desired much to looke into the Protestant, and _Lutheran_ Church in that Country. Whereupon I resolved from _Brussels_ to goe to _Namurs_, and from thence by water to _Leidge_, and from thence to _Collen_ in _Germany_. From _Leidge_ to _Collen_ though wee were twelve in company, wee were much troubled with Souldiers; yet God still delivered me and brought me safe to _Collen_; from whence by the river _Rhine_ I went in boat to _Frankefort_ in _September_ at the time of that great Fair, where I knew I should meet company of Merchants to any part of _Italy_. In all my travells I never made a more pleasant journey then that which I made by the river _Rhine_, where I had occasion to see many fair and goodly Cities. In _Frankefort_ there I began to take notice of the _Lutheran_ Church, and for the space of a fortnight that I stayed there, had many thoughts of discovering my selfe there, and disclaiming Popery, thinking that there I might be sure and safe, and lie hid and unknowne to my Brothers and kinred, who is _England_ would not suffer me to live a Protestant. Yet againe I considered how hard it would bee for mee a stranger to subsist there, and to get any livelyhood, for the which I must first get the native tongue, and though many points that were opposite to the Church of _Rome_, pleased me, yet in some points of that Religion my conscience was not satisfied. At the end of the Faire I sought out for company, and found neere a dozen wagons which were upon setting out towards _Auspurg_ with goods of Merchants, who had also hired a Convoy of thirty souldiers to goe along with them; which I thought would be safe company for mee; with them, and many other passengers and travellers that went in the Wagons, and on foot, by them, I went as far as the famous and gallant City of _Auspurg_; from whence forward there was no great danger, neither in what part belonged to the Duke of _Bavaria_, nor in the County of _Tirol_: from whence wee passed some foure together to _Trent_; where I was taken with the first Ague that ever in my life I remembred I had, which continued seven months upon mee. I thought from thence to have continued my journey by land to _Venice_, but my Ague suffered mee to goe but to _Verona_; from whence I turned to _Millan_, and so to _Genoua_, leaving my good company; that from _Genoua_ I might goe by Sea to _Ligorne_, and so likewise to _Rome_. After a fortnights stay in _Genoua_, I went with the Galleys of the great Duke of _Florence_ to _Ligorne_, where I found no boats ready to _Rome_, and so in the meantime, whilst they were preparing, I went to _Pisa_ and _Florence_ to see those brave Cities, and returned again to _Ligorne_, where I found many boats ready to set out to _Rome_.

The first night and day wee had a faire winde to _Piombino_; but there it turned, and continued contrary for almost three weekes. At last it pleased God to send us a faire wind wherewith wee went out many Boats and Falluco's in company together, thinking all had been friends; but when wee came neere to the Castle of _Montalto_, most of the boats having got before us, two that went in company with the boat wherein I was, suddainly set upon us, and shewed themselves to bee _French_ Pirats, who robbed us all, and tooke from mee all the money I had, which was not then above five pound, leaving me some Bils of exchange which I had to take up mony at _Rome_; after we were robbed wee called in at _Civita Vecha_; for reliefe, where I met with a good _English_ Merchant, who freely bestowed upon mee provision both of wine and meat, as much as would well suffice mee and a friend to _Rome_, whither wee got in a day and night. When I came to _Rome_ I delivered my Letters to the Cardinals; of whom the two _Spaniards_ I found proud and stately; but _Don Francisco Barbarini_, (who was intituled the Protector of _England_) I found more tractable, kinde, and loving. I perceived by his discourse that hee knew much of _England_, and desired to know more; and propounded unto mee many questions concerning the state of this Kingdome, and especially concerning the Archbishop of _Canterbury_, whom he seemed to affect; and yet sometime againe would say hee feared, hee would cause some great disturbance in our Kingdome, and that certainly for his sake and by his means the King had dissolved lately the Parliament (which was that which before this now sitting was so suddainly dissolved by his Majesty) which hee feared _Scotland_ and most of the people of _England_, would take very ill. Hee asked mee further what conceipt the people had of the said Archbishop; and whether they did not mistrust that hee complyed much with the Court of _Rome_. And lastly, he told mee that hee thought, the creating of an _English_ Cardinal at _Rome_ might be of great consequence for the conversion of the whole Kingdome. I laid up in my heart all this discourse, and well perceived some great matters were in agitation at _Rome_, and some secret compliance from _England_ with that Court, which I purposed to discover more at large among some friends there.

After this discourse with the Cardinall, I was invited to the _English_ Colledge to dinner by one Father _Fitzherbert_, who was then Rector, a great States-man and Politician, with whom I had also great discourse concerning my Brother Colonel _Gage_, concerning my travels in _America_, and lastly concerning _England_; whereof I perceived little discourse could bee had in _Rome_, except the Archbishop _William Laud_ had his part and share in it. The Jesuite began highly to praise the Arch-prelate for his moderate carriage towards Papists and Preists, boasting of the free accesse which one _Simons, alias Flood_, a Jesuite had unto him at all houres, and in all occasions; and to extoll him the more, he brought in the Archbishop, _Abbot_ whom he cried down as much for a cruel enemie and persecutor of the Church of _Rome_, and of all Papists and Preists. But the now Archbishop, said hee, is not onely favourable unto us there, but here desireth to make daily demonstrations of his great affection to this our Court and Church; which, hee shewed not long since in sending a Common Prayer Booke, (which hee had composed for the Church of _Scotland_) to bee first viewed, and approved of by our Pope and Cardinals. Who perusing it, liked it very well, for Protestants to be trained in a Form of Prayer and service; yet considering the State of _Scotland_, and the temper and tenents of that people, the Cardinals, (first giving him thanks for his respect and dutifull compliance with them) sent him word, that they thought that form of prayer was not fitting for _Scotland_, but would breed some stir and unquietnesse there, for that they understood the _Scots_ were aversed from all set Forms, & would not be tyed and limited to the invention of mans spirit, having (as they thought) the true and unerring Spirit of God in them, which could better teach and direct them to pray. All this (said Father _Fitzherbert_) I was witnesse of, who was then sent for by the Cardinals (as in all like occasions, and affaires concerning _England_) to give them my opinion concerning the said Common Prayer Booke, and the temper of the _Scots_. But the good Archbishop (quoth hee) hearing the censure of the Cardinals concerning his intention and Form of Prayer, to ingratiate himself the more into their favour, corrected some things in it, and made it more harsh and unreasonable for that Nation; which wee already heare they have stomacked at, and will not suffer it in many parts to be read; and wee justly fear that this his Common Prayer Book, & his great compliance with this Court, will at last bring strife and division between the two Kingdomes of _Scotland_ and _England_.

And this most true Relation of _William Laud_ late Archbishop of _Canterbury_, (though I have often spoken of it in private discourse and publiquely preached it at the Lecture of _Wingham_ in _Kent_,) I could not in my conscience omit it here; both to vindicate the just censure of death, which the now sitting Parliament have formerly given against him for such like practises and compliance with _Rome_; and secondly to reprove the ungrounded opinion and errour of some ignorant and Malignant spirits, who to my knowledge have since his death highly exalted him, and cryed him up for a Martyr. At the same time whilst I was at _Rome_, I understood of another great businesse concerning _England_, then in agitation amongst the Cardinals, and much prosecuted by this _Fitzherbert_, and one father _Courtney_ a Jesuite, son to one Sir _Thomas Leeds_; which was, to create one of the _English_ Nation Cardinall; that so the Conversion of _England_, what by the Assistance of _William Laud_, what by the power of a higher person, and what by the authority of the said Cardinall, might be more fully and earnestly plotted and indeavoured. This businesse was much agitated in _England_ by Signior _Con_, at whose house in _Long Aker_ were many meetings of the chief Gentry of the Papists. In _Rome_ Sir _William Hamilton_ then Agent for the Queene, vied much for the said Cardinals Cap, and got a great number of friends to further this his ambitious design. But hee was too yong, and some scandall of a Gentlewoman, who stuck too close to him, made the red Cap unfit for his head; and secondly, because a greater then hee, to wit, Sir _Kenelham Digby_ was appointed by the Queen to bee her Agent there; who sent before him his Chaplain, a great Politician and active Priest, named _Fitton_, to take up his lodging and make way, and friends for his ambitious preferment; who in his daily discourse cryed up his Master _Digby_ for Cardinall, and told mee absolutely, that hee doubted not but hee would carry it. But though hee had great favour from the Queen, and was her Agent; yet hee had strong Antagonists in _Fitzherbert, Courtney_, and the rest of the crew of the Jesuites, who looked upon that honour and red Cap as better becomming one of their profession, and fitter for a head which had formerly worne a four Cornered black Cap, to wit, Sir _Toby Mathy_. But in case the said Cap should fall from Sir _Toby_ his head, then they would helpe and further a third, whose birth and Nobility should advance him before Sir _Kenelham Digby_, to wit, _Walter Mountague_, the old Earle of _Manchester_ his sonne at that time.

And thus it was a generall and credible report in _Rome_, that either a _Digby_, a _Mathy_, or a _Mountague_, should that yeere bee made Cardinall. Whereby I perceived that _England_ was comming neere to _Rome_, and that my design of professing and following the truth in _England_ was blasted, and that in vain I had come from _America_ for satisfaction of my conscience in _England_. I was more troubled now then ever; and desired to try all wayes, if I could bee better satisfied concerning the Popish Religion in _Rome, Naples_ or _Venice_, (whither I went) then I had been in _America_ and among the _Spaniards_. But I found such exorbitances and scandalls in the lives of some Cardinals of _Rome_, whilst I was there, especially in _Don Antonio Barbarini_, and Cardinal _Burgess_, who at midnight was taken by the _Corchetes_ or Officers of Justice in uncivill wayes, and came off from them with money, that I perceived the Religion was but as I had found it in _America_, a wide and open doore to loosnesse and policy, and the like in _Naples_ and _Venice_, which made mee even hate what before I had professed for Religion, and resolve, that if I could not live in _England_, and there injoy my Conscience, that I would live in _France_, for a while, untill I had well learned that tongue, and then associate my selfe unto the best reformed Protestant Church; Whereupon I obtained from the General of the Dominicans this ensuing order to live in the Cloister of _Orleans_, intending from thence at my best opportunity to goe to _Paris, Lyons_, or some other place, and shake off my Magpy habit, and to live and dye in _France_ in the true Protestant and reformed Religion as professed there.

_In Dei filio sibi Dilecto Reverendo Patri fratri_ Thomæ Gageo _Provinciæ Anglicanæ Ordinis Prædicatorum, Frater Nicolaus Rodulfius totius ejusdem Ordinis Magister Generalis ac servus in Domino salutem._

_Conventui nostro Aurelia nensi Provinciæ nostræ Franciæ de probo & optimo Patre Sacerdote providere cupientes, Tenore præsentium, & nostri authoritate officii (te) supra nominatum Reverendum Patrem Fratrem_ Thomam Gageum _revocamus a quovis alio Conventu, & Assignamus in dicto Conventu nostro Aurelianensi Assignatumque declaramus, in Nomine Patris, & Filii, & Spiritus Sancti_, Amen. _Mandantes Rdo. admodum Patri Magistro Priori illius, ut te benigne recipiat, & cum omni charitate tractet. In quorum fidem his officii nostri sigillo munitis propria manu subscripsimus. Datum Suriani die none Aprilis_, 1640.

Frater Nicolaus Magister Ordinis.

Frater Ignatius Ciantes Magister; Provincialis Angliæ, & Socius.

The Forme whereof (as also the manner of sending Fryers from one Cloister to live in another, commonly called by them, an Assignation) is in _English_ as followeth.

_To our Beloved in the Son of God, the Reverend Father Fryer_ Thomas Gage, _of the_ English _Province, of the Order of Preachers, Fryer_ Nicholas Rodulfius _of the same whole Order Master Generall, and Servant in the Lord, health and greeting._

Wee being willing and desirous to provide for our Convent of _Orleans_, of our Province of _France_, of an honest and very good Father and Priest; by Tenour of these present, and by the authority of our Office doe recall you the above named Reverend Fryer _Thomas Gage_ from any other Convent, and doe Assigne you in our said Convent of _Orleans_, and declare you to bee assigned, in the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen. Commanding the very Reverend Father Master Prior thereof, that hee receive you curteously, and entertaine you with all love and charity. In witnesse whereof with our owne hand wee have subscribed these being sealed with the seale of our Office. Dated at _Soriano_ the ninth day of _April_, 1640.

_Fryer_ Nicholas _Master of the Order_.

_Fryer_ Ignatius Ciantes _Master Provincial of_ England _and Companion_.

Yet after I had got this Order, I bethought my selfe further that I would try one way, which was to see if I could find out a Miracle, which might give mee better satisfaction of the _Romish_ Religion, then had the former experience of my life, and the lives of the Priests, Cardinals, and all such with whom I had lived in _Spain_ and _America_. I had heard much of a Picture of our Lady of _Loretto_, and read in a Booke of Miracles or lies concerning the same, that whosoever prayed before that picture in the state of mortall sinne, the picture would discover the sinne in the soule, by blushing, and by sweating. Now I framed this argument to my selfe, that it was a great sin, the sin of unbeliefe, or to waver and stagger in points of Faith; but in mee (according to the Tenents of _Rome_) was this sin, for I could not believe the point of Transubstantiation, and many other; therefore (if the Miracles which were printed of the foresaid Lady of _Loretto_ were true, and not lies) certainly shee would blush and sweat, when such an unbeliever as I prayed before her. To make this triall, I went purposely to _Loretto_, and kneeling downe before God, not with any faith I had in the picture; I prayed earnestly to the true Searcher of all hearts, that in his Son Jesus Christ he would mercifully looke upon me a wretched sinner, and inspire and enlighten mee with his Spirit of truth, for the good and salvation of my soule; In my prayer I had a fixed and setled eye upon the Ladies picture, but could not perceive that shee did either sweat or blush, wherewith I arose up from my knees much comforted and incouraged in my resolution to renounce and abandon Popery, and saying within my selfe as I went out of the Church, surely if my Lady neither sweat nor blush, all is well with mee, and I am in a good way for salvation, and the miracles written of her are but lies. With this I resolved to follow the truth in some Protestant Church in _France_, and to relinquish errour and superstition. Upon which good purpose of mine, I presently perceived the God of truth did smile, with what I heard hee was ordering in _England_ by an Army of _Scotland_ raised for Reformation, and by a new Parliament called to _Westminster_, at which I saw the Papists and Jesuites there began to tremble, and to say that it would blast all their designes, and all their hopes of setling Popery; _William Laud_ his policy was now condemned and cursed, _Con_ was dead at _Rome_, the Cardinals Cap for one of the three fore-named named was no more spoken of, _Fitton_ was daunted, _Fitzherbert_ and _Courtney_ quite disheartned, Sir _Kenelham Digby_ his Agency and comming to Rome put off and suspended, and with all this good newes I was much heartned and incouraged to leave off my journey to _France_, and to return to _England_, where I feared not my Brother nor any kindred, nor the power of the Papists, but began to trust in the protection of the Parliament, which I was informed would reform Religion, and make such laws as should tend to the undermining of all the Jesuits plots, and to the confusion and subversion of the _Romish_ errours and Religion. I was too weak of body to make my journey by land (by reason of my long Ague which had but newly left mee) and so resolved to goe to _Ligorne_ to find out shipping there; where I found foure or five ships of _English_ and _Hollanders_ ready to set out, but were bound to touch at _Lisboe_ in their way. I bargained with one Captaine _Scot_ for my passage, first to _Lisboe_, intending there to make a second bargain. We had no sooner sailed on as farre as to the Coast of _France_, joyning to the _Dutchy_ of Savoy, but presently from _Canes_ came out part of a Fleet lying there under the command of the Bishop of _Burdeaux_ to discover us, and take us for a lawfull prize. I might say much here of the valour of the good old Captaine _Scot_, who seeing all the other ships had yeelded to the _French_ men of Warre, would upon no termes yeeld to be their prize, (which they challenged because wee were bound for _Lisboe_, then their enemies Country) but would fight with them all, and at last rather blow up his ship, then to deliver the goods which had been intrusted to him by the Merchants of _Ligorne_. We were in a posture to fight, our guns ready, and Mariners willing to dye that day, which was heavy news to me. After much treaty between the _French_ and our valorous Captain, who still held out and would not yeeld, there came up to us two ships to give us the last warning that if wee yeelded not, they would immediately set our ship on fire. With this all the passengers and many more in the ship desired the Captaine to yeeld upon some faire Articles for the securing of what goods he had for _England_, and should appeare were not any way for the strengthening of any enemies to the State and Kingdome of _France_. With much adoe our Captaine was perswaded, and we were carried with the rest into _Canes_ for a lawfull prize. I seeing that the ships were like to bee stayed there long, obtained the Bishop of _Bordeaux_ his passe to goe to _Marcells_, and from thence by land through _France_. Which being granted, I went by water to _Tolon_, and from thence to _Marcells_, and so in company of Carriers to _Lions_, and from thence to _Paris, Roane_, and _Deepe_, where in the first packet boat to _Rye_ I passed over to _England_, where I landed upon _Michaelmas_ day the same yeere that this present Parliament began to sit the _November_ following. My Brothers Spirit I found was not much daunted with the new Parliament, nor some of the proudest Papists, who hoped for a suddain dissolving of it; But when I saw their hopes frustrated by His Majesties consent to the continuing of it, I thought the acceptable time was come for mee, wherein I ought not to dissemble any further with God, the world and my friends, and so resolved to bid adieu to flesh and blood; and to prize Christ above all my kindred, to own and professe him publiquely maugre all opposition of hell and kindred to the contrary. I made my self first knowne to Doctor _Brunnick_ Bishop of _Exeter_, and to Mr. _Shute_ of _Lumbard street_, from whom I had very comfortable and strong incouragements. The Bishop of _Exeter_ carried me to the Bishop of _London_ then at _Fullom_, from whom I received order to Preach my Recantation Sermon at _Pauls_: which done, I thought I must yet doe more to satisfie the world of my sincerity, knowing that Converts are hardly believed by the common sort of people, unlesse they see in them such actions which may further disclaime _Rome_ for ever for the future. Whereupon I resolved to enter into the state of Marriage (to which God hath already given his blessing) which the Church of _Rome_ disavowes to all her Preists. What I have beene able to discover for the good of this State I have done, and not spared (when called upon) to give in true evidence upon my Oath against Jesuites, Preists, and Fryers; for the which (after a faire invitation from my Brother Colonel _Gage_, to come over again to _Flanders_, offering mee a thousand pound ready money) I have been once assaulted in _Aldersgate street_; and another time like to be killed in _Shooe lane_ by a Captain of my Brothers Regiment, named _Vincent Burton_, who (as I was after informed) came from _Flanders_ on purpose to make me away or convey mee over, and with such a malicious designe followed mee to my lodging, lifting up the latch and opening the doore, (as hee had seene mee done) and attempting to goe up the staires to my chamber without any inquiry for mee, or knocking at the doore; from whom God graciously delivered me by the weak meanes of a woman my Land-lady, who stopped him from going any further; and being demanded his name, and answering by the name of _Steward_, and my Land-lady telling him from mee that I knew him not, he went away chafing and saying that I should know him, before he had done with mee. But hee that knoweth God well, shall know no enemy to his hurt; neither have I ever since seene or knowen this man. I might here also write down the contents of a threatning letter from mine own Brother, when hee was Colonell for the King of _England_ and Governour of _Oxford_, which I forbear with some tender consideration of flesh and blood. At the beginning of the warres I confesse I was at a stand as a Neophyt and new plant of the Church of _England_ concerning the lawfulnesse of the warre; and so continued above a yeere in _London_ spending my owne meanes, till at last I was fully satisfied, and much troubled to see that the Papists and most of my kindred were entertained at _Oxford_, and in other places of the Kings Dominions; whereupon I resolved upon a choice for the Parliament cause, which now in their lowest estate and condition I am not ashamed to acknowledge. From their hands and by their order I received a Benefice, in the which I have continued almost foure yeers preaching constantly for a through and godly Reformation intended by them, which I am ready to witnesse with the best drops of blood in my veins, though true it is I have been envied, jealousied and suspected by many; to whom I desire this my History may be a better witnesse of my sincerity, and that by it I may perform what our Saviour Christ spoke to _Peter_, saying, And thou being converted strengthen thy Brethren. I shall think my time and pen happily imployed if by what here I have written, I may strengthen the perusers of this small volume against Popish superstition whether in _England_, other parts of _Europe, Asia_, or _America_; for the which I shall offer up my dayly prayers unto him, who (as I may well say) miraculously brought me from _America_ to _England_, and hath made use of mee as a _Joseph_ to discover the treasures of _Egypt_, or as the spies to search into the land of _Canaan_, even the God of all Nations, to whom be ascribed by mee and all true and faithfull Beleevers, Glory, Power, Majesty and mercy for evermore. _Amen._

_FINIS._

Some brief and short Rules for the better learning of the _Indian_ tongue called _Poconchi_, or _Pocoman_, commonly used about _Guatemala_ and some other parts of _Honduras_.

Although it bee true that by the daily conversation which in most places the _Indians_ have with the _Spaniards_, they for the most part understand the _Spanish_ tongue in common and ordinary words, so that a _Spaniard_ may travell amongst them, and bee understood in what hee calleth for by some or other of the Officers, who are appointed to attend upon all such as travell and passe through their townes: Yet because the perfect knowledge of the _Spanish_ tongue is not so common to all _Indians_, both men and women, nor so generally spoken by them as their owne; therefore the Preists and Fryers have taken paines to learn the native tongues of severall places and countries, and have studied to bring them to a Form and method of Rules, that so the use of them may bee continued to such as shall succeed after them. Neither is there any one language generall to all places, but so many severall and different one from another, that from _Chiapa_, and _Zoques_, to _Guatemala_, and _San Salvador_, and all about _Honduras_, there are at least eighteen severall languages, and in this district some Fryers who have perfectly learned six or seven of them. Neither in any place are the _Indians_ taught or preached unto but in their native and mother tongue, which because the Preist onely can speake, therefore are they so much loved and respected by the Natives. And although for the time I lived there, I learned and could speake in two severall tongues, the one called _Cacchiquel_, the other _Poconchi_, or _Pocoman_, which have some connexion one with another; yet the _Poconchi_ being the easiest, and most elegant, and that wherein I did constantly preach and teach, I thought fit to set down some rules of it, (with the Lords Prayer, and brief declaration of every word in it) to witnesse and testifie to posterity the truth of my being in those parts, and the manner how those barbarous tongues have, are, and may be learned.

There is not in the _Poconchi_ tongue, nor in any other the diversity of declensions, which is in the _Latin_ tongue; yet there is a double way of declining all Nownes, and conjugating all Verbes, and that is with divers particles according to the words beginning with a vowell or a consonant; neither is there any difference of cases, but onely such as the said Particles or some Prepositions may distinguish.

The Particles for the words or Nownes beginning with a Consonant are as followeth,

Sing. _Nu, A, Ru,_ plural. _Ca. Ata. Qui tacque._ As for example, _Bat_, signifieth a house, and _Tat_, signifieth father, which are thus declined;

Sing. _Nupat_, my house, _Apat_, thy house, _Rupat_, his house. Plural. _Capat_, our house, _Apatta_, your house, _Quipat tacque_, their house.

Sing. _Nutat_, my Father, _Atat_, thy Father, _Rutat_ his Father. Plural. _Catat_, our Father, _Atatta_, your Father, _Quitat tacque_, their Father. Thus are declined Nownes beginning with a Consonant. As, _Queh_, a horse, _Nuqueh, Aqueh, Ruqueh, &c. Huh_, booke, or paper, _Nuhuh, Ahuh, Ruhuh. Moloh_, Egge, _Numoloh, Amoloh, Rumoloh. Holom_, Head, _Nuholom, Aholom, Ruholom. Chi_, Mouth, _Nuchi, Achi, Ruchi. Cam_, hand, _Nucam, Acam, Rucam. Chac_, flesh, _Nuchac, Achac, Ruchac. Car_, fish, _Nucar, Acar, Rucar. Cacar, Acarta, Qui cartacque. Chacquil_, body or flesh of man; _Nuchacquil, Achacquil, Ruchacquil, Cachacquil, Achacquilta, Quichacquil tacque_.

Some words there are which are pronounced like _ts_, which are written not with _ts_, but with this letter _tȝ_, peculiar in that tongue; as for _tsi_, dogge, _tsiquin_, bird, _Nutsi_, my dog, _Atsi_, thy dog, _Rutsi_, his dog, _Catsi_, our dog, _Atsita_, your dog, _Quitsi tacque_, their dog. _Nutsiquin_, my bird, _Atsiquin_, thy bird, _Rutsiquin_, his bird, _Catsiquin_, our bird, _Atsiquinta_, your bird, _Quitsi quintacque_, their bird.

There are no severall terminations for cases, as in Latin; but the cases are distinguished with some particles or prepositions, as for example. The house of _Peter, Rupat Pedro_, putting the possessours name, and the particle, _Ru_, which is a possessive. So for the dative, add the particle _Re_; as for example, give to _Peter_ his dog, _Chaye re Pedro rutsi_. For the accusative, when it is motion to a place, or else not, adde _Chi_, as for example, I goe to the house of _Peter, Quino chi rupat Pedro_. The Vocative admitteth of this particle _ah_, or _ha_, of wishing or calling, as, O my son, or ho my son, _Ah vacun_, or _ha vacun_. The Ablative keeping stil the same termination with the Nominative, is expressed with some preposition or other, as in my mouth, _pan nuchi_, with my hand, _chi nucam_. In signifying I, is undeclinable, as also, _At_, signifying you, or thou. The possessive mine, is also undeclinable, as _vi chin_, mine, or for me; so thine, or for thee, _Ave_. Where note that in this tongue there is no _w_, but _v_, or _u_, are pronounced as _w_, as though wee pronounce, _wacun_, my sonne, _wichin_, mine or for mee, _Awe_, thine or for thee wee write _vacun, vichin, Ave_.

The Particles or letters, which serve for Nounes beginning with a Vowell, are as followeth. Singular. _V. Av. R._ Plural. _C._ or _Qu. Avta. C._ or _qu. tacque_, as for example, _Acun_, signifieth son, _Ixim_, Corn, _Ochoch_, likewise house, which are thus declined.

Sing. _Vacun_, my son, _Avacun_, thy son, _Racun_, his son. Plural. _Cacun_, our son, _Avacunta_, your son, _Cacuntaque_, their son.

Sing. _Vixim_, my corn, _Avixim_, thy corn, _Rixim_, his corn. Plural. _Quixim_, our corn, _Aviximta_, your corn, _Quixim tacque_, their corn.

Sing. _Vochoch_, my house, _Avochoch_, thy house, _Rochoch_, his house. Plural. _Cochoch_, our house, _Avochochta_, your house, _Cochochtaque_, their house.

So likewise are varied or declined, _Abix_, signifying a plantation, or peece of ground sowen. _Acal_, earth or ground. _Vleu_, also earth or ground. _Acach_, hen. Save onely that the words beginning with _I_, admit _qu_, in the first and third person plurall; the rest admit for the same persons plurall, _C_, onely.

And as thus I have observed for the varying or declining of Nounes; so also doe all the Verbes admit of severall particles for their conjugating, according as they begin either with a vowell or a consonant.

Those that begin with a consonant have somewhat like the Nounes these articles following.

Sing. _Nu, Na, Inru._ Plural. _Inca, Nata, Inquitacque._ As for example, _locoh_, to love.

Sing. _Nulocoh_, I love, _Nalocoh_, thou lovest, _Inrulocoh_, hee loveth. Plural. _Incalocoh_, wee love, _Nalocohta_, yee love, _Inquilocohtaque_, they love.

_Nuroca_, or _Nurapa_, I whip, or beat. _Naroca_ or _Narapa_, thou whippest, or beatest; _Inruroca_, or _Inrurapa_, hee whippeth or beateth. Plural. _Incaroca_, or _Incarapa_, wee whip, or beat; _Narocata_, or _Narapata_, yee whip, or beat, _Inquirocatacque_, or _Inquirapatacque_, they whip or beat.

_Nutsiba_, I write, _Natsiba_, thou writest, _Inrutsiba_, hee writeth. Plural. _Incatsiba_, wee write, _Natsibata_, yee write, _Inquitsibatacque_, they write.

There is no preterimperfect tense, nor preterpluperfect tense; but the preterperfect tense standeth for them; neither is there any Future, but the present tense expresseth it, and is understood for it, according to the sense of the discourse, as _Nulocoh Pedro_, I love or wil love _Peter. Tinulocoh_, I love thee, or I wil love thee. Yet sometimes for fuller expression of the Future tense, is added this Verbe, _inva_, I wil, _nava_, thou wilt, _Inra_, he will, as _Inva nulocoh Pedro_, I will love _Peter_.

The Particles for the Preterperfect tense, are as follow:

Sing. _Ixnu. Xa. Ixru._ Plural. _Ixca. Xata. Ixqui tacque._ Where note, that in all these particles, and in all this language, the letter _X_, is pronounced like _sh._ as _Ixnu_, like _Ishnu. Xa_, like _sha. Ixru_, like _Ishru. Ixca_ like _Ishca_, and so forth.

Preterperf. Sing. _Ixnulocoh_, I have loved; _Xalocoh_ thou hast loved, _Ixrulocoh_, he hath loved. Plural. _Ixcalocoh_, we have loved, _Xalocohta_, yee have loved, _Ixquilocohtacque_, they have loved. And so of all the Verbes above.

The Particles for the Imperative Mood are these following:

For the singular number, and second person, _Cha_; for the third person singular _Chiru_; for the first person plural, _Chica_; for the second, _Cha ta_, for the third _Chiqui tacque_: as for example. _Chalocoh_, love thou. _Chirulocoh_, let him love. Plural. _Chicalocoh_, let us love; _Chalocohta_, love yee. _Chiquilocoh tacque_, let them love. And so of the rest of the Verbes above.

The Optative Mood is the same with the Indicative; adding to it this Particle _Ta_, which signifieth as much as _utinam_, or, would to God, as _Nalocoh ta Dios_, would God thou love God, _Ixnulocoh ta Dios_, would God I had loved God.

The Conjunctive Mood also is the same with the Indicative, adding to it this Particle, or Preposition _vei_, and _ta_, if. As for example _vei nalocoh ta Dios_, if thou love God, _vei ixnulocoh ta Dios_, if I had loved God.

There is no Infinitive Mood, but the Indicative serveth for it. As, _Quinchol nutsiba_, I can write. _Quinquimi_, signifieth to die, _Nuraeh_, I desire, _Nuraeh quinquimi_, I desire to dye.

Note further, that in all Verbes Actives, when mee and thee are expressed as the Accusative case following the Verbe, they are coupled to the person that doeth or goeth before the Verbe, by these two Particles for the present tense, _Quin_, mee, _Ti_, thee. And for the preterperfect tense, _xin_, mee, _ixti_, thee. As for example.

_Quinalocoh_, thou lovest me. _Xinalocoh_, thou hast loved me. _Quinraalocoh_, thou wilt love me. _Quinalocohta_, love me, or I pray God thou love me. _Vei quinalocoh_, if thou love me; _vei xinalocoh_, if thou hast or hadst loved mee; _Quinaraeh nalocoh_, thou desirest to love me. So for the second person being the Accusative. _Tinulocoh_, I love thee. _Ixtinulocoh_, I have loved thee. _Tiranulocah_, I will love thee. _Tinulocohta_, pray God I love thee; _vei tinulocoh_, if I love thee; _vei ixtinulocoh_, if I have or had loved thee. _Tinuraeh nulocoh_, I desire to love thee.

Note further, that these two Verbes, _Quinchol_, which signifieth, I can or am able, and _Inva_, which signifieth I will, when they are put with other Verbes of whatsoever person, they are elegantly put impersonally in the third person singular. As for example:

_Inchol nulocoh_, I can love. _Inra nulocoh_, I will love. _Ixra ixnulocoh_, I have been willing to love. _Ixchol ixnulocoh_, I have been able to love. _Tichol nulocoh_, I can love thee, _Tira nulocoh_, I will love thee.

The Letters or Particles for Verbes beginning with a Vowell, are these that follow.

Sing. _Inv. Nav. Inr._ Plural. _Inqu._ or _Inc. Nauta. Inqu tacque_, or _Inc tacque_. As for example, _Eça_, signifieth to deliver, which is thus formed.

Sing. _Inveça_, I deliver. _Naveça_, thou deliverest, _Inreça_, he delivereth. Plural. _Inqueça_, wee deliver, _Naveçata_, yee deliver; _Inqueça tacque_, they deliver.

_A_ is a simple signifying to wish or desire, or will a thing, which is never found without these particles.

Sing. _Inva_, I will, _Nava_, thou wilt, _Inra_, he will; Plural. _Inca_ we will, _Navata_, yee will, _Incatacque_, they will. _Ivereh_, to heare. _Invivireh_, I heare. _Navivireh_, thou hearest, _Inrivireh_, he heareth. Plural. _Inquivireh_, we heare; _Navivirehta_, yee heare; _Inquivireh tacque_, they heare.

Thus have I briefly set downe the way of declining all sorts of Nounes, and conjugating all sorts of Verbes of this tongue. It remaineth now that I speak of Verbes passives; their forming and their conjugating with like Particles. The Verbes passives being of divers terminations, are diversly formed. Commonly those that end with an _A_, cut off the _A_, in the passive, and to the last consonant add _hi_. As for example, _Nuroca_, I whip or beat, the passive is _Quinrochi_. So _Nurapa_, I whip or beat, in the passive is _Quinraphi_. Except _Nutsiba_, I write, which changeth _b_ into _m. Quintsimhi_, I am written. Those that end in _oh_, change _oh_ into _onhi_. As _nulocoh_, I love. _Quinloconhi_, I am loved. So those that end in _eh_, doe change _eh_ into _hi_, as _Invivireh_, I hear, _Quinivirhi_, I am heard. _Nucuta_, I teach, _Quincuthi_, I am taught, by the first rule. But those that end in _ça_ (where note this letter _ç_ or _c_, with a tittle under it, is pronounced like _s_) change the _a_ into _ihi_. As for example: _inveça_ I deliver, _Quineçihi_, I am delivered. _Nucamça_, I kill, _Quincamçihi_, I am killed; those that end in _ach_, adde _hi_ in the passive, as _Nuçach_, I forgive, in the passive maketh _Quinçachhi_, I am forgiven. The particles that vary, or conjugate the Verbes passives, are these following:

Sing. _Quin. Ti. In_. Plural. _Coh_, or _Co. Tita. Quitacque._ As for example:

_Quinloconchi_, I am loved, _Tiloconhi_, thou art loved. _Inloconhi_, hee is loved. Plural. _Coloconhi_, wee are loved. _Tiloconhita_, yee are loved. _Quiloconhitacque_, they are loved.

_Quinrochi_, I am beaten or whipped; _Tirochi_, thou art beaten or whipped; _Inrochi_, he is beaten or whipped. Plural. _Corochi_, we are beaten or whipped; _Tirochita_, ye are beaten or whipped; _Quirochi tacque_, they are beaten or whipped.

The Particles for the preterperfect tense are these following.

Sing. _Xin. Ixti. Ix._ Plural. _Xoh_, or _Xo. Ixti ta; xi tacque._ As for example. Sing. _Xinloconhi_, I have bin loved. _Ixtiloconhi_, thou hast bin loved. _Ixloconhi_, hee hath been loved. Plural. _Xoloconhi_, wee have been loved. _Ixtiloconhita_, yee have been loved. _Xiloconhi tacque_, they have been loved. _Xinrochit_, I have been whipped or beaten. _Ixtirochi_, thou hast been whipped or beaten. _Ixrochi_, hee hath been whipped or beaten. Plural. _Xorochi_, or _xohrochi_, we have been whipped or beaten, _Ixtirochita_, yee have been whipped or beaten. _Xirochi tacque_, they have been whipped or beaten.

The Imperative Mood is thus:

_Tiloconhi_, Bee thou loved, _Chiloconho_, let him bee loved. Plural. _Chicaloconho_, let us bee loved, _Tiloconhota_, bee yee loved, _Chiquiloconho tacque_, let them bee loved. Where you see the particle _hi_ is changed into _ho_.

The Optative Mood, and the Conjunctive are after the manner of the Verbs Actives, by put to _ta_ in the Optative, and _vei_ in the Conjunctive. As for example.

_Quinloconhi ta_, I pray God I bee loved. _Tiloconhi ta_, I pray God thou bee loved; _Inloconhita_, I pray God hee be loved; _Cohloconhita_, I pray God we bee loved. _Tiloconhitata_, I pray God yee be loved. _Quiloconhi ta tacque_, I pray God they bee loved.

So in the preterperfect tense _ta_ onely is added; as for example.

_Xinloconhi ta_, would to God I have or had been loved. _Ixtiloconhita_, pray God thou hast or hadst bin loved, _Ixloconhita_, pray God he have or had been loved. Plur. _Xoloconhita_, pray God we have or had been loved, _Ixtiloconhi ta ta_, I pray God ye have or had bin loved, _Xiloconhi ta tacque_, I pray God they have or had been loved. Where note that the particle _Ta_, if any other word or sentence be put with the Verb, may bee put before the Verb, as _Nim ta Quinloconhi_, I pray God I be greatly loved. Otherwise if the Verbe be alone, _ta_ is placed after it.

The Conjunctive Mood is thus, _Vei Quinloconhi_, if I be loved, _Vei tiloconhi_, if thou bee loved, and so forth.

This is all, which commonly is taught concerning this tongue. In which grounds hee that is perfect in, and hath a Dictionary of the severall words of it, may soone learn to speake it. As I shall understand by my best friends, that there is a desire of further printing a Dictionary, I shall satisfie their desires, and apply my self unto it. These few rules for the present I have thought fit to print, for curiosity sake, and that it may appear, how easie the _Indian_ tongues are to be learned. I shall conclude this unparalleld work, with the Lords Prayer in that tongue, and with a brief explication of it.

_Catat taxah vilcat; Nimta incaharçihi avi; Inchalita Avihauripan Cana. Invanivita Nava yahvir vachacal, he invantaxah. Chaye runa cahuhunta quih viic; Naçachtacamac, he incaçachve quimac ximacquivi chiquih; Macoacana chipam catacchihi; Coaveçata china unche stiri, mani quiro, he inqui. Amen._

Note. _Catat_, according to the rule of declining Nounes, is the first person plural, which is known by the particle _Ca_, added to _Tat_, which signifieth father; and _Catat_ is our father.

_Taxah_ signifieth heaven; it is put before the word or verb _vilcat_, for more elegancy sake, and for better placing of it, contrary to the _Latin_ and _English_, where _es_, and _art_, is put before _in cælis_, or in heaven. Likewise it is put without a preposition, contrary to the Greeke, Latin and English: for in this tongue many times the prepositions are omitted and understood.

_Vilcat_ signifieth _es_ or _art_: it is the second person of the Verbe, _Sum, es, fui,_ which is a Verbe Anomal, and not conjugated after the rule of Verbes above. As for example. _Vilquin_, I am, _Vilcat_, thou art, _villi_, hee is. Plural. _Vilcoh_, wee are, _Vilcatta_, yee are, _Vilque tacque_, they are. The Preterperfect tence, _Xinvi_, I have been, _Ixtivi_, thou hast been, _Ixvi_, hee hath been. Plural. _Xohvi_, we have been, _Ixtivita_, yee have been, _Xivi tacque_, they have been. Imperative. _Tivi_ or _Tivo_, bee thou; _Chivi_ or _Chivo_, let him be. Plural. _Cohvi ta_ or _Cohvo ta_, let us bee; _Tivita_ or _Tivota_, bee yee; _Quivi ta_ or _Quivo ta tacque_, let them bee. The Optative and Conjunctive are according to the Rule above, by adding _ta_ or _vei_, to the present tense, and preterperfect tense of the Indicative Mood.

_Nim ta Incaharcihi_, which signifieth, I pray God may be greatly magnified. _Nim_ signifieth great or greatly. _Ta_ is _optantis_, or of wishing. _Incaharcihi_, is the third person of the Verbe _Quincaharcihi_, which signifieth to be magnified or extolled; and is formed according to the rule above, from the active verbe, _Nucaharça_, to magnifie or extoll, by changing the last _a_ into _ihi_, and adding _quin_ the particle of the passive.

_Avi_ thy name. _Vi_, signifieth name, and according to the rule above for Nounes beginning with a Consonant _a_ is the particle of the second person.

_Inchalita avihauri_, let come thy Kingdome, is the proper expression of this in _English. Inchali_, is the third person of the Verbe _Quinchali_, which signifieth to come. _Ta_ is as before _optantis_, or of wishing. _Ihauri_ or _Ihauric_, signifieth kingdome. _Av_, added, sheweth the second person.

_Pan cana_, upon our heads. This is a peculiar expression in that tongue; which (as all other tongues) hath many phrases, strange expressions, proper elegancies and circumlocutions. Whereof this one, to say, Let thy Kingdome come upon our heads. _Pam_ or _Pan_, is a preposition, signifying in or within, or upon. _Na_ signifieth head; _Nuna_, my head, _Cana_, our head, according to the rule above: from whence they call a hat, _Pan Nuna_, as being upon the head.

_Invanivi ta Nava_, let be done what thou wilt. They have no proper Noun to expresse a mans will, but expresse it by a Verbe: _Invanivi_, is the third person of the Verbe, _Quinvanivi_, which signifieth to be made or done. The Active is _Nuvan_, I doe or make: from whence are formed many passives, as _Quinvan_ or _Quinvanhi_, or _Quinvani_, or _Quinvanivi_, or _Quinbanari_; or _Quinvantihi_, whereof this last signifieth to bee done speedily. And so to all Verbes Actives and Passives, this particle _tihi_, is added at the end, to signifie hast or speed in doing any thing. _Nava_, is the second person of the Verbe, _Inva_, I will, according to the rule for verbes beginning with a vowell, _Nava_, thou wilt, _Inra_, he will.

_Yahvir vach a cal_, here upon the face of the earth; _Yahvir_, is an Adverbe signifying here, _Vach_, signifieth face, _Nuvach_, my face, _Avach_, thy face, _Ruvach_, his face. _Acal_, signifieth the earth or ground.

_He invan taxah_, as it is done in heaven. _He_ is an Adverbe, signifying even as, _Invan_, is the third person of the passive Verbe, _Quinvan_, to bee done. _Taxah_, as before, signifieth in heaven without any preposition to it.

_Chaye runa_, give to day. _Nuye_ is the first person of the present tense, signifying, I give, _Cha_, is the particle (according to the rule above) of the second person of the Imperative Mood. _Chaye_, give thou; _Chyrue_, let him give. _Runa_, to day.

_Cahuhun ta quih viic_, our every day bread, where note that _ca_, put before _huhun_ is very elegantly placed, though it doe belong to the word _viic_, which signifieth bread. _Nuviic_, my bread, _Caviic_, our bread. _Huhun_ is an undeclined word, signifying every one, or every thing. _quih_ signifieth the sun or the day.

_Naçach ta camac_, I pray God thou forgive our sinnes. They use not here the Imperative Mood, as in _Latin demitte_, and in _English_ forgive, but with the particle _ta_, of wishing, they use the Optative Mood. _Naçach_ is the second person of the Verbe, _Nuçach_, I forgive. _Mac_, signifieth sin. _Numac_, my sin or sins, _camac_, our sins. _Laval_ is another word in that tongue also to signifie sin.

_He incaçachve quimac_, Even as we forgive their sins. _Incaçach_ is the first person plural, according to the rule above, for verbes beginning with a consonant, _ve_ is put at the end for elegancy sake. _Quimac_ is the third person plural. Where note that in a whole speech or sentence, sometimes the particle _tacque_, observed above in the rule for declining is left out; and sometimes it is added. As here, _quimac_ their sins; or else it might have been _quimac tacque_.

_Xim acquivi chi quih_, that have sinned against our backs, of _Mac_, signifying sin, is this Verbe formed, _quinmacquivi_, to sin. So likewise of _lavil_, sin, is formed another Verb, _quinlavini_, to sin. This Verbe _quinmacquivi_ is a Deponent; of which sort there are many in that tongue, as _quincutani_, to preach, which have the same Particles as the Verbes Passives. _Chiquih_ is a word compounded of the Preposition _chi_ and _ih_, which signifieth back, and is varied like the Nounes beginning with a Vowell, and joyned with _chi_, signifieth against, as _Chivih_, against mee, _chavih_, against thee, _chirih_, against him. Plural. _Chiquih_, against us, _chavihta_, against yee, _chiquih tacque_, against them. And if another third person bee named, _chirih_, standeth for against, as _chirih Pedro_, against _Peter_, that is, against the back. If many be named in the third person Plural, then _chiquih_ is used, as _chiquih unche_, or _chiquih cunch elal_, against all.

_Mecoacana_, leave us not. This Verbe is here compounded of three: first, _Ma_, is abbreviated from the word _mani_, which signifieth no or not, as likewise _manchucu. Co_ or _coh_, signifieth wee or us, and as in the rules before I have observed, is put here before the Verb; which causeth the _n_ to be cut off from the verb, which otherwise should have beene _nacana_, of _nucana_, I leave, _nacana_, thou leavest, _inrucana_, he leaveth, and so forth.

_Chipam catacchihi_, in our being tempted. This is another great elegancy in that tongue to use a Verbe Passive for a Noune, and to add to it a Preposition; as here, _chipam_, which signifieth in; and putting to the Verbe the Particles wherewith the Nounes are varied and declined. _Nutacchih_, signifieth I tempt. The Passive is _quintacchihi_, I am tempted; from whence _nutacchihi_, signifieth my being tempted, or my temptation; _atacchihi_, thy temptation, _rutacchihi_, his temptation, _catacchihi_, our temptation.

_Coaveçata china unche tsiri._ Deliver us from all evill things. _Inveça_, as I have noted before, signifyeth to deliver. _Co_ is the first person Plural put before the Verbe, as I observed in the rule above, and in that Conjunction or compound _macoacana. China_ is a Preposition, signifying above or from. _Unche_, signifieth all, which is undeclinable. _tsiri_, is an Adjective properly undeclinable also or unvariable, in Gender, Case, and Number; as are all Adjectives in that tongue. It signifieth evill or bad; as _tsiri vinac_, an evill man, _tsiri ixoc_, a bad woman, _tsiri chicop_, a bad or evill beast; so likewise in the Plural number it is the same. Without a Substantive it is as the Newter Gender, as _malum_ for _malares_, signifying an evill thing, or evill things. The Substantive that is formed from it, is _tsiriquil_, which signifieth evill or wickednesse. _Voronquil_, signifieth the same.

_Mani quiroz_, not good: this is put for a further expression of evils to be delivered from whatsoever is not good. _Mani_, as I noted before, signifieth not. _Quiro_, is as _tsiri_, an Adjective, signifying good or a good thing, and is undeclinable, unvariable in both numbers. _Quiro vinac_, a good man, _quiro ixoc_, a good woman, _quiro chicop_, a good beast; so likewise in the plural number, _quiro vinac_, good men. The Substantive that is derived from this Adjective, is, _quirohal_, goodness. _Chiohal_, signifieth the same. _quirolah_, is very good, _tsirilah_, very bad, where _lah_ is added at the end of an adjective, it puts the same aggravation as _valde_ in _Latin_.

_He inqui_, even as he saith. The meaning is, even as hee saith that taught this prayer. _Quinqui_, signifieth I say, _tiqui_, thou saiest, _inqui_, hee saith, _Cohqui_, wee say, _tiquita_, yee say, _quiquitacque_, they say.

_Amen_. All words which have no true expression in the _Indians_ tongues, are continued in the _Spanish_, or in the proper tongue, as here _Amen_. So wine which formerly they had not, they call _vino_; though by an improper word some call it _Castilana ha_, that is, the water of Castile. So God, they call _Dios_ commonly; though some call him _Nim Ahval_, that is, the great Lord.

And thus for curiosities sake, and by the intreaty of some speciall friends, I have furnished the Presse with a language which never yet was printed, or known in _England_. A Merchant, Mariner, or Captaine at Sea may chance by fortune to be driven upon some Coast, where he may meet with some _Pocoman Indian_; and it may bee of great use to him, to have some light of this _Poconchi_ tongue. Whereunto I shall be willing hereafter to add something more for the good of my Countrey; and for the present I leave thee Reader to study what hitherto hath briefely been delivered by mee.

_FINIS._

A Table of the Chapters of this Booke, with the Contents of the most Remarkeable things in them.

CHAP. I.

_How_ Rome _doth yeerely visit the_ American _and_ Asian _Kingdomes_. page 1.

Contents.

_The Popes Policy in maintaining constantly some poore Pensionary Bishops in_ Rome. page 1.

_Without great Sums of Mony, and new Purple Clothing given to the Cardinals, Suits are not Canonized at_ Rome. pag. 2.

_Monies sent out of_ England _to_ Rome, _for Indulgencies to bee granted to private Altars in Papists private chambers._ page 2.

_More power granted to the Kings of_ Spain _over the Clergy in the_ West-India's, _then to other Princes in_ Europe, _upon condition that they maintain there the Popes Authority, and Preists to preach._ page 2. 3.

_The Jesuites challenge from_ Francis Xavierius _the Preaching of the Gospel as due onely to them._ page 3.

_Missions of Preists, Fryers, or Jesuites, are yeerely sent at the King of_ Spaine _his charge to the_ India's. page 3.

CHAP. II.

_Shewing that the_ Indians _wealth, under a pretence of their Conversion, hath corrupted the hearts of poore begging Fryers, with strife, hatred and ambition._ page 3.

Contents.

_Hatred grounded upon difference in Religion, is most bitter._ Page 3. 4.

_Jesuites and Fryers, but especially Dominicans, deadly enemies._ Page 4.

_A Jesuiticall trick well acted at_ Venice. page 4.

_Doctor_ Smith _Bishop of_ Chalcedon _sent by the Pope into_ England, _as private Head over all the_ Romish _Clergy, chiefly by the cunning subtilty of Jesuites was banished._ page 4.

_A Colledge privately intended to hee built in_ England, _by Jesuites at_ Winifreds Well; _as also the Sope houses at_ Lambeth, _with the Sope Patentee belonging to them._ page 5.

_More Jesuiticall prankes discovered._ page 5.

_Why Jesuites and Dominicans are dead enemies._ page. 5. 6.

Valentia _the Jesuite, his death most shamefull, for causing a false Print upon_ Augustins _workes._ page. 5. 6.

_Jesuites, excellent Musicians, Fencers, Dancers, Vaulters, Painters, Bribers, and Merchants._ p. 6.

CHAP. III.

_Shewing the manner of the Missions of Fryers, and Jesuites to the_ India's. pag. 7

Contents.

_Distinction of severall Provinces amongst the Fryers, and Jesuites, under head at Rome, named Generall._ page 7.

West-India _Fryers rich prizes to the_ Hollanders, page 7.

_Popes indulgence granted to such Fryers, as goe to the_ India's, _and his excommunication to such as oppose them._ page 8.

_Liberty draws most of the Fryers to the_ India's. page 8.

_The death of an unchast wife murthered by her owne husband, caused by the too much liberty of a wanton Fryer in_ Guatemala, Anno 1635. p. 9.

CHAP. IV.

_Shewing to what Provinces of the_ East _and_ West-India's _belonging to the Crowne of_ Castilia, _are sent missions of Fryers and Jesuites. And especially of the Missions sent in the yeer_ 1625. page 9.

Contents.

_Two sorts of_ Spaniards _in the_ India's _deadly enemies to one another,_ viz. _the Natives borne there, and such as goe from_ Spain _thither._ page 9. 10.

_What Religious Orders are the chief Preachers in the Province of_ Guatemala. page. 10.

_The_ Spaniards _chief trading from_ Spain _to_ Philippinas, _is first, by their ships to St_. John de Ulhua, _upon the North Sea; and secondly, from_ Acapulco, _upon the South Sea to_ Manila. page 11.

_A vaine and worldly discourse of a Fryer of the_ India's, page 11. 12.

_The chief cause of the Authors resolution to goe to_ East _and_ West-India's. page 12. 13.

_Foure poore Mendicant Fryers, as_ Apostles _entertained by_ Don Frederique de Toledo, _and the Gallies in_ Puerto de Santa Maria. page 14.

CHAP. V.

_Of the_ Indian _Fleet, that departed from_ Cales, Anno Dom. 1625. _And of some remarkable passages in that voiage._ page 14.

Contents.

_The love of Nuns too powerfull over Fryers._ page 14.

_The Author hid in an empty barrell on shipboard, in the Bay of_ Cales. page 15.

_The pleasure of the_ Indian _Navigation,_ 1625. _untill the first land was discovered._ page 16.

CHAP. VI.

_Of our discovery of some Islands, and what trouble befell us in one of them._ p. 16.

Contents.

_The Islands called_ Desseada, Marigalante, Dominica; Guadalupe, _are the first discovered in_ America, _in the_ Spanish _Navigation._ page 17.

_A Christian Mulatto having lived twelve yeeres among Heathens, with an Infidell wife and Children, found in_ Guadalupe. page 18.

_A suddaine uproare and mutiny of the_ Indians _of_ Guadalupe, _who slew and wounded many of the_ Spanish _Fleet,_ 1625. page 19.

CHAP. VII.

_Of our further sailing to St_. John de Ulhua, aliàs, Vera Crux, _of our landing there._ page 19.

Contents.

_A Fryer wounded at_ Guadalupe, _died, and was solemnly cast to the Sea._ pag. 20.

_A_ Spaniard _swimming in the sound of_ Mexico, _cruelly slain, and partly devoured by a Sea Monster._ page 21.

_The_ Virgin Mary, _called upon more then God, in a suddain apprehension of a storme._ page 21.

CHAP. VIII.

_Of our landing at_ Vera Crux, _otherwise St._ John de Ulhua, _and of our entertainment there._ page 22.

Contents.

_The vanity and worldlinesse of a Religious Dominican Superiour in St._ John de Ulhua. page 23.

_The houses and Churches of St._ John de Ulhua, _builded with boards and timber, and therefore easily and often fired._ page 23. 24.

_A further relation of the towne of St._ John de Ulhua, _with the rich trading of it from most parts of the_ West-India's, _as also from the_ East-India's. page 24.

CHAP. IX.

_Of our journey from St._ John de Ulhua _to_ Mexico, _and of the most remarkable Townes and Villages in the way._ page 25.

Contents.

_Our Fryers first entertainment by the_ Indians _of the old_ Vera Crux. page 25.

_A Franciscan Fryers vow and profession contrary to the vanity, carding, dicing, and swearing, practised by them of_ Xalappa, _in the_ India's. page 26.

_Abundance of Gnats in the_ Rinconada, _taketh away the comfort of the great abundance of provision that is there._ page 27.

_From whence the Towne called_ Segura de la Frontera _had its beginning._ page 27. 28.

CHAP. X.

_Wherein is set downe the Estate and Condition of the great Towne of_ Tlaxcallan, _when the first_ Spaniards _entered into the Empire of_ Mexico. Cortez _his first encounter with the_ Tlaxcalteca's, _their League with him, with a description of the Towne, and of the state and condition of it now._ page 29.

Contents.

_A wall of stone without Lime or Morter, of a fadome and a halfe high, and twenty foot broad, built by the Indian, for a defence in time of Warres before the comming of the_ Spaniards. page 29.

_Fourescore thousand_ Indians, _soon raised and armed by those of_ Tlaxcallan, _and soone overcome by a thousand onely_ Indians _and_ Spaniards _with_ Cortez. pag. 30. 31.

_Yet further a hundred and fifty thousand overcome by foure hundred_ Spaniards, _and six hundred_ Indians. page 31. 32.

_Three presents sent to_ Cortez, viz _five slaves, Frankincense and feathers, Fowles, Bread and Cherries, to know whether hee were a God or a man._ pag. 32.

Montezuma _the Emperour his great present sent to_ Cortez. pag. 34.

_The_ Tlaxcalteca's _pay no Tribute to the King of_ Spain, _as others doe, save onely one Corn of Maiz._ pag. 35.

_A description of the foure chief streets of_ Tlaxcallan, _with the standard of the Town._ pag. 35.

_Twenty thousand persons wont to meet in one Market place of_ Tlaxcallan, _to buy and sell._ pag. 35.

_Severe Justice executed upon a thief by the inhabitants of_ Tlaxcallan. pag. 36.

CHAP. XI.

_Concluding the rest of our Journey from_ Tlaxcallan _to_ Mexico, _through the City of_ Angels, _and_ Guacocingo. pag. 36.

Contents.

_The City of_ Angels _first builded by the Command of_ Antonio de Mendoza, _in the yeer_ 1530. pag. 37.

_It was first called by the_ Indians Cuetlaxcoapan, _that is to say, a snake in water._ Ibid.

_Many more particulars of the City of_ Angels _briefly related._ Ibid.

_The Town of_ Guacocingo, _why priviledged by the_ Spaniards. pag. 38.

Tezcuco, _the first Town in the_ West-India's, _that received a Christian King._ pag. 39.

_How the_ Vergantines, _(wherewith_ Cortez _besieged_ Mexico _by water) were brought by Land in pieces from_ Tlaxcallan _to_ Tezcuco; _and foure hundred thousand men, fifty dayes imployed in making a sluce or Trench for the finishing of them, and launching them forth to the Lake._ pag. 40.

Cortez _his Army divided into three parts in the plain of_ Tezcuco, _for the better besieging of_ Mexico. pag. 40. 41.

Cortez _made use of seven thousand beames of Cedar trees for the building of his house in_ Mexico. pag. 41.

CHAP. XII.

_Shewing some particulars of the great and famous City of_ Mexico _in former times; with a true description of it now. And of the State and Condition of it, in the yeare_ 1625. pag. 42.

Contents.

_Little substance or nourishment found in the fruits, and other food of_ Mexico. pag. 42. 43.

_Severall opinions concerning the difference of fresh and salt water in the Lake of_ Mexico, p. 43. 44.

Montezuma _his stately Palace in_ Mexico, _called_ Tepac, _with two more, the one with many ponds of salt and fresh water for severall sorts of fowles; the other for hawking fowles, and fowles of rapine._ p. 44. 45.

_Three thousand were the Attendants in_ Montezuma _his Court, fed with what came from his Table._ p. 46.

Mexico _called formerly_ Tenuchtitlan, _and why?_ ibid.

_What_ Mexico _properly signifieth, and from whence so called._ p. 47.

_The Names of the ten Emperours that were of_ Mexico, _and_ Montezuma _his death._ ibid.

Quahutimoc _Emperour of_ Mexico _taken Prisoner, and that great City conquered by_ Cortez _the_ 13. _of_ August, 1521. p. 49.

_Two hundred thousand little boats called Canoas, belonged to_ Mexico, _to bring provision into the City._ p. 50.

_A Description of the chiefe Market of_ Mexico, _wherein a hundred thousand persons did usually meet to buy and sell._ p. 50, 51.

_A Description of the great Church of_ Mexico, _before the entring of the_ Spaniards. p. 51, 52.

_The Papists have continued the fashion of their Churches, Altars, Cloisters, and many other their abuses from the Heathens._ p. 52, 53.

_The Gods of_ Mexico, _two thousand in number._ p. 53.

Mexico _after the Conquest, was built againe with a hundred thousand houses._ p. 54.

_Fifteen thousand Coaches are judged to be in the City of_ Mexico. p. 56.

_A Popingay presented to the King of_ Spain, _worth halfe a million of Duckates._ ibid.

_A Lampe in_ Mexico _worth foure hundred thousand Crownes._ ibid.

_The Attire of the female sex of_ Blackmores, Mulatta's, _and_ Mestiza's _in_ Mexico. p. 56, 57.

_The_ Spaniards _with their gifts to the Churches and Cloisters cover their lascivious lives, as is shewed by an example in_ Mexico. p. 57.

_About two thousand Coaches daily meet in the Alameda of_ Mexico. 59.

_Of a fruit in the_ India's, _called_ Nuchtli. p. 60.

_Of some other fruits, and especially of a tree called_ Metl. p. 60, 61.

_A memorable history of a great mutiny in_ Mexico, _caused by the too great power of an Archprelate, and the Covetousnesse of the Viceroy. With some observations gathered for the good of_ England _out of the said mutiny._ p. 62. & sequent.

CHAP. XIII.

_Shewing the severall parts of this new world of_ America; _and the places of Note about the famous City of_ Mexico. p. 68.

Contents.

_A Description of the fiery Mountain, called_ Popocatepec. p. 69.

_The riches belonging to the Viceroy his chappell at_ Chapultepec, _worth above a million of Crownes._ p. 70.

_A Description of a rich Desart, or wildernesse, three leagues from_ Mexico. ibid.

_The cruelty of_ Don Nunio de Guzman _in_ Mechoacan. p. 71. _The manner of burying the Kings of_ Mechoacan, _before it was conquered by the_ Spaniards. p. 71, 72.

_The_ Spaniards _themselves wonder that our_ English _Nation is not more Active in conquering more of the Continent of_ America _beyond_ Virginia. p. 73.

Nova Albion _in_ America, _named so by Sir_ Francis Drake. p. 74.

_How the Countrey of_ Jucatan _was first named._ ibid.

_In the year_ 1632. _the_ Indians _of_ Jucatan _mutinied against the_ Spaniards. ibid.

_The City of_ Valdivia _so named from a_ Spaniard _of that name too greedy and covetous of gold._ p. 76.

_The famous Attempt of_ John Oxenham _an_ English _man from the Coast of_ Nombre de Dios, _to the Island of Pearles in the South sea._ p. 77.

_The_ Spanish _Fleet of_ Nova Hispania, _taken by the_ Hollanders, _in the river of_ Matanzos. p. 80.

CHAP. XIV.

_Shewing my Journey from_ Mexico _to_ Chiapa, _Southward, and the most remarkable places in the way._ p. 81.

Contents.

_For what reasons I stayed in_ America, _and would not goe on to the_ Philippina _Islands in the_ East-India's. p. 82.

_A Proclamation from the Viceroy in the market place of_ Mexico, _against such as should conceale, harbour, and hide any Fryer bound for the_ Philippina _Islands_. p. 83.

_A double Wheat harvest every yeer in a Valley, called_ St. Pablo. p. 85.

_The Dominicans Cloister in_ Guaxaca, _very rich, and strong._ p. 86.

_The great River_ Alvarado, _though it run from_ St. John de Ulhua _far into the heart of the Countrey towards_ Guaxaca, _yet there is no Castle, Tower, or Ordnance upon it._ ibid.

_An Old Frier, Master of Divinity, spightfully and maliciously buried in a garden by the Friers of_ Guaxaca. ibid.

_Friers in the_ India's _may travail, and call for Turkeys, Capons, or what they please to eat, without any mony, upon the_ Indians _charges._ p. 87.

Tecoantepeque _a Sea Towne, upon_ Mar del Zur, _altogether unfortified._ ibid.

_The Author lodged in a Wildernesse, and affrighted with a sure apprehension of death by Wild beasts._ p. 88, 89.

_The Author, and his Companies dangerous passage over the mountaine of_ Maquilapa, _feeding three daies upon green sowre lemmons, and water._ p. 90. & sequ.

_Two mysterious games of Tables played between the Superiour of the Dominican Friers of_ Chiapa, _and the Author and his Company._ p. 94, 95.

_Our stately entertainment in a Towne called_ St. Philip, _neer_ Chiapa. p. 95, 96.

_Our imprisonment in the Cloister of_ Chiapa, _and three daies penance with bread and water._ p. 96.

_A Friers penance in_ Chiapa _for a Love letter to a Nun._ p. 97.

_The Author made Schoole-master in_ Chiapa. ibid.

CHAP. XV.

_Describing the Countrey of_ Chiapa, _with the chief Townes and Commodities belonging to it._ p. 98.

Contents.

_Some foolish questions moved to the Author by a great Don of_ Chiapa, _and his answer to them accordingly._ p. 99. & sequ.

_One thousand and six hundred Duckates got by a Bishop of_ Chiapa _in one moneth onely for Confirmation of little children in_ Indian _Townes._ p. 102.

_A Bishop of_ Chiapa _poisoned by women, with a cup of Chocolatte, for forbidding Chocolatte to be drunke in the Church._ p. 103.

_The Author his answer to a token sent to him by a gentlewoman of_ Chiapa. p. 104.

_The great Dexterity of the_ Indians _of_ Chiapa _in shewes, and publike feasts._ ibid.

_The River of_ Tabasco _very commodious for any Nation to enter up towards_ Chiapa. p. 105.

CHAP. XVI.

_Concerning two daily, and common Drinkes, or Potions much used in the_ India's, _called Chocolatte, and Atolle._ p. 106.

Contents.

_The Nature of the Cacao, and the tree it groweth upon, and the two sorts of it._ p. 106, 107.

_Cinnamon one of the best ingredients in the Chocolatte; and why?_ p. 108.

_Achiotte how it groweth; and for what it is good._ ibid.

_Severall waies to drinke the Chocolatte._ p. 109.

CHAP. XVII.

_Shewing my Journey from the City of_ Chiapa _unto_ Guatemala, _and the chief places in the way._ p. 111.

Contents.

_Six thousand Duckates sent by a Fryer to_ Spain _to buy a Bishopricke._ p. 112.

_A rich treasure and picture of_ Mary _in a poor and small Town of the_ Indians, _called_ Chiantla, _among the mountaines, named_ Cuchumatlanes. p. 113.

_The water of the river of a Towne, called_ Scapula, _causeth great swellings in the throat._ p. 114.

_The Authour his dangerous fall from the mountaine of_ Zojabah, _and his great deliverance attributed to a miracle by the_ Indians, _with the conceit the_ Indians _had of his sanctity and holinesse._ p. 115.

_The_ Indians _guide the Friers in the night, when they travail, with lights of Pine wood._ p. 116.

_The great Fair of_ Chimaltenango. p. 117.

_The Author abused, and suspected to be a spie, by an old frier in_ Chimaltenango. ibid.

_Stones of a fruit, or plumme, called_ Xocotte, _fit for fiering, and also good to fat hogs._ 117, 118.

CHAP. XVIII.

_Describing the Dominions, Government, Riches, and greatnesse of the City of_ Guatemala, _and Country belonging to it._ p. 118.

Contents.

Guatemala _an open City without any walls, forts, or Bulwarkes about it._ p. 118.

_The Author welcomed to_ Guatemala; _and first graced with a publick Act of Divinity; and after made Master of Arts in the same City._ p. 118, 119.

_The forme of the Letters Patents, as are used there, and sent to the Authour to read Arts in the University of_ Guatemala. ibid.

_The manner of presenting the Author to the Bishop for obtaining his Licence to preach publikely._ p. 120. 121.

_The forme of the Bishops Licence to preach and heare Confessions within his Bishopricke, in_ Spanish, _and_ English; _with some glosses upon it._ p. 121, 122.

Donna Maria de Castilia _swallowed up by a river which suddainly gushed out of a mountaine neer to_ Guatemala, _for blaspheming and defying God._ p. 124.

_The horrour of the Vulcan of fire neer_ Guatemala. ibid.

_Thirteen pound and a halfe of Biefe sold about_ Guatemala _for three pence._ p. 125.

_One man onely enjoying_ 40000 _head of Cattell, and one onely that bought_ 6000 _neer_ Guatemala. ibid.

_How_ Guatemala _and the Townes about are stored with provision of Biefe and Mutton; and by whom._ ibid.

_Foure exceeding rich Merchants in_ Guatemala, _besides many other of great, but inferiour wealth to them._ p. 126.

_The Covetousnesse of a President of_ Guatemala _shewed in Carding and gaming._ ibid.

_Thirty thousand Duckats yeerly, the rent of one Cloister in_ Guatemala; _besides the treasure in it, worth a hundred thousand Crownes._ p. 127.

_A thousand persons commonly living within one Cloister of Nuns in_ Guatemala. ibid.

_The Bishop of_ Guatemala _his Nun, very powerfull and rich._ p. 128.

_The strength of the Blackmore slaves about the Countrey of_ Guatemala. p. 129.

_All the power of_ Guatemala _is not able to reduce a few Blackmore slaves, who are fled to the mountains about_ Golfo Dulce. p. 130.

_Between the Towne of_ Acasabastlan _and_ Guatemala _are Mines of Copper, and iron, and probably a treasure of Gold._ p. 131.

_A rich Miser, worth six hundred thousand Duckates, living like a beast in the valley of_ Mixco. p. 132.

_A kind of wheat in the valley of_ Mixco, _called_ Tremesino, _which after three moneths sowne is harvested in._ p. 135.

_A Towne called_ St. Lucar, _where wheat threshed is laid up in Barnes, and keepeth two or three yeers with much increase._ ibid.

_A Towne of twelve thousand_ Indian _inhabitants not yet conquered, lying between_ Jucatan _and_ Vera Paz. p. 136.

CHAP. XIX.

_Shewing the Condition, quality, fashion, and behaviour of the_ Indians _of the Countrey of_ Guatemala, _since the Conquest; and especially of their feasts and solemnities._ p. 138.

Contents.

_The_ Indians _of the Countrey of_ Guatemala, _like the Israelites by_ Pharaoh, _much oppressed by the_ Spaniards, _because they multiply and increase._ p. 138.

_The_ West-India's _easier to be conquered now, then in the time that_ Cortez _conquered them._ p. 139.

_Some_ Indians _choose rather to die by pining away willingly, then to be subject to the_ Spaniards _oppression and cruelty._ ibid.

_How the_ Indians _are forced, and distributed out by a_ Spanish _officer to serve the_ Spaniards _weekly._ p. 140.

_The manner of the_ Indians _beds; as also their manner of cloathing._ p. 141, 142.

_They are divided into Tribes; with a chiefe head over every Tribe._ p. 142.

_How they agree upon contracting Marriage one with another._ ibid.

_The powdred bief of the_ Indians, _commonly called_ Tassajo. p. 143.

_The_ Indian _Venison, or flesh of wild Dear, how dressed and eaten._ ibid.

_A Hedgehog good meat in the_ India's. ibid.

_Of an_ Indian _drinke, called_ Chicha. p. 144.

_The_ Spaniards _use much to make the_ Indians _drunke; and then picke their pockets._ p. 144, 145.

_The Preists that live in the_ Indian _Townes are above the Justices, and Officers for peace, and whip, and give sentence and judgement in the Church against the best._ p. 146.

_The Service, and Attendants allowed to the Preist._ p. 147.

_How, and what tribute the_ Indians _pay yeerly._ p. 148.

_The Saints and Idols of the Romish Religion differ not from the heathenish Idols in the_ Indians _opinion._ p. 149.

_Saints held unprofitable by the Preists in the_ India's, _and fit to be cast out of the Churches, which bring not mony and gifts unto them at least once a yeare._ ibid.

_The Preists trade much in wax candles, and sell sometimes one candle five or six times._ p. 150.

_An old_ Indian _Womans judgement concerning the Sacrament of the Lords supper._ p. 150, 151.

_All soules day, Christmas, Candlemas day, and Whitsunday, daies of great lucre, and profit to the Preists._ p. 151, 152.

_The_ Indians _are forced to marry at thirteen and fourteen yeers of age; and why?_ p. 153.

_The ground of our Fairs in_ England. p. 154.

_Severall dances of the_ Indians. p. 154, 155.

CHAP. XX.

_Shewing how, and why I departed out of_ Guatemala, _to learne the_ Poconchi _language, and to live among the_ Indians; _and of some particular passages, and Accidents whilst I lived there._ p. 156.

Contents.

_The Author going with some few_ Spaniards, _and Christian_ Indians _into a Countrey of unknowne Heathens, fell dangerously sick; and was further in a skirmish with the Barbarians, and by that meanes also in danger of his life._ p. 157, 158.

Indians _growne up in age, forcedly driven to Baptisme, without any principles in Christianity, by the Preists and Friers that first entred into_ America. ibid.

Comayagua, _a woody, mountainous, and barren Countrey._ p. 159.

_In the_ India's _are Grammers and Dictionaries of the severall_ Indian _tongues._ p. 160.

_The Authour became perfect in the_ Poconchi _language in one quarter of a yeere._ ibid.

_The meanes, chiefly from the Church, which the Authour enjoyed yeerly in the Townes of_ Mixco _and_ Pinola. p. 161, 162.

_A Plague of Locusts in the_ India's _brought no small profit to the Authour._ p. 163, 164.

_The_ Spaniards _confidence in some blessed breads against the plague of Locusts._ ibid.

_An infectious disease amongst the_ Indians, _brought to the Author neer a hundred pounds in halfe a yeer._ ibid.

_The Authour struck downe as dead to the ground with a flash of lightning; and again in danger of his life by an Earthquake._ p. 165, 166.

_Of a small Vermin, lesse then a flea called_ Nigua, _common in the_ India's, _wherewith the Author was in danger of losing a leg._ ibid.

_The Authour like to be killed by a_ Spaniard, _for defending the poore_ Indians, p. 167.

_A notorious Witch in the Town of_ Pinola _affrighted the Authour._ p. 167. & sequ.

_The_ Indian _Wizards and Witches changed into shapes of beasts by the Devil, as appeareth by two examples._ p. 169 & sequ.

_Some Idolaters in the Towne of_ Mixco _discovered their preaching Idol found out by the Authour, and burnt publikely in the Church; and hee in great danger to bee killed by them._ p. 171. & sequ.

_The Authors conflict within himselfe about coming home to_ England _for conscience sake; and his resolution therein._ p. 180, 181.

_Neer upon_ 9000. _peeces of Eight got by the Authour, in twelve yeers that hee lived in the_ India's. p. 181.

CHAP. XXI.

_Shewing my Journey from the Towne of_ Petapa _into_ England; _and some chief passages in the way._ p. 182.

Contents.

_Relation of a place called_ Serro Redondo, _five leagues from_ Petapa. p. 182.

_A strange fire and smoake constantly comming out of the earth neer unto a Towne, called_ Aguachapa; _which by the_ Spaniards _is supposed to be a mouth of hell._ p. 183.

_The priviledge of a great river, called_ Lempa, _dividing the Countrey of_ St. Salvador, _and_ Nicaragua. p. 184.

_A Frier thinking to take up gold from the bottome of the fiery Vulcan of_ Leon _deceived._ p. 185.

_The City of_ Leon, _and Countrey about, called by the_ Spaniards, _Mahomets paradise._ ibid.

_About the beginning of_ February, _the City of_ Granada _in_ Nicaragua _is one of the richest places in the_ India's, _by reason of many rich commodities, and some of the King of_ Spain _his revenews carried thither, to be transported by the Frigats to_ Cartagena _or_ Havana. p. 185, 186.

_The dangerous passage from the Lake of_ Granada _by the river, commonly called_ El Desaguadero. p. 186.

_The Authour and his Company like to be surprized by a monstrous Cayman, or Crocodile._ p. 187.

_The Authour robbed at sea by a_ Holland _man of Warre, of the value of_ 7000. _Crownes._ p. 188, 189.

_A Frier for defending the poore_ Indians _of_ Nicoya _lost two fingers, which were cut off by the Alcalde Maior._ p. 192.

_The Author forced to drinke his owne urine, and lost, and like to perish in an unknowne Island, and afterwards upon a Rocke._ p. 193, 194.

_Some particulars of the City of_ Panama. p. 195.

_The river of_ Chiagre _very shallow in many places, without some great raine cause the water to fall into it from the mountaines._ ibid.

_Some particulars of_ Portobello, _during the time that the_ Spanish _Fleet stayeth there._ p. 196.

_The Papists Bread God, or Sacrament eaten and gnawne by a Mouse in_ Portobello; _with a Fast in bread and water for that contempt done unto their God._ p. 197, 198.

_The_ Spaniards _feare of the_ English _that then inhabited the Island called_ Providence. p. 199.

_Some_ English _Prisoners at_ Carthagena, _with one Captain_ Rouse, _who at_ Havana _challenged some_ Spaniards _into the field, who had abused him._ p. 199, 200.

_From the whole_ Spanish _Fleet, one gallantly taken away, worth fourescore thousand Duckats, by two_ Holland _or_ English _ships not well knowne, upon the Coast of_ Havana. p. 201.

_The manner of the Dominicans habit, with the meaning of it._ p. 203.

CHAP. XXII.

_Shewing how, and for what causes, after I had arrived in_ England, _I took yet another journey to_ Rome, _and other parts of_ Italy, _and returned again to settle my selfe in this my Countrey._ p. 205.

Contents.

Price _a Monke very familiar with_ William Laud _late Archbishop of_ Canterbury. p. 205.

_The Authors Brother in great favour at Court, and aspiring to a Bishopricke; or to be Parish Preist of_ Coven garden. ibid.

_The Authour apprehended by a Pursevant; and protected by Sir_ Francis Windebanke. p. 207.

_The Authour from the low Countries got letters of recommendation to some chiefe Cardinals in_ Rome. p. 207.

_The Author robbed by_ French _Pyrates going from_ Ligorne _to_ Rome. ibid.

_The Cardinal_ Don Francisco Barbarini _intituled the Protectour of_ England _and much acquainted with the affaires of_ England, _and especially with the actions and proceedings of_ William Laud _Archbishop of_ Canterbury. p. 208.

William Laud _his further Complyance with the Cardinals of_ Rome, _as testified by_ Fitzherbert _the Jesuite in a conference with the Authour._ ibid.

_A designe of making an_ English _Cardinall at_ Rome; _and who chiefly eyed for that purpose._ p. 209.

_A true Copy of the manner of sending the Author to live at_ Orleans _in_ France, p. 209, 210.

_The miracle printed by the Papists of the blushing and sweating of the Ladies picture of_ Loretto, _tried by the Authour, and found to bee a meer lie._ p. 210.

_At the calling of the Parliament now sitting, the_ Romish _crew in_ Italy _much perplexed._ p. 210, 211.

_The Authour taken again by a_ French _Fleet of ships, as he was coming home from_ Ligorne. p. 211.

_The Author twice assaulted in_ London _by Papists, and like to be killed for his profession of the truth, and service to the State._ p. 211, 212.

FINIS.