CHAPTER VIII. MEMPHIS AND THE FAYYÛM.

We have followed Herodotos in his travels through the Delta, have seen him make his way from Kanôpos and Naukratis to Memphis and back again to Pelusium, and it is now time to accompany him through Memphis itself and the Fayyûm. There are no longer any uncertain sites to identify; from Memphis southward all is clear and determined.

To the visitor the interest of Memphis centred in its temple of Ptah. It was round the temple that the city had grown up, and as the city had been the capital of the older dynasties, so the temple had been their royal chapel. When the supremacy passed from Memphis to Thebes, it passed also from Ptah the god of Memphis to Amon the god of Thebes.

It is the great temple of Ptah, accordingly, about which Herodotos has most to tell us. Other localities in Memphis, such as the citadel and the palace, the Karian quarter, or “the Tyrian Camp” with its shrine of Ashtoreth, are noticed only incidentally. But the great temple and its monuments are described as fully as was possible for an “impure” foreigner, who was not permitted to enter its inner courts and who was unacquainted with the Egyptian language.

The history of Egypt known to Herodotos before the age when Greek mercenaries and traders were settled in the country by Psammetikhos is almost wholly connected with the monuments of the temple which were shown to him. And a very curious history it is—a collection of folk-tales, partly Egyptian, but mainly Karian or Greek in origin, and not always of a seemly character, which the dragomen attached to the various objects the visitor saw. Even the royal names round which they revolved were sometimes indiscoverable in the authentic annals of Egypt. But the stories were all gravely noted down by the traveller, and though they have lost nothing in the telling, it is probable that they have not always been reported by him correctly.

In one respect, at all events, this mythical history of Egypt is the creation of Herodotos himself and not of his guides. This is the order in which he has arranged the kings. It is the order in which he visited the monuments to which the dragomen attached their names, and it thus throws a welcome light on the course of his movements. With this clue in our hands we can follow him from one part of the temple of Ptah to another, and can trace his footsteps as far as the Fayyûm.

It is true he asserts that his list of kings was given on the authority of “the Egyptians and the priests,” and that it was they who reckoned three hundred and forty-one generations from Menes, the founder of the kingdom, to Sethos, the antagonist of Sennacherib, the number of kings and high-priests during the period being exactly equal to the number of generations. But it can easily be shown that the calculation was made by Herodotos himself, and that neither the “Egyptians,” whose language he did not understand, nor the sacristans, whom he dignifies with the title of priests, are in any way responsible for the absurd statement that a generation and a reign are equivalent terms. The number of kings whose names he heard from his dragoman is exactly eleven; in addition to these, he tells us, the names of three hundred and thirty kings were read to him from a papyrus roll by one of the temple scribes; so that the number three hundred and forty-one is obtained by adding the three hundred and thirty names to the eleven which were furnished him by his guides. Among the three hundred and thirty must have been included some of the latter, though the Greek traveller did not know it.

At Memphis Herodotos learned that Menes was the first king of united Egypt, though the further statements he records in regard to him are not easily reconcilable one with the other. On the one hand he was informed that in his time all Egypt was a marsh except the Thebaic nome—a piece of information which seemed to Herodotos consonant with fact—on the other hand, that the land on which Memphis was built was a sort of huge embankment reclaimed from the Nile by Menes, who forced the river to leave its old channel under the plateau of Gizeh and to run in its present bed. Mariette believed that the dyke by means of which the first of the Pharaohs effected this change in the course of the river still exists near Kafr el-Ayyât, and it is geologically clear that the Nile once ran along the edge of the Libyan desert, and that the rock out of which the Sphinx was carved must have been one of those which jutted out into the stream.

But it was not on account of his engineering works that the name of Menes has been preserved in the histories of Herodotos. It was because he was the founder of the temple of Ptah and the city of Memphis. The temple which was the object of the tourist’s visit owed its origin to him, and the traveller’s sight-seeing naturally began with the mention of his name.

Before Herodotos could be shown round such parts of the sanctuary as were accessible to strangers, it was necessary that he should be introduced to the authorities and receive their permission to visit it. Accordingly he was ushered into what was perhaps the library of the temple, and there a scribe read to him out of a roll the names of the three hundred and thirty kings, beginning with Menes and ending with Mœris. To three only does a story seem to have been attached, either by the scribe or by the interpreter, and only three names therefore did Herodotos enter in his note-book. The first of these was that of Menes, the second that of Nitôkris, the third that of Mœris. Nitôkris was celebrated not only because she was the one native woman who had ruled the country, but also because she had treacherously avenged the death of her brother and then flung herself into the flames. Neit-aker, as she was called in Egyptian, was actually an historical personage; she was the last sovereign of the sixth dynasty, but was very far from being the only queen who had reigned over Egypt. As regards Mœris the statements of Herodotos are only partially correct. He is said to have built the propylæa on the north side of the temple of Ptah, to have dug the great lake of the Fayyûm, and to have erected the pyramids which Herodotos believed he had seen standing in the middle of it. Mœris, however, was not the name of a king, but the Egyptian words Mi ur or “great lake”; the Fayyûm was not created by the excavation of an artificial reservoir, but by banking out the water which had filled the oasis from geological times; and the monuments seen by Herodotos were not pyramids, but statues on pyramidal bases erected by Amon-em-hat III. of the twelfth dynasty in front of an ancient temple. Nor could any educated Egyptian have alleged that a king of the twelfth dynasty, who was not even the last monarch of that dynasty itself, closed the line of the Pharaohs. The whole account must rest on a combination of the Greek historian’s own erroneous conclusions with the misinterpreted statements of the Egyptian “priest.”

Mœris, in the topographical chronology of Herodotos, was followed by Sesostris, but this was because the tourist, after leaving the scribe’s chamber, first visited the northern side of the temple. Here stood the two colossal figures of Ramses II. in front of the entrance, which, after centuries of neglect and concealment, have again become objects of interest. The larger one, forty-two feet in length, was discovered in 1820 and presented by Mohammed Ali to the British Government, but, as might have been expected, was never claimed. For years it lay on its face in the mud and water, but in 1883 Major Bagnold turned it round and raised it, and finally placed it in the shed, where it is now safe from further injury. The son and daughter of the Pharaoh were originally represented standing beside him. Major Bagnold also brought to light the companion statue, of lesser height and of a different stone. This is in a better state of preservation, and has been set up on a hillock by the side of a stêlê which was discovered at the same time. Fragments of papyri inscribed with Greek and demotic have been found at the north-eastern foot of the hillock, and it may be that they mark the site of the chamber where Herodotos listened to the words of the roll.

Northward of the colossi was the sacred lake, said to have been formed by Menes, and now a stagnant pond. At its south-eastern corner the foundations have recently been laid bare of small square rooms, the walls of which have been adorned with sculptures. But the waters of the inundation have followed the excavators, and the walls are fast perishing under the influence of moisture and nitrous salt.

About Sesostris the guides of Herodotos had a good deal to say. But nothing of it was history—not even his conquests in Europe and Scythia, his excavation of the canals which rendered Egypt unfit for horses and chariots, his equal division of the land among his subjects, or his having been the sole Egyptian monarch who governed Ethiopia. How even a dragoman of Memphis could have imagined that it had ever been possible to cultivate the Egyptian soil without canals it is difficult to understand, and still more difficult to imagine how a traveller who had seen the Delta could have believed a statement of the kind. The only explanation can be that Herodotos never saw the Delta in its normal condition when the inundation had ceased to cover the land. That Sesostris should have been supposed to have been the only Pharaoh who established his power in Ethiopia is but a proof how little was known of the real history of Egypt by either Herodotos or his informants.

The origin of the name given to this Pharaoh of the dragoman’s imagination is still a puzzle. The statues in front of the temple of Ptah, to which the name was attached, were set up by Ramses II., and in a papyrus we find the name Sesetsu given as the popular title of the same monarch. Perhaps it means “the son of Set is he.” We know that Set, the ancient god of the Delta, was a special object of worship in the family of Ramses II., and his father Seti was named after the god. Sesetsu would correspond with fair exactitude to the Sesoôsis of Diodoros; for Sesostris we should have to presuppose the form Sesetsu-Ra.

The son and successor of Sesostris, according to Herodotos, was Pherôn. The name is merely a mispronounced Pharaoh, the Egyptian Per-âa or “Great House.” Pherôn undertook no military expedition, being blind in consequence of his impiety in hurling his spear at too high a Nile. After ten years of blindness an oracle came to him from Butô that he would be cured if he would wash his eyes in the urine of a woman who had been true to her husband. Trial after trial was made in vain, and when at last the king recovered his sight he collected all the women in whose case he had failed into “a city now called the Red Mound,” and there burnt them, city and all. He then erected the two obelisks which stood in front of the temple of Ra at Heliopolis.

There are many “Red Mounds” in Egypt, and the name Kom el-Ahmar or “Red Mound” is accordingly very plentiful in a modern map of the country. Wherever kiln-baked bricks have been used in the construction of a building, or where the wall or houses of a city have been burnt, the mound of ruins to which they give rise is of a reddish colour. Such a mound must have existed in the neighbourhood of Heliopolis in the days of Herodotos. There is still a Kom el-Ahmar close to Tel el-Yehudîyeh, where the Jewish temple of Onias was built. But “the Red Mound” of the guides was probably one that was visible from the pylon of the great temple of Heliopolis, where the obelisks stood with which the story of it was associated. The obelisks had indeed been erected by a “Pharaoh,” but it was not a son of Ramses II. They had been set up by Usertesen I. of the twelfth dynasty nearly fifteen centuries before Ramses II. was born.

As Pherôn was the son of Sesostris it was necessary for Herodotos to introduce him into his list immediately after his father, even though he had left no monument behind him in the temple of Memphis. But after Pherôn he returns to his series of “Memphite” kings. This time it is “a Memphite whose Greek name is Prôteus,” and whose shrine was situated in the midst of “the Tyrian Camp” or settlement on the “south side of the temple of Ptah.” The tourist, therefore, walked round the eastern wall of the great temple from north to south, and as the pylon on this side of the sanctuary was connected with the name of a king who was the builder of a brick pyramid seen on the way to the Fayyûm, an account of it is deferred till later. The next monument Herodotos came to was accordingly of Phœnician and not of Egyptian origin.

Prôteus in fact was a Phœnician god, worshipped, Herodotos tells us, along with the foreign Aphroditê, whom he suspects to be the Greek Helen in disguise. The Phœnician Aphroditê, however, was really Ashtoreth, which the Greeks pronounced Astartê, the Istar of the Babylonians and Assyrians. But the “priests,” or rather the guides of the traveller, were equal to the occasion, and on his asking them concerning Helen they at once gave him a long story about her arrival and adventures in Egypt. Prôteus was at the time the king in Memphis, and not the sea-god of ships and prophetic insight, as Homer had imagined, and he very properly took Helen away from Paris and kept her safely till Menelaos arrived after the Trojan war to claim his wife. Accordingly Prôteus, the Phœnician “old man of the sea,” has gone down among the three hundred and forty-one Pharaohs of Egypt whose names were recounted to Herodotos by the “priests.” There could not be a better illustration of the real character of his “priestly” informants, or of the worthlessness of the information which they gave him.

When, however, Herodotos goes on to assert that “they said” that Rhampsinitos succeeded Prôteus in the kingdom, he is dealing with them unjustly. The supposed fact must have come from his own note-book. After visiting the Tyrian Camp, on the south side of the great temple, the traveller was taken to its western entrance, where he was told that the propylæa had been erected by Rhampsinitos, as well as two colossal statues in front of them. The order in which he saw the monuments determined the order in which the names of Prôteus and Rhampsinitos occurred in his note-book, and the order in his note-book determined the order of their succession.

Rhampsinitos represents a real Egyptian king. He is Ramses III. of the twentieth dynasty, the last of the conquering Pharaohs, and the builder of Medînet Habu at Thebes. But Herodotos was never at Thebes, and had consequently never heard of the superb temple and palace Ramses had built there. All that he knows of the architectural works of the Pharaoh are the insignificant additions he made to the temple of Memphis. Of the real Pharaoh he is equally ignorant. In place of the vanquisher of the hordes of the north, the monarch who annihilated the invaders from the Ægean and captured or sunk their ships, the conqueror who carried his arms into Palestine and Syria, we have the hero of a folk-tale. Rhampsinitos and his treasury have become the subject of the story of the master-thief, a story which in various forms is found all over the world, and perhaps goes back to the infancy of mankind. Why this story should have been attached to Ramses III. it is just as impossible for us to know as it is to understand why the name of Neit, the goddess of Sais and the twenty-sixth dynasty, should have been combined with that of the Theban Pharaoh of the twentieth. Rhampsinitos, Ramessu-n-Neit or “Ramses of Neit,” indicates the period in which alone the name could have been formed. It must have been the invention of the Karian dragomen who came into existence under the Saitic dynasty.

Ramses III. was, however, as we learn from the great Harris papyrus, one of the wealthiest of Egyptian princes. The gifts he made to the temples of the gods, more especially to that of Amon of Thebes, are almost fabulous in amount. His trading ships brought him the wares of the south and north; and the gold-mines of the eastern desert, as well as the copper and malachite mines of the province of Mafkat, the Sinaitic Peninsula of our modern maps, were actively worked in his reign. The chambers of one of his treasuries still exist at Medînet Habu, and we can still see depicted on their walls the vases of precious metal which he deposited in them.

The Rhampsinitos of folk-lore was similarly rich. He built a treasury for his wealth beside his palace, which should secure it against all attempts at robbery. But the architect left in it a stone which could be easily removed by any one who knew its secret, and before he died the secret was communicated to his two sons. To the amazement of the king, therefore, the gold began to disappear, though his seals remained unbroken and the doors fast locked. He set a trap, accordingly, by the side of the chests of gold; and one of the thieves was caught in it. He thereupon induced his brother to cut off his head, so that his body might not be recognised, and to decamp with it. Next morning Rhampsinitos found the headless corpse, which was thereupon exposed to public view under the protection of armed guards, who were ordered to arrest whoever showed any signs of recognising it. The mother of the dead man, frantic at the treatment of his body, which would deprive him of all hope in the next world, threatened to disclose the whole story unless her surviving son could secure his brother’s corpse and give it honourable burial. Loading several asses with wine-skins, therefore, he drove them past the place where the guards sat over the corpse. There he allowed some of the wine to escape, accidentally as it were, and when the guards began eagerly to drink it he craftily encouraged them to do so until they had all fallen into a drunken sleep. He then seized the body and carried it to his mother. The king was now more than ever desirous of discovering such a master-thief, and ordered his daughter to adopt the Babylonian custom of sitting in public and admitting the attentions of any one who passed on condition that he told her the cleverest trick he had ever performed. The thief provided himself with the arm of a mummy, which he concealed under his cloak, and thus prepared presented himself to the princess and disclosed to her all he had done. As she tried to seize him, he left the dead man’s arm in her hand and escaped. The king, struck with admiration, determined that so exceedingly clever a youth should be his own son-in-law, and issued a proclamation not only pardoning him but allowing him to marry his daughter. Such was the way in which Egyptian history was constructed by the combined efforts of the popular imagination, the foreign dragomen, and Herodotos!

After all, however, the master-thief did not succeed Rhampsinitos on the throne. After passing the western entrance of the temple of Ptah, Herodotos arrived again at the northern side, from which he had started, and, as he was not allowed to enter the sanctuary, there was nothing further for him to see. His next visit, accordingly, was to the pyramids of Gizeh, and the pyramidal builders—Kheops, Khephren, and Mykerinos of the fourth dynasty—are made to follow Ramses III. of the twentieth, who lived more than two thousand years after them. It does not say much for the judgment of our classical scholars that before the decipherment of the hieroglyphs they should have preferred the chronology of Herodotos to that of Manetho.

Herodotos, like a true sight-seer, found nothing in Memphis to interest him except the temple. About the city itself he has nothing to say, not even about the stuccoed city-wall which gave to it its name of “the White Wall.” Portions of this wall are still standing at the northern end of the mounds which cover the site of Memphis. Like all the other city-walls of ancient Egypt, it is built of sun-dried bricks, bound together with the stems of palm-trees, and was once of great thickness. At the southern end of the mounds are the remains of the kilns in which the potters of the Roman and Byzantine age baked their vases of blue porcelain. Some of their failures still lie on the surface of the ground.

Herodotos went to the pyramids of Gizeh by water, across the lake on the western side of the city, which he states had been made by Menes, and then along a canal. At Gizeh his love of the marvellous was fully satisfied. He inspected the pyramids and the causeway along which the stones had been brought from the quarries of Turah for building them, and listened reverentially to all the stories which his guides told him about them and their builders. The measurements he gives were in most cases probably made by himself. But in saying that there were hieroglyphic inscriptions “in the pyramid” he has made a mistake. There were no inscriptions either in it or outside it, unless it were a few hieratic records left by visitors on the lower casing-stones of the monument. At the same time it is certain that Herodotos saw the hieroglyphs, and that his guide pretended to translate them, since they contained, according to him, an account of the quantity of radishes, onions, and leeks eaten by the workmen when building the great pyramid, as well as the amount of money which it cost. But the vegetables represented Egyptian characters—the radish, for instance, being probably _rod_, “fruit” or “seed,” and the mention of them is a proof that it really was a hieroglyphic text which the dragoman proposed to interpret. It is even possible that the guide knew the hieroglyphic symbols for the numerals; if so, it would explain his finding in them the number of talents spent by Kheops upon his sepulchre, and it would also show that the inscriptions were engraved, not “in the pyramid,” but in an adjoining tomb. In fact, this seems the simplest explanation of what Herodotos says about them; like many another traveller, he forgot to note where exactly the inscriptions were inscribed, and when he came to write his book assumed that they were in the pyramid itself.

According to the dragoman’s legend, Kheops and Khephren were cruel and impious tyrants, while their successor Mykerinos (Men-ka-Ra) was a good and merciful ruler. The key to this description of them is probably to be found in the statement of Diodorus Siculus that the people threatened to drag their bodies from their tombs after death and tear them in pieces, so that through fear of such a fate the Pharaohs took care to have themselves buried in a secret place. This secret place is the subterranean island, with its chambers, which Herodotos says was made under the great pyramid by means of a canal in order that the king might be entombed there. The myth must have originated in the fact that in the days of Herodotos the mummies of Kheops and Khephren were not to be found in their pyramids, which had been rifled centuries before, and the story of the cruelty and impiety of the two kings accordingly grew up to account for the fact.

The righteousness of Mykerinos was visited with the anger and punishment of the gods, since it had been destined that the Egyptians should be evil-entreated for one hundred and fifty years, and his piety and justice had averted from them part of their doom. This view of destiny and the action of the gods was as essentially Greek as it was foreign to the Egyptian mind, and it is not surprising therefore that the decree of heaven was announced to the unhappy Pharaoh through that thoroughly Greek institution, an oracle. We are reading in the story a Greek tragedy rather than a history of Egypt.

It was part of the punishment of Mykerinos that he should lose his daughter, and the dragomen thus managed to connect the pyramid at Gizeh with a gilded wooden image of a cow in the palace at Sais, which, since the reign of Psammetikhos, must have been well-known to them. The cow, which was really a symbol of Neit in the form of Hathor, with what Herodotos supposed to be the disk of the sun between its horns, though it was really the moon, was imagined to be hollow, and to be the coffin of the daughter of the Pharaoh. The wooden figures which stood beside it were further imagined to represent the concubines of the king. There were, however, other stories about both the figures and the cow, less reputable to the royal character, but equally showing how entirely ignorant Herodotos’s informants were of Egyptian religion and custom. Though they knew that at the festival of Osiris the cow was carried out into the open air, they said this was because the daughter of Mykerinos when dying had asked her father that she might once a year see the sun. Can there be a stronger proof of the gulf that existed between the native Egyptian and the “impure” stranger, even when the latter belonged to the caste of dragomen? To us the representation of Hathor under the form of a cow with the lunar orb between its horns seems an elementary fact of ancient Egyptian religion; the modern tourist sees it depicted time after time on the walls of temples and tombs, and the modern dragoman has begun to learn something about its meaning. But in the fifth century before our era the dragoman and the tourist were alike foreigners, who were not permitted to penetrate within the temples, and there were neither books nor teachers to instruct them in the doctrines of the Egyptian faith.

Herodotos must have returned to Memphis after his visit to the pyramids, before setting forth on his voyage to the south. Had he gone straight from Gizeh to the Fayyûm along the edge of the desert, he would have passed the step-pyramid and the Serapeum at Saqqâra. It is difficult to believe that, had he done so, he would have told us nothing about the burial-place of the sacred bulls and the huge sarcophagi of granite in which they were entombed. The subterranean gallery begun by Psammetikhos was still open, and each Apis as he died was buried in it down to the end of the Ptolemaic period. At a later date, when the Persian empire had been overthrown, the Serapeum became a favourite place of pilgrimage for Greek visitors to Memphis. A Greek temple was built over the sepulchres of the bulls, Greek recluses took up their abode in its chambers, and Greek tourists inscribed their names on the sphinxes which lined the approach to the sanctuary.

Herodotos knew all about the living Apis, and the marks on the body of the bull which proved his divinity, as well as about the court in the temple of Ptah at Memphis, which Psammetikhos had built for the accommodation of the incarnate god. He was well acquainted also with the legend which made Kambyses slay the sacred bull and scourge its priests, and he tells us how the latter buried the body of their slaughtered deity in secret. But neither he nor his guides knew where the burial took place, or where the mummies of the bulls had been entombed from time immemorial. Had they done so we should have heard something about it. But, instead of this, we are told that the dead oxen were buried in the suburbs of the town where they had died, their horns being allowed to protrude above the ground in order to mark the spot. When the flesh was decayed the bones were conveyed in boats to a city in the island of Prosôpitis, called Atarbêkhis, and there deposited in their last resting-place.

It is evident, therefore, that the great cemetery of Memphis was not visited by travellers, and that the guides accordingly knew nothing about it. The Egyptians probably had the same feeling in regard to it as their Moslem descendants; the graves would be profaned if the “impure” foreigner walked over them. The “impure” foreigner, moreover, was usually satisfied with the three pyramids of Gizeh; he did not care to make another long expedition in the sun to the western desert in order to see there another pyramid. And, apart from the pyramid, there was little for him to visit. It is doubtful whether he would have been permitted to descend into the burying-place of the bulls, and the buildings above it were probably of no great size.

But whatever might have been the reason, Saqqâra and its Serapeum were unknown to the dragomen, and consequently to Herodotos as well. He must have started for the Fayyûm from Memphis and have sailed up the channel of the Nile itself. If he noticed the pyramids of Dahshûr and Mêdûm, they would have been in the far distance, and have appeared unworthy of attention after what he had seen at Gizeh. Soon after passing Mêdûm, however, it would have been necessary for him to leave the river and make his way inland by the canal which joined the Bahr Yûsuf at Illahûn. Here he would have been close to the great brick pyramid whose secret has been wrested from it by Professor Petrie, and here too he would have seen, a little to the south, the city of Herakleopolis, the Ahnas el-Medîneh of to-day, standing on the rubbish-mounds of the past on the eastern bank of the Bahr Yûsuf.

Herakleopolis, called Hininsu in Egyptian and the cuneiform inscriptions, was the capital of a nome which the Greek writers describe as an island. It was, in fact, enclosed on all sides by the water. On the east is the Nile; on the west the Bahr Yûsuf, itself probably an old channel of the river; northward a canal unites the two great streams, while southward another canal (or perhaps a branch of the river) once did the same in the neighbourhood of Ahnas. Strabo still speaks of it as a great “island” which he passed through on his way to the Fayyûm from the north.

The route followed by Strabo must have been that already traversed by Herodotos. He too must have passed through the island of Hininsu on his way to the Fayyûm, and his scheme of Egyptian chronology ought to contain evidence of the fact.

And this is actually the case. Mykerinos, he teaches us, was succeeded by a king named Sasykhis or Asykhis, who built not only the eastern propylon of the temple of Ptah at Memphis, but also a brick pyramid, about which, of course, his guides had a characteristic story to tell him. That the story was of Greek origin is shown by the inscription, which they professed had been engraved by order of the Pharaoh, but which only a Greek could have invented. The brick pyramid must have been that of Illahûn. The two brick pyramids of Dahshûr would have been invisible from the river, and even to a visitor on the spot the state of ruin in which they are would have made them seem of little consequence. His attention would have been wholly absorbed by the massive pyramids of stone at the foot of which they stand.

The brick pyramid of Howâra, again, cannot be the one meant by Herodotos. It formed part of the buildings connected with the Labyrinth, the size and splendour of which overshadowed in his eyes all the rest. There remains, therefore, only the brick pyramid of Illahûn, by the side of which, as we have seen, the voyage of Herodotos would have led him.

The pyramid of Illahûn, when seen near at hand, is indeed a very striking object. It is the only one of the brick pyramids which challenges comparison with the pyramids of stone, and may well have given occasion for the story which was repeated to the Greek tourist. Its striking character is due to the fact that the brick superstructure is raised upon a plateau of rock, which has been cut into shape to receive it. The excavations of Professor Petrie in 1890 revealed the name of its builder. This was Usertesen II. of the twelfth dynasty, the king in the sixth year of whose reign the “Asiatics” arrived with their tribute of antimony as depicted in the tomb of Khnum-hotep at Beni-Hassan. How the guides came to call him Sasykhis is difficult to explain. Perhaps it is the Egyptian Sa-Sovk, “the son of Sovk” or “Sebek” the crocodile-god of the Fayyûm, whom the Greeks termed Sûkhos. The Pharaohs of the twelfth dynasty, as creators and benefactors of the Fayyûm, the nome of the crocodile, were specially devoted to its worship, and in their inscriptions they speak of the works they had undertaken for their “father Sovk.”

After Sasykhis, Herodotos continues, “there reigned a blind man named Anysis, from the city of Anysis: while he was reigning the Ethiopians and Sabako, king of Ethiopia, invaded Egypt with a large force, so the blind man fled into the marshes, and the Ethiopian ruled Egypt for fifty years.” After his departure in consequence of a dream the blind man returned from the marshes, where he had lived in an artificial island called Elbô, which no one could rediscover until Amyrtæos found it again. Anysis, of course, is the name of a city, not of a man, and, in making it both, Herodotos has committed a similar mistake to that which he has made in transforming Pi-Bast, “the temple of Bast,” and Pi-Uaz, “the temple of Uaz,” into the names of his goddesses Bubastis and Butô. It is, in fact, merely the Greek form of the Hebrew Hanes, and the Hebrew Hanes is the Egyptian Hininsu, which, according to a well-known rule of Semitic and Egyptian phonetics, was pronounced Hinissu. We learn from the Book of Isaiah (xxx. 4) that Hanes was playing a prominent part in Egyptian politics at the very time when Sabako and his Ethiopians occupied the country. The ambassadors of Hezekiah who were sent from Jerusalem to ask the help of the Egyptian monarch against the common Assyrian enemy came not only to Zoan in the Delta, but to Hanes as well. Zoan and Hanes must have been for the moment the two centres of Egyptian government and the seats of the Pharaoh’s court.

The intermittent glimpses that we get of Egyptian history in the stormy period that preceded the Ethiopian conquest show how this had come to be the case. Shishak’s dynasty, the twenty-second, had been followed by the twenty-third, which Manetho calls Tanite, and which, therefore, must have had its origin in Zoan. While its second king, Osorkon II., was reigning at Tanis and Bubastis, the first sign of the coming Ethiopian invasion fell upon Egypt. Piankhi Mi-Amon, the king of Napata, descended the Nile, and called upon the rival princes of Egypt to acknowledge him as their head. Osorkon, who alone possessed a legitimate title to the supreme sovereignty, seems to have obeyed the summons, but it was resisted by two of the petty kings of Upper Egypt, those of Ashmunên and Annas, as well as by Tef-nekht or Tnêphakhtos, the prince of Sais. Ashmunên and Ahnas were accordingly besieged, and Ashmunên soon fell into the invader’s hands. Ahnas and the rest of the south thereupon submitted, and Piankhi marched against Memphis. In spite of the troops and provisions thrown into it by Tef-nekht, the old capital of the country was taken by storm, and all show of resistance to the conqueror was at an end. From one extremity of the country to the other the native rulers hastened to pay homage to the Ethiopian and to accept his suzerainty.

Piankhi caused the account of his conquest to be engraved on a great stêlê of granite which he set up on Mount Barkal, the holy mountain of Napata. Here he gives a list of the seventeen princes among whom the cities of Egypt had been parcelled out, and each of whom claimed independent or semi-independent authority. Out of the seventeen, four bear upon their foreheads the royal uræus, receive the title of kings, and have their names enclosed in a cartouche. Two of them are princes of the north, Osorkon of Bubastis and Tanis, and Aupet of Klysma, near Suez. The other two represent Upper Egypt. One is the king of Sesennu or Ashmunên, the other is Pef-dod-Bast of Hininsu or Ahnas. Thebes is wholly ignored.

The conquest of Piankhi proved to be but momentary. The Ethiopians retired, and Egypt returned to the condition in which they found it. It was a nation divided against itself, rent with internal wars and private feuds, and ready to fall into the hands of the first invader with military ability and sufficient troops. Two states towered in it above the rest; Tanis in the north and Ahnas in the south. Tanis had succeeded to the patrimony of Bubastis and Memphis; Ahnas to that of Thebes.

Sabako, therefore, fixed his court at Zoan and Hanes, simply because they had already become the leading cities, if not the capitals, of the north and the south. And to Zoan and Hanes, accordingly, the Jewish envoys had to make their way. The princes of Judah assembled at Zoan; the ambassadors went farther, even to Hanes. It is noteworthy that a century later the Assyrian king Assur-bani-pal still couples together the princes of Ahnas and Zoan in his list of the satraps of Egypt.

Anysis or Hanes was the extreme limit of Herodotos’s voyage. As afterwards in the days of Strabo, it was the entrance to the Fayyûm, and the traveller who wished to visit the Fayyûm had first to pass through the city which the Greeks called Herakleopolis. The patron-god of the city was Hershef, whose name was the subject of various unsuccessful attempts at an etymology on the part of the Egyptians. But, like the names of several other deities, its true origin was lost in the night of antiquity. In Plutarch it appears in a Greek dress as Arsaphes. The god was invested with warlike attributes, and hence it was that he was identified by the Greeks with their own Hêraklês. His temple stood in the middle of the mounds of the old city, which the _fellahin_ call Umm el-Kimân, “the mother of mounds.” In 1891 they were partially excavated by Dr. Naville for the Egypt Exploration Fund, but little was found to repay the expense and labour of the work. The site of the temple was discovered somewhat to the north-east of the four columns which are alone left of an early Coptic church. But hardly more than the site can be said still to exist. A few blocks of stone inscribed with the names of Ramses II. and Meneptah, and a fragment of a temple built by Usertesen II., are almost all that survive of its past. Even the necropolis failed to produce monuments of antiquity. Its tombs had been ransacked by treasure-hunters and used again as places of burial in the Roman era, and Dr. Naville found in it only a few traces of the eighteenth dynasty.

And yet there had been a time when Herakleopolis was the capital of Egypt. The ninth and tenth dynasties sprang from it, and the authority of the tenth dynasty, at all events, was, as we now know, acknowledged as far as the Cataract. Professor Maspero and Mr. Griffith have shown that three of the tombs in the hill behind Assiout (Nos. III., IV., and V.) belong to that age. Hollowed out of the rock, high up in the cliff above the tombs of the twelfth dynasty, their mutilated inscriptions tell us of the ancient feudal lords of the nome, Tef-aba and his son Khiti, the latter of whom won battles for his master, the Pharaoh Mer-ka-Ra. Thebes was in open rebellion; so also was Herakleopolis itself, the home of the Pharaoh’s family, and Khiti provided ships and soldiers in abundance for him. The fleet filled the Nile from Gebel Abu Foda on the north to Shotb on the south, and the forces of the rebels were annihilated. For awhile the authority of the Pharaoh was restored; but the power of the Theban princes remained unshaken, and a time came when the Thebans of the eleventh dynasty succeeded to the heritage of the Herakleopolites of the tenth.

Who the “blind” king of Anysis may have been we do not know. But he was certainly not the legitimate Pharaoh, although Herakleopolite vanity may have wished him to be thought so. According to Manetho, the Tanites of the twenty-third dynasty were followed by the twenty-fourth dynasty, consisting of a single Saite, Bokkhoris, whom the monuments call Bak-n-ran-f. Bokkhoris is said to have been burnt alive by his conqueror Sabako. In making the latter reign for fifty years, Herodotos has confused the founder of the dynasty with the dynasty itself. The length of his reign is variously given by the two copyists of Manetho—Africanus and Eusebius—as eight and twelve years; the last cypher can alone be the right one, as an inscription at the gold mines of Hammamât mentions his twelfth year. He was followed by two other Ethiopian kings, the second of whom was Tirhakah, and the whole length of the dynasty seems to have been fifty-two years. The Christian copyists, indeed, with their customary endeavour to reduce the chronology of the Egyptian historian, make it only forty and forty-four years; but the monuments show that Herodotos, with his round half century, is nearer the truth.

From a topographical point of view the introduction of Sabako and the Ethiopian between Ahnas and the Fayyûm is out of place. But the story told to Herodotos prevented him from doing otherwise. The blind king is said to have fled to the marshes of the Delta, and there to have remained in concealment until the end of the Ethiopian rule, when he was once more acknowledged as Pharaoh. The legend of Sabako is thus only an episode in the history of the Herakleopolite prince.

From the blind Anysis we ought to pass to the kings of the twelfth dynasty who created the Fayyûm and erected the monuments which the Greek traveller saw there. We do not do so for two reasons. Herodotos had already mentioned king Mœris and the lake and pyramids he made when describing the list of kings which the sacred scribe had read to him in Memphis. He could not count the Egyptian monarch twice, at the beginning as well as the end of his eleven topographical Pharaohs. Then, again, the story told him about the Labyrinth connected its origin with Psammetikhos, with whom the Greek history of Egypt began. From this point forward Herodotos no longer derived his information from “the Egyptians themselves,” that is to say, from his guides and dragomen, but “from the rest of the world.” By “the rest of the world” he means the Greeks. The story of the Labyrinth is accordingly relegated to what may be termed the second division of his Egyptian history, and forms part of his account of the rise of the twenty-sixth dynasty.

Between the blind king of Ahnas, therefore, and the supposed builder of the Labyrinth, a folk-tale is interposed which once more takes us back to the temple of Ptah at Memphis. It is attached to an image in the temple, which represents a man with a mouse in his hand, and it is evident that Herodotos heard it after his return from the Fayyûm. Had he heard of it when he was previously in Memphis, it would have been recorded in an earlier part of his book. Moreover, the statue stood within the temple, which the tourist was not allowed to enter, so that he would not have seen it at the time of his visit to the great Egyptian sanctuary. Whether he ever saw it at all is doubtful; perhaps he may have caught a glimpse of it through the open gate of the temple like the glimpses of sculptured columns in Mohammedan mosques which the older travellers in the East have boasted of securing. But more probably he heard about it from others, more especially from the dragoman he employed.

The story is a curious mixture of Egyptian and Semitic elements, while the inscription which the dragomen pretended to read upon the statue is a Greek invention. A priest of Ptah, so it ran, whose name was Sethos, became king of Egypt. His priestly instincts led him to neglect and ill-treat the army, even to the extent of robbing them of the twelve acres of land which each soldier possessed of right. Then Sennacherib, “king of the Arabians and Assyrians,” marched against him, and the army refused to fight. In his extremity the priest-king entered the shrine of his god and implored him with tears to save his worshipper. Sleep fell upon the suppliant, and he beheld the god standing over him and bidding him be of good courage, for no harm should happen to him. Thereupon Sethos proceeded to Pelusium with such volunteers as he could find—pedlars, artisans, and tradesmen—and there found the enemy encamped. In the night, however, field-mice entered the camp of the Assyrians and gnawed their bowstrings and the thongs of their shields, so that in the morning they found themselves defenceless, and the Egyptians gained an easy victory. In memory of the event the stone image of the king was erected in the temple of Ptah with a field-mouse in his hand.

The statue must have been that of Horus, to whom alone, along with Uaz, the field-mouse was sacred. But it was apparently only in a few localities that such was the case. The figure of the animal is found on coins of Ekhmîm, and a bronze image of it discovered at Thebes, and now in the British Museum, is dedicated to “Horus, the lord of Sekhem,” or Esneh. At “Buto,” where the two deities were worshipped together, we may expect to find a cemetery of field-mice like that of the cats at Bubastis, and the Liverpool Museum possesses two bronze mice, both on the same stand, which were discovered in the mounds of Athribis near Benha. Horus was the god of Athribis, where he was adored under the name of Kheti-ti.

The priest-king of the folk-tale has taken the place of the historical Tirhakah. The name of his enemy, Sennacherib, however, has been remembered, though he is called king of “the Arabians” as well as of the Assyrians. But the title must be of Egyptian origin. The “Arabians” of the Greek writer are the Shasu, the Bedouin “plunderers” of the Egyptian monuments, and none but an Egyptian would have described an Asiatic invader by such a name.

It was in B.C. 701, during his campaign against Hezekiah of Judah, that the Assyrian monarch met the forces of Tirhakah. The Ethiopian lord of Egypt had marched to the help of his Jewish ally, and at the little village of Eltekeh the battle took place. Tirhakah was defeated and driven back into Egypt, while Sennacherib was left to continue his campaign and reduce his rebellious vassal to obedience. In the insolence of victory he sent Hezekiah a letter declaring that, in spite of the promises of his God, Jerusalem should be delivered into the hands of its foes. Then it was that Hezekiah entered the sanctuary of the temple, and, spreading out the letter before the Lord, besought Him to save himself and the city from the Assyrian invader. The prayer was heard: Isaiah was commissioned to declare that the Assyrian king should never come into Jerusalem; and the Assyrian host perished mysteriously in a single night.

Half-a-century later a similar event happened in Assyria itself. Its king, Assur-bani-pal, surrounded by insurgent enemies, was suddenly attacked by Te-umman of Elam. While he was keeping the festival of the goddess Istar at Arbela, a message was brought to him from the Elamite monarch that he was on his march to destroy Assyria and its gods. Thereupon Assur-bani-pal went into the temple of the goddess, and, bowing to the ground before her, with tears implored her help. Istar listened to the prayer, and that night a seer dreamed a dream wherein she appeared and bade him announce to the king that Istar of Arbela, with quivers behind her shoulders and the bow and mace in her hand, would fight in front of him and overthrow his foes. The prophecy was fulfilled, and before long the Elamite army was crushed, and the head of Te-umman sent in triumph to Nineveh.

In Judah and Assyria we are dealing with history, in the story of Sethos with a folk-tale, and it is impossible therefore not to believe that the conduct of the priest of Ptah has been modelled upon that of Hezekiah and Assur-bani-pal. The basis of it is Semitic rather than Egyptian; it would have been told more appropriately of Sennacherib than of the Egyptian Pharaoh. Perhaps it had its source among the Phœnicians of the Tyrian camp at Memphis, or even among the Egyptianised Jews who carried Jeremiah into Egypt. Whatever may have been its origin, it does not belong to the realm of history.

Even with the appearance of Psammetikhos upon the stage, the Egyptian history of Herodotos does not yet commence. Before it can do so, he has to finish his wanderings and his sight-seeing, to be quit of his dragomen and of the topographical chronology that he built upon their stories. Through Herakleopolis lay the entrance to the Fayyûm, and the Fayyûm united the folk-lore of the guides with the sober history of the Greek epoch in Egypt.

Herodotos knows that Psammetikhos was king of Sais and that his father’s name had been Necho. But when he goes on to say that Necho had been slain by the Ethiopian Sabako, and that Psammetikhos himself had been driven in consequence into Syria, he takes us into the domain of fiction and not of fact. Necho had been one of twenty Egyptian satraps under Esar-haddon and Assur-bani-pal, and though he had once been carried in chains to Assyria on a charge of treason, he had returned to his government loaded with honours. Sabako had been dead long before, and Tirhakah was vainly endeavouring to drive the Assyrians and their vassal-satraps out of Egypt.

Still further from the truth was the legend which associated Psammetikhos with the Fayyûm. When the Egyptians had been “freed,” we are told, after the reign of the priest of Ptah, there arose twelve kings who divided the country between them. They married into each other’s families and swore an oath ever to remain friends. By way of leaving a monument of themselves they built the Labyrinth, with its twelve courts, each court for a king, six of them being on the north side and six on the south. But an oracle had announced that this friendly intercourse would be broken if ever one of them at their annual gathering in the temple of Ptah should pour a libation to the god from a bronze helmet. The prince who did so would become king of all Egypt. This untoward accident eventually occurred. Psammetikhos on one occasion accidentally used his helmet in place of the proper libation-bowl, and he was thereupon chased away by his colleagues, first into the marshes and then into Syria. An oracle, however, again came to his help. It declared that he would be avenged when men of bronze came from the sea, and, taking the hint, he hired some Ionian and Karian pirates, armed with bronze, who had landed for the sake of plunder, and with their assistance became undisputed master of Egypt. With this story of the foundation of the twenty-sixth dynasty, the Egyptian folk-lore of Herodotos came fitly to an end.

The twelve kings owe their origin to the twelve courts of the Labyrinth. They are a reminiscence of the twenty vassal-kings or satraps whom the Assyrians appointed to govern the country, and among whom Psammetikhos and his father had been included. But even the twelve courts are not altogether correct. We learn from Strabo that there were many more than twelve—as many, in fact, as were the nomes of Egypt. This makes us distrustful of the further statement of Herodotos that the halls contained one thousand five hundred chambers above the ground, and one thousand five hundred below. The information must have come from the guides, and it is not likely that he verified it. To count three thousand chambers would have occupied at least a day.

In the time of Strabo it was known that the real builder of the Labyrinth was Maindês, that is to say, Mâ(t)-n-Ra, or Amon-em-hat III. of the twelfth dynasty. The excavations of Professor Petrie at Howâra in 1888 have proved the fact. He succeeded in penetrating into the central chamber of the brick pyramid which formed part of the building, and there, deep in water, he found the sarcophagus and the shattered fragments of some of the funerary vases of the dead Pharaoh. They were all that had been left by the spoilers of a long-past age, but they were sufficient to show who the Pharaoh was. He had not been buried alone. In another chamber of the pyramid was the sarcophagus of his daughter Neferu-Ptah, who must have died before the pyramid was finally closed. The labyrinth itself has been used as a quarry or burnt into lime long ago. On its floor of hard plaster lie the chippings of the stones which composed it, six feet in thickness, and covering a far larger area than that of any other Egyptian temple of which we know. There was none other which could vie with it in size.

Amon-em-hat III. seems to have left another memorial of himself further north—at least, such is the natural interpretation of Mr. de Morgan’s recent discoveries at Dahshûr. Though the pyramid did not repay his engineering skill with even a scrap of inscription, he found tombs on its northern side which prove that here also was a burial-place of the twelfth dynasty. Two long corridors had been cut out of the rock, one above the other, and at intervals along their northern walls square chambers had been excavated, in which were placed the sarcophagi of the dead. Inscriptions show for whom they were intended. Nofer-hont, Sont-Senebt, Sit-Hathor and Menit, were the royal princesses who had been entombed within them in the time of Amon-em-hat III. Their jewels had been hidden in two natural hollows in the stone floor of the corridors, and had thus escaped the eye of the ancient treasure-hunter. We can see them now in the Gizeh Museum, and thus learn to what an exquisite state of perfection the art of the goldsmith had already been brought.

Among them we may notice large sea-shells of solid gold, enamelled lotus-flowers and necklaces of amethyst, carnelian and agate beads. Of beautifully-worked gold ornaments there is a marvellous profusion. But nothing surpasses the golden pectorals inlaid with precious stones. The work is so perfect as to make it difficult to believe that we have before us a mosaic and not enamel. On one of the pectorals the cartouche of Usertesen III. is supported on the paws of two hawk-headed lions, crowned with the royal feathers, and trampling under their feet the bodies of the foe. On another Amon-em-hat III. is represented smiting the wild tribes of the Sinaitic Peninsula. By the side of this jewellery of the twelfth dynasty, that of Queen Ah-hotep of the seventeenth, found by Mariette at Thebes, looks formal and degenerate. In jewellery, as in all things else in ancient Egypt, the earlier art is the best.

From Amon-em-hat III. of the twelfth dynasty to the founder of the twenty-sixth, two thousand years later, is a far cry, and how the Labyrinth came to be connected with the latter by the guides of Herodotos it is hard to say. The bronze helmet of Psammetikhos indicates that the story is of Greek origin. That was a Greek head-dress; no Egyptian, much less an Egyptian Pharaoh, would ever have worn it. The head-dress of the Egyptian monarch was of linen, coloured red for Lower Egypt, white for the south.

Herodotos seems to have visited Howâra from the capital of the Fayyûm, much as a traveller would do to-day. At least, such is the inference which we may draw from his words. Its position is defined as being “a little above Lake Mœris, near the city of the Crocodiles.” But we must remember that the Lake Mœris of the Greek tourist included not only the actual lake, but also the inundation, which covered at the time the cultivated land of the Fayyûm. Nor was it, as he supposed, an artificial piece of water excavated in a district which was “terribly waterless,” the excavators of which were wasteful enough to fling all the earth they had extracted into the Nile twenty miles away. It was, on the contrary, an oasis reclaimed from marsh and water by the wise engineering labours of the kings of the twelfth dynasty and the embankments which they caused to be erected. So far from destroying the precious cultivable ground by turning it into a lake, they drained the lake so far as was possible, and thereby created a new Egypt for the cultivators of the soil.

From the walls of the city of the Crocodiles Herodotos looked out over a vast expanse of water, which he thought was the creation of the Pharaohs, but which was really the result of man’s neglect. The dykes were broken which should have kept back the flood and prevented it from swamping the summer crops. It was with this view of almost boundless waters that the journey of Herodotos up the Nile came to an end. He returned to Memphis, and from thence pursued the way along which we have followed him to Pelusium and the sea. His note-book was filled with memoranda of all the wonders he had seen; of the strange customs he had observed among the Egyptian people; above all, with the folk-tales which his guides had poured into his ear. At a later day, when his eastern travels were over, and he had leisure for the work, he combined all this with the accounts written by his predecessors, and added a new book to the libraries of ancient Greece. From the outset it was a success, and though malicious critics endeavoured to condemn and supersede it, though Thukydides contradicted its statements in regard to Athens, though Ktêsias declared that its oriental history was a romance and Plutarch discoursed on the “malignity” of its author, the book survived all attacks. We have lost the work of Hekatæos of Miletos, we have lost also—what is a more serious misfortune—that of the careful and well-informed Hekatæos of Abdera, but we still have Herodotos with us. And in spite of our own knowledge and his ignorance, in spite even of his innocent vanity and appropriation of the words of others, it is a pleasure to travel with him in our hand and visit with him the scenes he saw. Nowhere else can we find the folk-lore which grew and flourished in the meeting-place of East and West more than two thousand years ago, and in which lay the germs of much of the folk-lore of our own childhood. It may even be that some of the stories which the modern dragoman relates to the modern traveller on the Nile have no better parentage than the guides of Herodotos. Cairo is the successor of Memphis, and ’the caste’ of the dragomen is not yet extinct.

APPENDICES.

Appendix I.

The Egyptian Dynasties According To Manetho (As Quoted By Julius Africanus, A.D. 220), Etc.

[The excerpts of Africanus are known from George the Synkellos (A.D. 790) and Eusebius (A.D. 326): where Eusebius differs from Synkellos the fact is stated.]

(Each king is followed by the number of years reigned.)

DYNASTY I.—Thinites: 8 kings.

1. Menes 62 2. Athôthis his son 57 3. Kenkenes his son 31 4. Ouenephes his son 23 5. Ousaphaidos his son (Ousaphaes, _Eus._) 20 6. Miebidos his son (Niebaes, _Eus._) 26 7. Semempses his son 18 8. Biênakhes his son (Oubienthes or Vibethis, _Eus._) 26 —— Sum 253 (_Eus._ 252 Really 263)

DYNASTY II.—Thinites: 9 kings.

1. Boêthos (Bôkhos, _Eus._) 38 2. Kaiekhôs (Khoos or Kekhous, _Eus._) 39 3. Binôthris (Biophis, _Eus._) 47 4. Tlas (unnamed by _Eus._) 17 5. Sethenês (unnamed by _Eus._) 41 6. Khaires (unnamed by _Eus._) 17 7. Nepherkheres 25 8. Sesôkhris 48 9. Kheneres (unnamed by _Eus._) 30 —— Sum 302 (_Eus._ 297)

DYNASTY III.—Memphites: 9 kings.

1. Nekherophes (Nekherôkhis, _Eus._) 28 2. Tosorthros (Sesorthos, _Eus._) 29 3. Tyreis (unnamed by _Eus._) 7 4. Mesôkhris (unnamed by _Eus._) 17 5. Sôyphis (unnamed by _Eus._) 16 6. Tosertasis (unnamed by _Eus._) 19 7. Akhes (unnamed by _Eus._) 42 8. Sêphouris (unnamed by _Eus._) 30 9. Kerpheres (unnamed by _Eus._) 26 —— Sum 214 (_Eus._ 197)

DYNASTY IV.—Memphites: 8 kings. (_Eus._ 17.)

1. Sôris (unnamed by _Eus._) 29 2. Souphis I. (3rd king of the dynasty, _Eus._) 63 3. Souphis II. (unnamed by _Eus._) 66 4. Menkheres (unnamed by _Eus._) 63 5. Ratoises (unnamed by _Eus._) 25 6. Bikheris (unnamed by _Eus._) 22 7. Seberkheres (unnamed by _Eus._) 7 8. Thamphthis (unnamed by _Eus._) 9 —— Sum 277 (_Eus._ 448 Really 284)

DYNASTY V.—Elephantines: 9 kings.

(_Eus._ 31 kings, including Othoês or Othius the First and Phiôps; the others are unnamed.)

1. Ouserkheres 28 2. Sephres 13 3. Nepherkheres 20 4. Sisires or Sisikhis 7 5. Kheres or Ekheres 20 6. Rathoures 44 7. Menkheres 9 8. Tankheres 44 9. Ounos or Obnos 33 —— Sum 248 (Really 218)

DYNASTY VI.—Memphites: 6 kings. (No number in _Eus._)

1. Othoês 30 2. Phios 53 (or 3) 3. Menthu-Souphis 7 4. Phiôps (lived 100 years) 94 5. Menthe-Souphis 1 6. Nitôkris, a queen 12 —— Sum 160 (_Eus._ 245)

DYNASTY VII.—70 Memphites for 70 days. (_Eus._ 5 kings for 75 days, or 75 years according to the Armenian Version.)

DYNASTY VIII.—27 Memphites for 146 years. (_Eus._ 5 kings for 100 years, or 9 kings according to the Armenian Version.)

DYNASTY IX.—19 Herakleopolites for 409 years. (_Eus._ 4 kings for 100 years.)

1. Akhthoes ?

DYNASTY X.—19 Herakleopolites for 185 years.

DYNASTY XI.—16 Thebans for 43 years, after whom Ammenemes reigned 16 years.

End of Manetho’s first book, the kings of the first eleven dynasties reigning altogether 2300 years (_Eus._ 2200) and 70 days (really 2287 years and 70 days).

DYNASTY XII.—Thebans: 7 kings.

1. Sesonkhôsis, son of Ammenemes 46 2. Ammanemes, slain by his eunuchs 38 3. Sesôstris 48 4. Lakhares (Lamaris or Lambares, _Eus._), the builder of 8 the Labyrinth 5. Ammeres (unnamed by _Eus._) 8 6. Ammenemes (unnamed by _Eus._ 8 7. Skemiophris his sister (unnamed by _Eus._) 4 —— Sum 160 (_Eus._ 245)

DYNASTY XIII.—Thebans: 60 kings for 453 years.

DYNASTY XIV.—Xoites: 76 kings for 134 years. (_Eus._ 484 years).

DYNASTY XV.—Shepherds: 6 Phœnician strangers at Memphis for 284 years. (_Eus._ Thebans for 250 years).

1. Saites 19 2. Bnôn 44 3. Pakhnan 61 4. Staan 50 5. Arkles 49 6. Aphôbis 61 —— Sum 284

DYNASTY XVI.—Shepherds: 32 kings for 582 years. (_Eus._ 5 Thebans for 190 years).

DYNASTY XVII.—Shepherds: 43 kings for 151 years and 43 Thebans for 151 years. (_Eus._ Shepherds, Phœnician strangers for 103 years:

1. Saites 19 2. Bnôn 40 3. Arkles (Arm. Version) 30 4. Aphôphis (Arm. Version) 14 —— Sum 103

DYNASTY XVIII.—Thebans: 16 kings. (_Eus._ 14 kings.)

1. Amôs[is] 25 2. Khebrôs (Khebrôn, _Eus._) 13 3. Amenôphthis (Amenôphis for 21 years, _Eus._) 24 4. Amensis or Amersis (omitted by _Eus._) 22 5. Misaphris (Miphris for 12 years, _Eus._) 13 6. Misphragmouthôsis 26 7. Touthmôsis 9 8. Amenôphis Memnôn 31 9. Horos (Oros, _Eus._) 37 10. Akherres (Akhenkheres or Akhenkherses for 16 or 12 32 years, _Eus._) 11. Rathôs (omitted by _Eus._) 6 12. Khebrés (Akherres for 8 years, _Eus._) 12 13. Akherres (Kherres for 15 years, _Eus._) 12 14. Armeses (Armais Danaos, _Eus._) 5 15. Ramesses (Ramesses Ægyptos for 68 years, _Eus._) 1 16. Amenôphath (Amenôphis for 40 years, _Eus._) 19 —— Sum 263 (_Eus._ 348 Really 287)

DYNASTY XIX.—Thebans: 7 kings. (_Eus._ 5 kings.)

1. Sethôs (for 55 years, _Eus._) 51 2. Rapsakes (Rampses for 66 years, _Eus._) 61 3. Ammenephthes (for 8 years, _Eus._) 20 4. Ramesses (omitted by _Eus._) 60 5. Ammenemmes (for 26 years, _Eus._) 5 6. Thouôris or Polybos 7 —— Sum 209 (_Eus._ 194 Really 204)

DYNASTY XX.—Thebans: 12 kings for 135 years. (_Eus._ 172 or 178 years.)

Among the 12 kings were:—

Nekhepsôs 19 Psammouthis 13 Kêrtos 16 (_Eus._ 12) Rampsis 45 Amenses or Ammenemes 26 Okhyras 14 —— Sum 137

DYNASTY XXI.—Tanites: 7 kings.

1. Smendes 26 2. Psousennes (for 41 years, _Eus._) 46 3. Nephelkheres (Nepherkheres, _Eus._) 4 4. Amenôphthis 9 5. Osokhôr 6 6. Psinakhes 9 7. Psousennes (for 35 years, _Eus._) 14 —— Sum 130 (_Eus._ 130 Really 114)

DYNASTY XXII.—Bubastites: 9 kings. (_Eus._ 3 kings.)

1. Sesonkhis (Sesonkhôsis, _Eus._) 21 2. Osorthôn 15 3, 4, 5. Unnamed (omitted by _Eus._) 25 6. Takelôthis 13 7, 8, 9. Unnamed (omitted by _Eus._) 42 —— Sum 120 (_Eus._ 44 Really 116)

DYNASTY XXIII.—Tanites; 4 kings. (_Eus._ 3 kings.)

1. Petoubates (Petoubastes for 25 years, _Eus._) 40 2. Osorkhô Hêraklês (Osorthôn for 9 years, _Eus._) 8 3. Psammous 10 4. Zêt (omitted by _Eus._) 31 —— Sum 89 (_Eus._ 44)

DYNASTY XXIV.—One Saite.

1. Bokkhôris the legislator (for 44 years, _Eus._) 6

DYNASTY XXV.—Ethiopians: 3 kings.

1. Sabakôn (for 12 years, _Eus._) 8 2. Sebikhôs his son (for 12 years, _Eus._) 14 3. Tearkos (Tarakos for 20 years, _Eus._) 18 —— Sum 40 (_Eus._ 44)

DYNASTY XXVI.—Saites: 9 kings. (_Eus._ 1, Ammeris the Ethiopian for 18 or 12 years.)

1. Stephinates (Stephinathis, the 2nd king, _Eus._) 7 2. Nekhepsôs (the 3rd king, _Eus._) 6 3. Nekhaô (for 6 years, _Eus._) 8 4. Psammêtikhos (for 44 or 45 years, _Eus._) 54 5. Nekhaô II. 6 6. Psammouthis II. (or Psammitikhos, for 17 years, _Eus._) 6 7. Ouaphris, (for 25 years, _Eus._) 19 8. Amôsis (for 42 years, _Eus._) 44 9. Psammekherites (omitted by _Eus._) 1/2 ———- Sum 150-1/2 (_Eus._ 167)

DYNASTY XXVII.—Persians: 8 kings.

(Each king is followed by the number of years and months reigned.)

1. Kambyses, in the 5th year of his reign (for 3 years, 6 0 _Eus._) 2. Dareios, son of Hystaspes 36 0 3. Xerxes I. 21 0 4. Artabanos (omitted by _Eus._) 0 7 5. Artaxerxes 41 0 6. Xerxes II. 0 2 7. Sogdianos 0 7 8. Dareios, son of Xerxes 19 0 —— Sum 124 4 (_Eus._ 120 4)

DYNASTY XXVIII.—One Saite.

1. Amyrtaios 6 0

DYNASTY XXIX.—Mendesians: 4 kings. (_Eus._ 5 kings.)

1. Nepherites I. or Nekherites 6 0 2. Akhôris 13 0 3. Psammouthes 1 0 (_Eus._ inserts Mouthis here, 1 year.) 4. Nepherites II. 0 4 —— Sum 20 4 (_Eus._ 21 4)

DYNASTY XXX.—Sebennytes: 3 kings.

(Each king is followed by the number of years reigned.)

1. Nektanebes I. (for 10 years, _Eus._) 18 2. Teôs 2 3. Nektanebes II. (for 8 years, _Eus._) 18 —— Sum 38 (_Eus._ 20)

DYNASTY XXXI.—Persians: 3 kings.

1. Okhos, in his 20th year (for 6 years, _Eus._) 2 2. Arses (for 4 years, _Eus._) 3 3. Dareios (for 6 years, _Eus._) 4 —— Sum 9 (_Eus._ 16)

The Dynasties Of Manetho According To Josephus.

DYNASTY XV.—Hyksôs or Shepherds.

After the overthrow of Timaios, the last king of the fourteenth dynasty, a period of anarchy.

(Each king is followed by the number of years and months reigned.)

1. Salatis at Memphis 13 0 2. Beon 44 0 3. Apakhnas 36 7 4. Apôphis 61 0 5. Yanias or Annas 50 1 6. Assis 49 2

DYNASTIES XVIII. and XIX.—Thebans.

1. Tethmôsis 25 4 2. Khebrôn his son 13 0 3. Amenôphis I. 20 7 4. Amesses his sister 21 9 5. Mephres 12 9 6. Mephramouthôsis 25 10 7. Thmôsis 9 8 8. Amenôphis II. 30 10 9. Oros 36 5 10. Akenkhres his daughter 12 1 11. Rathôtis her brother 9 0 12. Akenkheres I. 12 5 13. Akenkheres II. 12 3 14. Armais 4 1 15. Ramesses 1 4 16. Armesses Miamoun 60 2 17. Amenôphis III. 19 6 18. Sethôsis Ægyptos and Ramesses (or Hermeus) Danaos 59 0 19. Rhampses his son 66 0 20. Amenôphis his son ? 21. Sethôs Ramesses his son ?

[The order ought to be: 15, 18, 19 (identical with 16), 20 (identical with 17).]

The Theban Kings Of Egypt According To Eratosthenes.

(Each king is followed by the number of years reigned.)

1. Mênes, a Thênite of Thebes, interpreted “of Amon” 62 2. Athôthes, son of Mênes, interpreted “born of Thoth” 59 3. Athôthes II. 32 4. Diabiês his son, interpreted “loving his comrades” 19 5. Pemphôs his brother, interpreted “son of Hêraklês” 18 (Semempsis) 6. Toigar the invincible Momkheiri, a Memphite, interpreted 79 “with superfluous limbs” (Tosorthros) 7. Stoikhos his son, interpreted “insensate Arês” [? Set] 6 8. Gosormies (perhaps Tosertasis) 30 9. Mares his son, interpreted “Sun-given” 26 10. Anôyphis his son, interpreted “promiscuous” or “festive” 20 11. Sirios, interpreted “son of side-locks” or “unenvied” 18 12. Khnoubos Gneuros, interpreted “the golden son of the 22 golden” 13. Rauôsis, interpreted “chief ruler” (Ratoises) 13 14. Biyres (Bikheres) 10 15. Saôphis, interpreted “long-haired” or “tradesman” 29 (Kheops) 16. Saôphis II. (Khephren) 27 17. Moskheres, interpreted “given to the Sun” (Mykerinos) 31 18. Mousthis 33 19. Pammes Arkhondes (Pepi I.) 35 20. Pappos the Great (Pepi II.) 100 21. Ekheso-Sokaras (Sokar-m-saf) 1 22. Nitôkris, a queen, interpreted “Nit the victorious” 6 23. Myrtaios the given to Amon 22 24. Thyosi-mares, interpreted “the strong Sun” 12 25. Thirillos or Thinillos, interpreted “who has increased 8 his father’s strength” (Nefer-ka-Ra Terel) 26. Semphroukrates, interpreted “Hêraklês Harpokrates” 18 27. Khouthêr Tauros the tyrant (perhaps Akhthoês) 7 28. Meures 12 29. Khômaephtha, interpreted “a world loving Ptah” 11 30. Soikouniosokhos the tyrant 60 31. Pente-athyris 16 32. Stammenes III. (Amen-m-hat II.) 23 33. Sistosi-khermes, interpreted “Heraklês the strong” 55 (Usertesen II.) 34. Maris (Amen-m-hat III.) 43 35. Siphyas (Siphthas), interpreted “Thoth the son of Ptah” 5 (Si-Ptah) 36. Name lost 14 37. Phrourôn or Neilos (Sebek-neferu-Ra) 5 38. Amouthantaios 63

The Egyptian Kings According To The Monuments.

DYNASTY I.

Abydos. Saqqârah. Turin Manetho. Papyrus. 1. Meni Meni Menes 2. Teta Atut Athothis 3. Atota Kenkenes 4. Ata Ouenephes I. 5. Husapti Husapti Ousaphaidos 6. Mer-ba-pa Mer-ba-pen Mer-ba-pen, 73 yrs. Miebidos 7. Samsu Samsu, 72 Semempses yrs. 8. Qabh(u) Qabhu Qabhu, 83 Bienekhes. yrs.

DYNASTY II.

Abydos. Saqqârah. Turin Manetho. Papyrus. 1. Buzau Bai-nuter (Buzau), 95 Boêthos yrs. 2. Kakau Kakau Kakau Kaiekhos 3. Ba-nuter-en Ba-nuter-en Ba-nuter-en, Binothris 95 yrs. 4. Uznas Uznas (Uznas), 70 Tlas yrs. 5. Senda(10) Send Senda, 74 (?) Sethenes yrs. 6. Nefer-ka-Ra (Nefer-ka-Ra), Nepherkheres. 70 yrs.

DYNASTY III.

Abydos. Saqqârah. Turin Manetho. Papyrus. 1. Nefer-ka-Sokar Nefer-ka-Sokar Nekherophes (? 2) 8 yrs. 4 mths. 2 dys. 2. Zefa Hu-Zefa, 25(?) Tosorthros yrs. 8 mths. 4 dys. 3. Babai 4. Zazai Zazai, 37 yrs. Tyreis 2 mths. 1 day. 5. Neb-ka Neb-ka-(Ra), Mesokhris 19 yrs. 6. Zoser-Sa Zoser Zoser, 19 yrs. Sôyphis 2 mths. 7. Teta II. Zoser-teta Zoser-teta, 6 Tosertasis yrs. 8. Sezes Neb-ka-Ra Akhes 9. Nefer-ka-Ra (Nefer-ka-Ra), Sephouris I. 6 yrs. 10. Huni Huni, 24 yrs. Kerpheres.

DYNASTY IV.

Abydos. Saqqârah. Turin Manetho. Papyrus. 1. Snefru Snefru Snefru, 24 Soris yrs. 2. Khufu Khufuf (Khufu), 23 Souphis I. yrs. 3. Ra-dad-f Ra-dad-f (Ra-dad-f), 8 Ratoises yrs. 4. Khâ-f-Ra Khâ-f-Ra Souphis II. 5. Men-kau-Ra [Men]-kau-[Ra] Menkheres 6. Shepseskaf Shepseskaf Seberkheres (?)

DYNASTY V.

Abydos. Saqqârah. Turin Manetho. Papyrus. 1. User-ka-f User-ka-f (Userkaf), 28 Ouserkheres yrs. 2. Sahu-Ra Sahu-Ra (Sahu-Ra), 4 Sephres yrs. 3. Kaka (Kaka), 2 yrs. 4. Nefer-Ra Nefer-ar-ka-Ra(11) (Nefer-ar-ka-Ra), Nepherkheres 7 yrs. 5. Shepses-ka-Ra (Shepses-ka-Ra), Sisires 12 yrs. 6. Khâ-nefer-Ra Kheres 7. Akau-Hor, 7 Rathoures yrs.(12) 8. Ra-n-user (Ra-n-user-An), (An) 25 yrs. 9. Men-kau-Hor Men-ka-Hor Men-ka-Hor, 8 Menkheres yrs. 10. Dad-ka-Ra Mâ-ka-Ra Dad(-ka Ra Assa), Tankheres (Assa) 28 yrs. 11. Unas Unas Unas, 30 yrs. Obnos.

DYNASTY VI.

Abydos. Saqqârah. Turin Manetho. Papyrus. 1. Teta III. Teta Othoes 2. User-ka-Ra (Ati?) 3. Meri-Ra (Pepi Pepi I. (Pepi I.), 20 Phios I.) yrs. 4. Mer-n-Ra Mer-n-Ra I. (Miht-m-saf Methousouphis Miht-m-saf I. I.), 14 yrs. 5. Nefer-ka-Ra Nefer-ka-Ra (Pepi II. ), Phiops (Pepi I.) 9 (4) yrs. 6. Mer-n-Ra (Miht-m-saf Menthesouphis Miht-m-saf II.), 1 yr. 1 II. mth. 7. Neit-aker, a Nitokris. queen

DYNASTIES VII. AND VIII.(13)

Turin Papyrus. Abydos. 1. Nefer-ka, 2 yrs. 1 mth. 1. Nuter-ka-Ra 1 dy. 2. Neferus, 4 yrs. 2 mth. 2. Men-ka-Ra 1 dy. 3. Ab-n-Ra I., 2 yrs. 1 3. Nefer-ka-Ra III. mth. 1 dy. 4. ... 1 yr. 8 dys. 4. Nefer-ka-Ra IV. Nebi 5. Ab-n-Ra II. 5. Dad-ka-Ra Shema 6. Hanti 6. Nefer-ka-Ra V. Khondu 7. Pest-sat-n-Sopd 7. Mer-n-Hor 8. Pait-kheps 8. Snefer-ka I. 9. Serhlinib.(14) 9. Ka-n-Ra. 10. Nefer-ka-Ra VI. Terel 11. Nefer-ka-Hor 12. Nefer-ka-Ra VII. Pepi-Seneb 13. Snefer-ka II. Annu 14. [User-]kau-Ra 15. Nefer-kau-Ra 16. Nefer-kau-Hor 17. Nefer-ar-ka-Ra.

DYNASTY IX. Monuments.

Khiti (or Khruti) I. Âa-hotep-Ra Skhâ-n-Ra Mer-ab-Ra (the Akhthoes of Manetho) Aah-mes(?)-Ra Mâa-ab-Ra Se-n(?)-mu-Ra(15) Khâ-user-Ra

DYNASTY X.

Monuments. Turin Papyrus. Mer-ka-Ra

Nefer-hepu-Ra Nefer-ka-Ra Ra-hotep-ab Khiti II. Amu-si-Hor-nez-hirtef Se-heru-herri [Ameni?](16) Mer ... Meh ... Hu ...(17)

DYNASTY XI.(18)

Karnak. Other Monuments. 1. Antef I., Prince (of Seshes-Hor-ap-mâa-Ra Thebes) Antuf-Aa 2. Men[tu-hotep I.] the Neb-hotep Mentu-hotep I. Pharaoh 3. Antef II. Uah-ânkh [Ter?]-seshes ap-mâa-Ra Antef-Aa, his son 4. Antef III. Seshes-herher-mâa-Ra Antef, his brother 5. Nuter-nefer Neb-taui-Ra Mentu-hotep II. 6. Antef IV. Nub-kheper-Ra Antauf (more than 50 yrs.) 7. Neb-[khru]-Ra Neb-khru-Ra Mentu-hotep III. (more than 46 yrs.) 8. Queen Aah 9. Antef V. her son 10. S-ânkh-ka-Ra S-ânkh-ka-Ra(19)

DYNASTY XII.

Monuments. Turin Papyrus. Manetho. 1. Amen-m-hat I. S-hotep-ab-Ra, 19 Ammenemes S-hotep-ab-Ra alone, yrs. 20 yrs. With Usertesen I., 10 yrs. 2. UsertesenI. ... 45 yrs. 7 mths. Sesonkhosis Kheper-ka-Ra alone, 32 yrs. With Amen-m-hat II., 3 yrs. 3. Amen-m-hat II. ... 3[2] yrs. Ammanemes Nub-kau-Ra alone, 29 yrs. With Usertesen II., 6 yrs. 4. Usertesen II. ... 19 yrs. Sesostris Khâ-kheper-Ra 5. Usertesen III. ... 3[8] yrs. Lakhares Khâ-kau-Ra (more than 26 yrs.) 6. Amen-m-hat III. ... 4[3] yrs. Ammeres Mâat-n-Ra, 43 yrs. 7. Amen-m-hat IV. Mâ-khru-[Ra], 9 yrs. Ammenemes Mâ-khru-Ra 3 mths. 27 dys. 8. Sebek-nefru-Ra (a Sebek-nefru-Ra, 3 Skemiophris queen) yrs. 10 mths. 24 dys. Sum of years of twelfth dynasty: 213 years 1 mth. 17 days.

DYNASTIES XIII. and XIV. Turin Papyrus.(20)

1. Sebek-hotep I. [Sekhem]-khu-taui-Ra (son of Sebek-nefru-Ra), 1 yr. 3 mths. 24 dys. 2. Sekhem-ka-Ra, 6 yrs. 3. Ra Amen-m-hat V. 4. S-hotep-ab-Ra II. 5. Aufni, 2 yrs. 6. S-ânkh-ab-Ra [Ameni Antuf Amen-m-hat], 1 yr. 7. S-men-ka-Ra 8. S-hotep-ab-Ra III. 9. S-ânkh-ka-Ra 10, 11. Destroyed 12. Nezem-ab-Ra 13. Ra-Sebek-hotep II. 14. Ran-seneb 15. Autu-ab-Ra I. (Hor)(21) 16. Sezef-[ka]-Ra 17. Sekhem-khu-taui-Ra II. Sebek-hotep III. 18. User-n-Ra 19. S-menkh-ka-Ra Mer-menfiu 20. ... ka-Ra 21. S-user-set-Ra 22. Sekhem-uaz-taui-Ra Sebek-hotep IV. 23. Khâ-seshesh-Ra Nefer-hotep, son of Ha-ânkh-f 24. Si-Hathor-Ra 25. Khâ-nefer-Ra Sebek-hotep V. 26. [Khâ-ka-Ra] 27. [Khâ-ânkh-Ra Sebek-hotep VI.] 28. Khâ-hotep-Ra Sebek-hotep VII., 4 yrs. 8 mths. 29 dys. 29. Uab-Ra Aa-ab, 10 yrs. 8 mths. 29 dys. 30. Mer-nefer-Ra Ai, 23 yrs.(22) 8 mths. 18 dys. 31. Mer-hotep-Ra Ana, 2 yrs. 2 mths. 9 dys. 32. S-ânkh-n-s-uaztu-Ra, 3 yrs. 2 mths. 33. Mer-sekhem-Ra Anran,(23) 3 yrs. 1 mth. 34. S-uaz-ka-Ra Ur, 5 yrs. ... mth. 8 dys. 35. Anemen ... Ra 36-46. Destroyed 47. Mer-kheper-Ra 48. Mer-kau-Ra Sebek-hotep VIII. 49-53. Destroyed 54. ... mes-Ra 55. ... mât-Ra Aba 56. Nefer-uben-Ra I. 57. ... ka-Ra 58. S-uaz-n-Ra. 59-60. Destroyed 61. Nehasi-Ra(24) 62. Khâ-khru-Ra 63. Neb-f-autu-Ra, 2 yrs. 5 mths. 15 dys. 64. S-heb-Ra, 3 yrs. 65. Mer-zefa-Ra, 3 yrs. 66. S-uaz-ka-Ra, 1 yr. 67. Neb-zefa-Ra, 1 yr. 68. Uben-Ra I. 69-70. Destroyed 71. [Neb-]zefa-Ra II., 4 yrs. 72. [Nefer-]Uben-Ra II. 73. Autu-ab-Ra II. 74. Her-ab-Ra 75. Neb-sen-Ra 76-79. Destroyed 80. S-kheper-n-Ra 81. Dad-khru-Ra 82. S-ânkh-ka-Ra 83. Nefer-tum-Ra 84. Sekhem ... Ra 85. Ka ... Ra 86. Nefer-ab-Ra 87. A ... ka-Ra 88. Khâ ... Ra, 2 yrs. 89. Nez-ka ... Ra 90. S-men ... Ra 91-111. Destroyed. 112. Sekhem ... Ra 113. Sekhem ... Ra 114. Sekhem-us ... Ra 115. Sesen ... Ra 116. Neb-ati-uzu-Ra 117. Neb-aten-uzu-Ra 118. S-men-ka-Ra 119. S-user-[aten]-Ra 120. Khâ-sekhem-[hent]-Ra Some 37 more names are illegible.

[DYNASTIES XIII. and XIV. Karnak.

1. ... ka. 2. S-uaz-n-Ra (Nefer-ka-Ra) 3. S-ankh-ab-Ra (T. P. 6) 4. Sekhem-khu-taui-Ra (T. P. 17) 5. Sekhem-s-uaz-taui-Ra. (T. P. 22) 6. Khâ-seshesh-Ra (T. P. 23) 7. Khâ-nefer-Ra (T. P. 25) 8. Khâ-ka-Ra (T. P. 26) 9. Khâ-ânkh-Ra (T. P. 27) 10. Kha-hotep-Ra 11. S-nefer-Ra 12. ... Ra 13. Ses-user-taui-Ra 14. Mer-sekhem-Ra 15. Sekhem-uaz-khâu-Ra (Sebek-m-saf I.) 16. S-uah-n-Ra 17. [Sekhem]-uah-khâu-Ra (Sebek-m-saf II.) 18. Za ... Ra 19. S-uaz-n-Ra 20. S-nefer ... Ra 21. ... Ra.

Other Monuments.

Men-khâu-Ra An-ab Sekhem-ap-taui-Ra Nefer-kheper-ka-Ra Mut-r-ka-n-Ra Ta-neb-n-Ra Sekhem-nefer-khâu-Ra Apheru-m-saf Mâa-nt-n-Ra Ter-n-Ra Senb-in-mâ Uazd Khâ-nefrui Men-nefer-Ra (Menophres) Sekhem-sheddi-taui-Ra Sebek-m-saf II. Ra-seshes-men-taui Tehuti].

DYNASTIES XV. and XVI. Turin Papyrus.

1. Abehnas ... (?) 2. Apepi 3. A ...

Other Monuments.

Shalati (?) Banân (?) Ya’qob-hal (“Jacob-el”) Khian S-user-(Set-)n-Ra Apepi I. Aa-user-Ra (reigned more than 33 years) Apepi II. Aa-ab-taui-Ra.

DYNASTY XVII.

Skenen-Ra Taa I. (contemporary with Apepi II.) Skenen-Ra Taa II. Aa Skenen-Ra Taa III. Ken Uaz-kheper-Ra Ka-mes, and wife Aah-hotep.

Other kings of the seventeenth dynasty were:—

Si-pa-ar-Ahmes Aah-hotep S-khent-neb-Ra Amen-sa Kheper-ka-n-Ra S-nekht-n-Ra.

DYNASTY XVIII.

Manetho. 1. Neb-pehuti-Ra Aahmes (more than 20 yrs.), and Amosis wife Nefert-ari-Aahmes(25) 2. Ser-ka-Ra Amen-hotep I., his son (20 yrs. 7 Amenôphis I. mths.); his mother at first regent 3. Aa-kheper-ka-Ra Tehuti-mes I., his son, and Chebron (?) wife Aahmes Meri-Amen, and Queen Amen-sit. 4. Aa-kheper-n-Ra Tehuti-mes II., his son (more Amensis than 9 yrs.), and wife (sister) Hashepsu I. Mâ-ka-Ra 5. Khnum Amen Hashepsu II. Mâ-ka-Ra, his sister Amensis (?) (more than 16 yrs.) 6. Ra-men-kheper Tehuti-mes III., her brother, Misaphris (57 yrs. 11 mths. 1 dy., B.C. 1503, March 20-1449, Feb. 14(26)) 7. Aa-khepru-Ra Amen-hotep II., his son (more Misphragmu-thosis then 5 yrs.) 8. Men-khepru-Ra Tehuti-mes IV., his son (more Touthmosis than 7 yrs.) 9. Neb-mâ-Ra Amen-hotep III., his son, (more Amenôphis II. then 35 yrs.), and wife Teie 10. Nefer-khepru-Ra Amen-hotep IV. Horos Khu-n-aten(27), his son (more than 17 yrs), and wife Nefrui-Thi S-âa-ka-khepru-Ra 11. Ankh-khepru-Ra, and wife Meri-Aten Akherres 12. Tut-ânkh-Amen Khepru-neb-Ra, and wife Rathotis Ankh-nes-Amen 13. Aten-Ra-nefer-nefru-mer-Aten 14. Ai Kheper-khepru-ar-mâ-Ra and wife Thi more than 4 yrs. 15. Hor-m-hib Mi-Amen Ser-khepru-Ka (more than 3 Armais yrs.)

DYNASTY XIX.

Manetho. 1. Men-pehuti-Ra Ramessu I. (more than 2 yrs.) Ramesses 2. Men-mâ-Ra Seti I. Mer-n-Ptah I. (more than 27 Sethos yrs.), and wife Tua 3. User-mâ-Ra (Osymandyas) Sotep-n-Ra Ramessu II. Mi-Amen (B.C. 1348-1281) 4. Mer-n-Ptah II. Hotep-hi-ma Ba-n-Ra Mi-Amen Ammenephthes 5. User-khepru-Ra Seti II. Mer-n-Ptah III. Sethos Ramesses 6. Amen-mesu Hik-An Mer-kha-Ra Sotep-n-Ra Amenemes 7. Khu-n-Ra Sotep-n-Ra Mer-n-Ptah IV. Si-Ptah Thouoris (more than 6 yrs.), and wife Ta-user

DYNASTY XX.

1. Set-nekt Merer Mi Amon (recovered the kingdom from the Phœnician Arisu) 2. Ramessu III. Hik-An (more than 32 yrs.) 3. Ramessu IV. Hik-Mâ Mi-Amen (more than 11 yrs.) 4. Ramessu V. User-mâ-s-kheper-n-Ra Mi-Amen (more than 4 yrs.) 5. Ramessu VI. Neb-mâ-Ra Mi-Amen Amen-hir-khopesh-f (Ramessu Meri-Tum in northern Egypt) 6. Ramessu VII. At-Amen User-mâ-Ra Mi-Amen 7. Ramessu VIII. Set-hir-khopesh-f Mi-Amen User-mâ-Ra Khu-n-Amen 8. Ramessu IX. Si-Ptah S-khâ-n-Ra Mi-Amen (19 yrs.) 9. Ramessu X. Nefer-ka-Ra Mi-Amen Sotep-n-Ra (more than 10 yrs.) 10. Ramessu XI. Amen-hir-khopesh-f Kheper-mâ Ra Sotep-n-Ra 11. Ramessu XII. Men-mâ-Ra Mi-Amen Sotep-n-Ptah Khâ-m-uas (more than 27 yrs.)

DYNASTY XXI. ILLEGITIMATE.

1. Hir-Hor Si-Amen, High-priest of Amon at Thebes, and wife Nezem-mut 2. Piankhi, High-priest, and wife Tent-Amen 3. Pinezem I., High-priest, and wife Hont-taui 4. Pinezem II., King, and wife Mâ-ka-Ra 5. Men-kheper-Ra, High-priest, and wife Isis-m-kheb 6. Pinezem III., High-priest.

DYNASTY XXI. LEGITIMATE.

Manetho. 1. Nes-Bindidi Mi-Amen Smendes 2. P-seb-khâ-n I. Mi-Amen Aa-kheper-Ra Psousennes Sotep-n-Amen I. 3. [Nefer-ka-Ra] Nephelkheres 4. Amen-m-apt Amenophthis 5. Osokhor 6. Pinezem (?) Psinakhes 7. Hor P-seb-khâ-n II. Psousennes II.

DYNASTY XXII.

Manetho. 1. Shashanq I. Mi-Amen Hez-kheper-Ra Sotep-n-Ra, Sesonkhis son of Nemart (more than 21 yrs.), and wife Ka-râ-mât 2. Usarkon I. Mi-Amen Sekhem-kheper-Ra (married Osorkon Mâ-ka-Ra, daughter of P-seb-khâ-n II.) 3. Takelet I. Mi-Amen Si-Isis User-mâ-Ra Sotep-n-Amen (more than 23 yrs.) 4. Usarkon II. Mi-Amen Si-Bast User-mâ-Ra (more than 23 yrs.) 5. Shashanq II. Mi-Amen Sekhem-kheper-Ra 6. Takelet II. Mi-Amen Si-Isis Hez-kheper-Ra Takelothis (more then 15 yrs.) 7. Shashanq III. Mi-Amen Si-Bast User-mâ-Ra (52 yrs.) 8. Pimai Mi-Amen User-mâ-Ra Sotep-n-Amen 9. Shashanq IV. Aa-kheper-Ra (more than 37 yrs.)

DYNASTY XXIII.

Manetho. 1. S-her-ab-Ra Petu-si-Bast Petoubastes 2. Usarkon III. Mi-Amen Aa-kheper-Ra Osorkho Sotep-n-Amen 3. P-si-Mut User-Ra Sotep-n-Ptah Psammos 4. Zet.

INTERREGNUM.

Egypt, divided between several princes, including Tef-nekht (Tnephakhthos), father of Bak-n-ran-f. It is overrun by Piankhi the Ethiopian, while Usarkon III. reigns at Bubastis. The son and successor of Piankhi is Mi-Amen-Nut.

DYNASTY XXIV.

Manetho. 1. Bak-n-ran-f Uah-ka-Ra (more than 16 yrs.)(28) Bokkhoris

DYNASTY XXV.

Manetho. 1. Shabaka Nefer-ka-Ra, son of Kashet (12 yrs.) Sabako 2. Shabataka Dad-ka-Ra Sebikhos 3. Taharka Nefer-tum-khu-Ra or Tirhakah (26 Tearkos yrs.)

INTERREGNUM.

The Assyrian conquest and division of Egypt into twenty satrapies, B.C. 672-660. Taharka and his successor Urdamanu (Rud-Amen), or, as the name may also be read, Tandamane (Tanuath-Amen), make vain attempts to recover it. In Manetho the period is represented by Stephinates (Sotep-n-Nit), Nekhepsos and Nekhao, the last of whom is called in the Assyrian inscriptions Niku, the father of Psammetikhos, and vassal-king of Memphis and Sais.

DYNASTY XXVI.

Manetho. 1. Psamtik I. Uah-ab-Ra and wife Mehet-usekh Psammetikhos (B.C. 664-610) 2. Nekau Nem-ab-Ra and wife Mi-Mut Nit-aker Nekhao (B.C. 610-594) 3. Psamtik II. Nefer-ab-Ra, and wife Nit-aker Psammouthis (B.C. 594-589) 4. Uah-ab-Ra Haa-ab-Ra and wife Aah-hotep (B.C. Ouaphris 589-570) 5. Aah-mes Si-Nit Khnum-ab-Ra and wife Amosis Thent-kheta (B.C. 570-526) 6. Psamtik III. Ankh-ka-n-Ra (B.C. 526-525) Psammekherites

DYNASTY XXVII.

Manetho. 1. Kambathet Sam-taui Mestu-Ra (B.C. 525-519) Kambyses 2. Ntariush I. Settu-Ra (B.C. 521-485) Dareios I. 3. Khabbash Senen Tanen Sotep-n-Ptah (B.C. 485) 4. Khsherish (B.C. 484) Xerxes I. Artakhsharsha (B.C. 465-425) Artaxerxes Ntariush Mi-Amen-Ra (B.C. 424-405) Dareios II.

DYNASTY XXVIII.

Manetho. Amen-ar-t-rut(29) (more than 6 yrs.), B.C. 415 Amyrtaios

DYNASTY XXIX.

Manetho. 1. Nef-âa-rut I. Ba-n-Ra Mi-nuteru (more than 4 Nepherites yrs.) I. 2. Hakori Khnum-mâ-Ra Sotep-n-Ptah (13 yrs.) Akhoris 3. P-si-Mut User-Ptah-sotep-n-Ra (1 yr.) Psammouthes 4. Hor-neb-kha (1 yr.) Mouthes 5. Nef-âa-rut II. (1 yr.) Nepherites II.

DYNASTY XXX.

Manetho. 1. Nekht-Hor-hib Ra-snezem-ab Sotep-n-Anhur, son Nektanebes of Nef-âa-rut I. (9 yrs.) I. 2. Zihu (1 yr.) Teôs 3. Nekht-neb-f Kheper-ka-Ra (18 yrs.) Nektanebes II.

Appendix II. Biblical Dates.

B.C. 1348-1281. Ramses II., the Pharaoh of the Oppression, and builder of Pithom.

_Cir._ 1200. Campaign of Ramses III. in Judah and Moab.

_Cir._ 960. Solomon marries the daughter of the Tanite Pharaoh, and receives Gezer.

_Cir._ 925. Shishak (Shashanq I.) invades Palestine and takes Jerusalem.

_Cir._ 900. Invasion of Judah by Zerah (Osorkon II.)

725. Hoshea of Israel makes alliance with So of Egypt.

720. Sargon defeats the “Pharaoh” and Sibe his general at Raphia.

701. Defeat of Tirhakah by Sennacherib at Eltekeh.

674. Invasion of Egypt by Esar-haddon.

670. Tirhakah driven from the frontier to Memphis and thence to Ethiopia.

668. Revolt of Egypt suppressed by Assur-bani-pal.

665. Destruction of Thebes (No-Amon) by the Assyrians.

609. Necho invades Asia; defeat and death of Josiah.

605. Necho defeated at Carchemish by Nebuchadrezzar; loss of Asiatic possessions.

_Cir._ 585. The Jews fly to Egypt, carrying Jeremiah with them.

567. Egypt invaded by Nebuchadrezzar.

320. Palestine seized by Ptolemy I.; many Jews settled by him in Egypt.

_Cir._ 280. The Greek translation of the Old Testament commenced.

167. Onias permitted by Ptolemy Philometor to build the temple at Onion.

4. Flight of the Holy Family into Egypt.

A.D. 70. Vespasian orders the prefect Lupus to close the temple at Onion.

Appendix III. The Greek Writers Upon Egypt.

(1) Hekataios of Miletos, tyrant, statesman, and writer, B.C. 500-480. Sent as ambassador to the Persians after the suppression of the Ionic revolt. Travelled in Egypt as far as Thebes. His account of Egypt contained in his great work on geography, now lost.

(2) Thales of Miletos, philosopher, B.C. 500. Wrote on the causes of the inundation of the Nile.

(3) Hellanikos of Mytilênê, historian, B.C. 420. Wrote an account of Egypt and a journey to the oasis of Ammon, now lost.

(4) Herodotos of Halikarnassos, historian, B.C. 445-430. Travelled in Egypt as far as the Fayyûm. His account of Egypt chiefly contained in the second book of his histories.

(5) Demokritos of Abdera, philosopher, B.C. 405. Spent five years in Egypt, and wrote books on geography and on the Ethiopic hieroglyphics, now lost.

(6) Aristagoras of Miletos, B.C. 350. Wrote a history of Egypt in at least two books, now lost.

(7) Eudoxos of Knidos, philosopher. Visited Egypt in B.C. 358, and wrote an account of it in his work on geography, now lost.

(8) Leo of Pella, B.C. 330. Wrote a book on the Egyptian gods, now lost.

(9) Hekataios of Abdera, B.C. 300. Lived at the court of Ptolemy I., travelled up the Nile and examined the Theban temples. Wrote a history of Egypt, the first book of which was on Egyptian philosophy, now lost. The account of the Ramesseum (the temple of Osymandyas or Usir-mâ-Ra) given by Diodôros is derived from his work.

(10) Manetho, Egyptian priest of Sebennytos, B.C. 270. Compiled the history of Egypt in Greek from the records contained in the temples. Corrected many of the errors of Herodotos, according to Josephus. The work was divided into three parts, and Josephus quotes from it the account of the Hyksos conquest, the list of the kings of the eighteenth dynasty, and the Egyptian legend of the Israelitish Exodus. An epitome of the history was probably added at the end of the work. We know it from the list of dynasties quoted by the Christian writers Julius Africanus (A.D. 220) and Eusebius, both of whom endeavoured to harmonise its chronology with that of the Old Testament. The work of Africanus is lost, but the list of dynasties has been preserved by Georgios the Synkellos or Coadjutor of the Patriarch of Constantinople (A.D. 792), who has added two other lists professedly from Manetho, but really from post-Christian forgeries (“The Old Chronicle” and “The Book of Sôthis”). Eusebius quotes from a copyist of Africanus, or some unknown copyist of Manetho himself, and his list has been preserved (like that of Africanus) by George the Synkellos, as well as in an Armenian translation. Manetho also wrote (in Greek) on Egyptian festivals and religion, but all his works are lost.

(11) Eratosthenes of Kyrênê, geographer, chronologist, astronomer and mathematician, B.C. 275-194. Librarian of the Alexandrine Museum under Ptolemy IV. First fixed the latitude of places by measuring the length of the sun’s shadow at noon on the longest day in Alexandria and then calculating the distance to Assuan, where there was no shadow at all. In his work on chronology (now lost) he gave a list of Theban kings, selected from the various dynasties, like the lists of Karnak or Abydos. This has been preserved, along with an attempt to translate the meaning of the names. The translations, however, are erroneous, as they are made from the Greek forms of the names compared with words then current in the decaying Egyptian of the day.

(12) Ptolemy of Megalopolis, B.C. 200. Wrote a history of Ptolemy Philopator, now lost.

(13) Kallixenos of Rhodes, B.C. 210. Wrote a description of Alexandria in four or more books, now lost.

(14) Philistos of Naukratis, B.C. 225. Wrote a description of Naukratis, a history of Egypt in twelve books, and an account of Egyptian religion in three books: all lost.

(15) Kharôn of Naukratis, B.C. 160. Wrote on Naukratis and on the succession of the Ptolemaic priests; the works are lost.

(16) Lykeas of Naukratis, B.C. 160. Wrote an account of Egypt, now lost.

(17) Agatharkhides of Knidos, geographer and historian, B.C. 120. Gave an account of the working of the Egyptian gold-mines (in his geographical work on the Red Sea) which has been preserved by Photios.

(18) Lysimakhos of Alexandria, B.C. 50. Wrote a history of Egypt containing the Egyptian legend of the Hebrew Exodus, which has been preserved by Josephus.

(19) L. Cornelius Alexander Polyhistor, B.C. 82-60. Wrote an account of Egypt in three books; now lost.

(20) Diodôros of Sicily (Diodorus Siculus), historian, travelled in Egypt, B.C. 57, published his great historical work, called _Bibliothêkê_, B.C. 28. The first book of it devoted to Egypt and Ethiopia. Quoted largely from Herodotos, Hekataios of Abdera, Ephoros and other authors now lost. We are dependent on him for a connected history of Egypt during the Persian period.

(21) Ptolemy of Mendes, historian, A.D. 1. Wrote a history of Egypt in three (?) books, now lost.

(22) Strabo of Amasia, geographer, A.D. 20. Travelled in Egypt. The last (17th) book of his great work on geography is devoted to Egypt.

(23) Apion of El-Khargeh, grammarian and historian, A.D. 40. Pleaded for the Alexandrines against Philo and the Jews before Caligula. Wrote a history of Egypt in five books, the third of which discussed the Hebrew Exodus; now lost.

(24) Khairêmôn of Naukratis, stoic philosopher, A.D. 50. Was Nero’s teacher. Wrote an account of Egypt and an explanation of the hieroglyphics; now lost.

(25) Josephus, son of the Jewish priest Matthias, born A.D. 37, received his freedom and the name of Flavius, A.D. 69. Quotes from Manetho, Lysimakhos, etc., in his _Antiquities of the Jews_ and _Contra Apionem_.

(26) Plutarch of Khaironeia, moralist, A.D. 125. Wrote at Delphi his treatise on Isis and Osiris, which is of great value for the history of the Osiris-myth.

(27) Ptolemy of Alexandria, geographer, A.D. 160. Egypt is thoroughly and scientifically treated in his great work on geography.

(28) St. Clement of Alexandria, head of the Alexandrine (Christian) School, A.D. 191-220. Many references to Egyptian history and religion in his _Strômateis_. He divides Egyptian writing into hieroglyphic, hieratic and epistolographic (or demotic), the first being further divided into alphabetic and symbolic, and the symbolic characters into imitative, figurative and rebus-like.

(29) Julius Africanus, Christian apologist, wrote in A.D. 221 his _Chronology_, in five books; now lost.

(30) Porphyry of Batanea, A.D. 233-305, wrote a history of the Ptolemies; now lost.

(31) Eusebios, bishop of Cæsarea, published in A.D. 326 his _Chronicle_, containing a list of Manetho’s dynasties. The work has been preserved in an Armenian translation.

(32) Horapollo of Nilopolis, grammarian, A.D. 390, wrote a work on the hieroglyphics in Coptic, which was translated into Greek by Philippos. Only the ideographic values of the characters are given, but they are mostly correct.

Appendix IV. Archæological Excursions In The Delta.

(1) Tel el-Yehudîyeh or Onion.—Take the train from Cairo at 10 A.M., reaching Shibîn el-Qanâter at 12.25. Leave Shibîn el-Qanâter at 5.57 P.M., reaching Cairo at 6.50. Donkeys can be procured at Shibîn, but it is a pleasant walk of a mile and a half through the fields (towards the south-east) to the Tel. There is a _café_ at Shibîn adjoining the station, but it is advisable to take lunch from Cairo.

(2) Kôm el-Atrib or Athribis.—The mounds lie close to the station of Benha el-´Asal, north-east of the town, and can easily be explored between two trains. All trains between Cairo and Alexandria stop at Benha.

(3) Naukratis.—The mounds of Naukratis (Kôm Qa´if) lie nearly five miles due west of the station of Teh el-Barûd on the line between Cairo and Alexandria, where all trains stop except the express. The first half of the walk is along a good road under an avenue of trees, but after a village is reached it leads through fields. Donkeys are not always to be had at Teh el-Barûd. The low mounds west of the station are not earlier than the Roman period.

(4) Kanôpos or Aboukir.—A train leaves the Ramleh station at Alexandria at 7.40 A.M., and reaches Aboukir at 10.42 A.M., returning from Aboukir at 4.42 P.M. It is a short walk northwards from the station to the temple of Zephyrion discovered by Daninos Pasha in 1891. Then walk eastward along the shore, where the rocks have been cut into baths and numerous relics of antiquity lie half-covered by the waves.

(5) The Monument of Darius, near Suez.—A ride of rather more than five miles through the desert north of Suez along the line of the Freshwater Canal brings us to the fragments of one of the granite stelæ erected by Darius to commemorate his re-opening of the Canal between the Red Sea and the Nile. Traces of the cuneiform and hieroglyphic inscriptions can still be detected upon some of them. The stelæ were erected at certain intervals along the line of the Canal, and the remains of three others of them have been found, on a mound one kilometre south of Tel el-Maskhûtah or Pithom, a little to the east of the station of the Serapeum on the Suez Canal, and on the side of a mound between the 61st kilometre of the Canal and the telegraphic station of Kabret. From Ismailîyeh to Tel el-Maskhûtah is a ride across the desert of eleven miles.

(6) Tanis or Zoan.—The easiest way of visiting Tanis or Sân is to sleep at Mansûrah, where there is a very tolerable hotel, and go by the morning train (at 9.15) to the station of Abu ´l-Shekûk, arriving there at 10.55 A.M. One of the small dahabiyehs which ply on the Mo’izz canal, which passes the station and runs to Sân, should have been previously engaged, and a servant sent with food the day before from Mansûrah to get it ready. It is advisable also to send cantine and bedding. A few hours (8 to 10) will take the traveller to Sân, where he can remain as long as he wishes. There is sufficient water in the canal all the year round to float the dahabiyeh. On the way to Abu ´l-Shekûk the station of Baqlîyeh is passed (at 9.41 A.M.), close to which (to the east) is Tel el-Baqlîyeh or Hermopolis Parva. The twin mounds of Tmei el-Amdîd (Mendes and Thmuis) are not far to the east of the station of Simbellauên, which is reached at 10.11 A.M. (or by the 6.45 A.M. train from Mansûrah at 7.30 A.M.). Donkeys should be telegraphed for beforehand. The great monolithic granite shrine of Amasis still stands on the mounds. Tel en-Nebêsheh is only eight miles south-east of Sân.

(7) Horbêt or Pharbaithos.—Leaving Mansûrah at 9.15 A.M., the train reaches Abu-Kebir at 11.55, where donkeys can be easily procured. It is a pleasant ride of three miles through the fields to Horbeit and the gigantic monoliths of Nektanebo. The train leaves Abu-Kebir for Zagazig and Cairo at 4 P.M., reaching Zagazig at 4.32 and Cairo at 6.50 P.M.

(8) Behbit (Egyptian Hebit, Roman Iseum).—The granite ruins of the temple of Isis, built by Ptolemy II., lie eight miles by river north of Mansûrah, and are less than half-an-hour’s walk from the eastern bank of the river. Delicate bas-reliefs have been carved on the granite blocks. The ruins are a favourite object of picnic parties from Mansûrah.

(9) Bubastis or Tel Bast.—The ruins of the ancient city are a few minutes’ walk from the railway station and can be visited between two trains. The site of the temple is in the middle of the mounds, the ruins of the old houses rising up on all sides of it. There is a poor hotel in Zagazig, kept by a Greek.

(10) Sais or Sâ el-Hagar.—This has become difficult of access since the construction of the railway from Alexandria to Cairo. The nearest railway station is Kafr ez-Zaiyât, from which it is distant (by donkey) about five hours. The voyage by river involves the passage of several bridges.

(11) Tel ed-Deffeneh.—Tents and camels are necessary, as well as drinking water, for that of the canal and Lake Menzaleh is brackish. Either go by train to Salahîyeh (leaving Cairo at 5 P.M., arriving at 9.35 P.M.), or, better, sleep at Ismailîyeh, and go thence by tramway to Kantara. The distance across the desert to Tel ed-Deffeneh from Salahîyeh and Kantara is about the same (eleven miles), but donkeys are more easily procurable at Kantara than camels. At Kantara (on the east side of the canal) are monuments and a _Tel_ (perhaps that of Zaru). The excursion may be combined with one to Pelusium, passing Tel el-Hir on the way. From Kantara to Pelusium is rather more than half-a-day’s journey. Encamp at the edge of the sand-dunes, one-and-a-half miles from the mounds of Pelusium, walking to them over the mud, which sometimes will not bear the weight of a camel. No fresh water is procurable there.

INDEX.

A

_abrêk_, 33.

Ab-sha, 19.

Abshadi, 238.

Abu, 203.

Abukîr, 208.

Abu-Simbel, 48, 186.

Abusir, 240.

Abutig, 194.

Abydos, 75, 153, 186, 196, 216.

Achæans, 84.

Adapa or Adama, 66.

Æginetans, 214.

Africanus, 16, 40, 286.

Ah-hotep, Queen, 283.

Annas el-Medîneh, 36, 192, 264, 269.

Aigyptos, 206.

Akhæmenes, 178.

Akhillas, 234.

Akhilleus, 167.

Alexander Ægos, 139, 140.

Alexander’s Tomb, 138.

Alexandria, 140, 147.

Am, Am-pehu, 236, 237.

Amasis (Ahmes II.), 130 _sqq._, 215, 216, 230, 232.

Ameni, 94.

Amenôphis III., 53, 58, 196.

—— IV. (Khu-n-Aten), 53.

Amon, 12, 53, 88, 122, 228, 242.

Amon-em-hat III., 13, 189, 247, 281-3.

—— IV., 208.

Amorites, 82, 88, 101, 110.

Amyrtæos, 178, 179, 181, 266.

Anaxagoras, 183.

Antiochus, 153 _sqq._

Anthylla, 215.

Anysis, 204, 266 _sqq._

Apis, 118, 223, 261.

Apopi, 15, 23, 42, 45, 228.

Apries, 128 _sqq._, 216.

Arabian nome, 236.

Arabians, 276.

Arad, 108.

Aram-Naharaim (Mitanni), 58, 82.

Arioch, 1.

Armais (Hor-m-hib), 73.

Arisu, 84, 94.

Arkhandropolis, 215.

Arsaphes (Her-shef), 270.

Arvad, 81.

Ashdod, 125.

Ashkelon, 90.

Ashmunên, 268, 269.

Ashtoreth, 242, 252.

Asshurim, 81.

Assur-bani-pal, 118, 120, 269, 277.

Assyria, 59, 82, 275.

Asykhis or Sasykhis, 264.

Atarbekhis, 262.

Aten (-Ra), 55.

Athêna, 217.

Athenians, 179, 181, 238.

Athribis, 118, 276.

Aupet, 269.

Avaris, 15, 39, 41, 92, 233.

B

Baba, 36.

Babylonians, 33, 60, 61.

Bagnold, Major, 4, 247.

Bah, 210.

Bahr Yûsuf, 263, 264.

Bashan, 72.

Bast, 224 _sqq._

Bata, 25 _sqq._

Benha, 238, 276.

Beni-Hassan, 19, 194, 266.

Berenikê, 146.

Bes, 225.

Biahmu, 185, 188.

Bigeh, 200, 203.

Blemmyes, 167.

Bokkhoris, 272.

Book of the Dead, 222.

Bouriant, M., 171.

Brugsch, 26, 35, 77, 335.

Bubastis, 45, 110, 112, 193, 204, 224 _sqq._, 267.

Busiris, 205, 239 _sqq._

Butô, 193, 204, 225, 235 _sqq._, 250, 267.

C

Cæsar, 165, 234,

Cæsarion, 166.

Cairo, 220.

Canaan, 60, 67 _sqq._

—— libraries in, 67.

camel, 21.

canal, 77, 125, 146.

Carchemish, 126.

Canopus, Decree of, 150.

cats, 193, 225, 230.

Cilicia, 81.

Champollion, 109, 238.

Christianity, 168 _sqq._

circumnavigation of Africa, 125.

Cleopatra, 140, 165.

colossus at Memphis, 3, 247.

colossi of Fayyûm, 188 _sqq._

Coptos, 167.

Coptic alphabet, 169.

cuneiform, 60-65.

—— tablets, 61 _sqq._

Cyprian potters, 236.

D

Dahabiyeh voyage, 194.

Dakkeh, 152.

Dahshûr, 204, 263, 265, 282.

Damanhur, 193, 204, 210.

Danaans, 86.

Daninos Pasha, 208.

Daphnæ, 129, 131, 205, 230.

Dead Sea, 87.

Debod, 152.

De Cara, Dr., 39.

De Morgan, Mr., 281, 300.

Demetrius Phalereus, 147.

Denderah, 197.

Dêr Abu Hannes, 173.

Diocletian, 167.

Diodoros, 247, 259.

Diospolis (Thebes), 163.

dreams, 30.

Dudu, 60.

E

Ebed-Asherah, 72.

Ebed-tob, 71.

Ecclesiasticus, 145.

Edom, 43, 72, 88, 96, 101-103.

Egypt, etymology of, 4, 206.

Ekhmîm, 197, 235, 275.

Elbo, 266.

Eleazar, 148.

Elephantinê, 201 _sqq._

El-Hibeh, 105.

El-Kab, 14, 36, 41.

El-Khargeh, 106.

Eltekeh, 276.

Enna, 25.

Enoch, book of, 162, 170.

Erman, Professor, 17, 25.

Esar-haddon, 113, 116, 118, 279.

Esneh, 276.

Ethiopians, 112, 122, 149, 152, 249, 266.

Eusebius, 17, 40, 286.

Exodus, 38, 40, 45, 51, 91.

Ezer, 72.

F

Fayyûm, 13, 137, 141, 142, 186, 188, 194, 196, 246.

famines, 34-38.

Fenkhu, 107.

G

Gardner, Mr. E., 212, 214.

Gaza, 80, 87, 88, 90, 95, 107, 126, 128, 139.

Gebal (Byblos), 72.

Gebel Abu Foda, 194, 271.

Gebelên, 105.

Gezer, 105.

Goshen, 43, 44, 96, 120, 236.

Golénischeff, M., 94.

Grant-Bey, Dr., 221.

Greeks, 123, 131.

Griffith, Mr., 11, 236, 271.

Gyges, 122.

H

Hadashah, 90.

Hamath, 88.

Hammamât, 272.

Hanes (Ahnas), 267.

Hapi (Nile), 200.

Hathor, 31, 260.

hawks, 193.

Hebron, 72, 87, 89.

Hekatæos, 176, 177, 183, 186, 223, 237, 285.

Helen, 251.

Heliopolis, 204, 220 _sqq._, 240, 250.

Hellanikos, 183.

Hellenion, 213.

helmet, bronze, 283.

Hephæstion, 138.

Herakleopolis (Ahnas), 192, 195, 204, 264, 270-271.

Hermes, 227.

Hermopolis, 193, 204, 210.

Her-shef (Arsaphes), 270.

Hezekiah, 115, 276.

Hierakon, 194.

Hininsu (Ahnas), 264, 267.

hippopotamus, 177, 193.

Hittites, 63, 74, 82, 86, 88.

Homer, 182.

Hont-mâ-Ra, 208.

Hophra, _see_ Apries.

Hor-m-hib, 73, 75.

Horus, 201, 222, 235, 237, 275.

Howâra, 191, 265, 281, 283.

Huseyn, feast of, 239.

Hyksos, 14, 23, 38, 39, 40, 42, 227.

Hypatia, 170.

I

Iannas, 228.

ibises, 193, 210.

Illahun, 263, 265.

Inaros, 178, 181.

inundation, 184.

Ionians, 213, 230, 280.

Isis, 219, 235, 239.

Istar, 277.

J

Jaddua, 144, 150.

Jason, 156.

Jerahmeel, 108.

Jeroboam, 106.

Jerusalem, 71, 80, 87, 106, 116, 126, 127, 134, 139.

Jews, 141, 144, 148, 152, 153, 155, 159, 162, 164.

Joseph, 24 _sqq._, 93, 221.

Josiah, 126.

Judah, 87, 88, 107.

K

Kadesh, 82,

Kambyses, 132, 149, 262.

Ka-meri-Ra, 11.

Kanôpos, 207-209, 235.

Kanôpic arm of Nile, 206, 209, 211.

Karians, 123, 183, 187, 218, 230, 239, 242, 254, 280.

Kafr el-Ayyât, 245.

Kellogg, Dr., 99.

Kerkasoros, 185.

Khabiri, 71.

Khabbash, 134.

Khal, 72, 100.

Khaf-Ra (Khephren), 256, 259.

Kheb, 235.

Khemmis, 197, 235, 237.

Kheops (Khufu), 8, 227, 256, 258.

Khephren (Khaf-Ra), 256, 259.

Kheti-ti, 276.

Khian (Iannas), 228.

Khita-sir, 82.

Khiti, 271.

Khri-Ahu, 220.

Khu-n-Aten (Amenôphis IV.), 53 _sqq._

Kimon, 179, 181.

Kirjath-sepher, 67, 68.

Kleomenes, 137, 138.

Klysma, 269.

Kokkê (Cleopatra), 161.

Kom el-Ahmar, 250.

Kôm Qa’if, 211.

Krophi, 199-201.

Ktêsias, 285.

Kyrênê, 130.

L

Labai, 71.

Labyrinth, 186, 273, 279.

Leku, 84.

Leontopolis, 158.

Lepsius, 76.

Leto, 235.

Libyans, 84, 106, 123, 130.

Lisht, 191.

M

Maccabees, the, 160.

Mafkat (Sinai), 254.

Mahanaim, 108.

Mahler, Professor, 17, 308.

Maindes, 281.

Manasseh, 116.

Manetho, 14, 16, 18, 73, 92, 100, 148, 228, 257, 272.

Mariette, 39, 78, 245, 283.

Mark Antony, 166.

Maspero, Professor, 39, 107, 191, 271.

Master-thief, tale of, 253.

Maxyes, 84, 85, 87.

Medînet Habu, 87, 89, 102, 253, 254.

Mêdum, 7, 263.

Megabyzos, 179, 181.

Megabazus, 238.

Megiddo, 72, 107.

Melchizedek, 71.

Memnon, 196.

Memphis, 2, 5, 41 _sqq._, 219, 242 _sqq._

Mendes, 239.

Menelaus (the Jew), 153.

Menelaite nome, 235, 237.

Menes, 2, 190, 244, 246.

Meneptah, 40, 43, 45, 49, 83, 92, 96, 97, 270.

Menshîyeh (Ptolemais), 143.

Menzaleh, Lake, 231.

Menûf, 238.

Mer-ka-Ra, 271.

Merom, 80.

Messianic prophecy, 94.

mice, 193, 275, 276.

Miletus, 126.

Milesians, 214, 215.

Min, 197.

Mitanni (Aram Naharaim), 58, 82, 88.

Mnevis, 222, 240.

Moab, 81.

_Mohar, Travels of a_, 68.

Moph (Memphis), 3.

Mophi, 201.

Mœris, 188, 189, 246 _sqq._, 273, 283.

Museum, the, 141, 147, 165.

Mut, 201.

Mykerinos (Men-ka-Ra), 256, 259, 264.

N

Nahum, 121.

name, change of, 31.

Napata, 112, 119, 268.

Naville, Dr., 43, 44, 76, 78, 110, 158, 211, 225, 226, 270, 271.

Naukratis, 131, 132, 204, 209 _sqq._, 232.

Neapolis (Qeneh), 197.

Nebuchadrezzar, 127, 129, 130.

Necho of Sais, 117, 118, 120, 278.

—— II., 125 _sqq._

Neferu-Ptah, 281.

Neit, 199, 216, 218, 253, 260.

Nektanebo I., 229.

—— II., 135, 211, 221.

Nikanor, 139.

Nikiu, 238.

Nile, 31, 34, 183, 184.

—— sources of, 198 _sqq._

Nineveh, 124.

Nitokris, 11, 246.

No-Amon (Thebes), 121.

Noph (Memphis), 3.

Norden, 187.

Nut-Amon, 30.

O

On (Heliopolis), 31, 131.

Onias, 157 _sqq._, 162, 250.

—— II., 151.

Onion, 157.

Osarsiph, 92.

Osiris, 216, 239.

Osorkon I., 227.

—— II., 110, 225, 226, 228, 268.

ostraka, 144.

Osymandyas, 196.

P

Pausírís, 179.

Papias, 173.

Paprêmis, 178, 180, 193, 205, 238.

Pa-Uaz (Butô), 235.

Peguath, 207.

Pelusiac arm of Nile, 224.

Pelusium, 178, 232.

Pepi I., 227.

Perdikkas, 138.

Pergamos, library of, 166.

Perseus, 198.

Peter, Apocalypse of St., 171.

—— Gospel of St., 171.

Petrie, Professor W. F., 7, 9, 11, 48, 54, 57, 65, 78, 129, 137, 185, 188, 191, 211, 230, 266, 281.

Phanês, 132, 214, 233, 234.

Phakussa, 43.

Pharaoh, meaning of, 22, 250.

Pharos, 147, 182.

Pherôn, 250.

Philæ, 200.

Philistines, 80, 84, 86, 88, 90.

Philotera (Qoseir), 146.

Phut, 130.

phœnix, 177, 223.

Pi-ankhi, 112, 268.

Pi-Sopd, 120.

Pithom, 43, 169.

Plato, 224.

Plutarch, 270, 285.

Polybos, 182.

Polykratês, 176.

Pompey, 164, 234.

Potiphar, 24.

Probus, 167.

Prosôpitis, 238, 262, 335.

Proteus, 182, 251.

Psalms of Solomon, 164.

Psammetikhos I., 118, 120, 122 _sqq._, 231, 243, 278 _sqq._

—— II., 127.

—— III., 132, 234.

Ptah, 4, 196, 204, 242 _sqq._, 274, 279.

Ptolemais, 143.

Ptolemy I., Lagos, 138 _sqq._

—— II., Philadelphus, 146 _sqq._, 213.

—— III., 148 _sqq._

—— IV., 151.

—— V., 152.

—— VI., 154.

—— Physkôn, 154.

—— Lathyrus, 162.

Pyramid, the great, 8, 190, 256.

Q

Qebhu, 203.

Qerti, 200, 202.

Qoseir, 146.

R

Ra, 12, 24, 29, 56, 222.

Raamses (city), 76, 98.

Ra-men-kheper, 105.

Ramses I., 75.

—— II., 3, 16, 18, 43, 47, 68, 76, 78, 80 _sqq._, 117, 196, 206, 208, 228, 236, 247, 250, 270.

—— III., 85-90, 101, 102, 157, 253, 254.

Ra-nefer, 7.

Raphia, 114.

Red Mound, 250.

Retennu, 111.

Rhampsinitos (Ramses III.), 252 _sqq._

Rhodopis, 214.

Rome, 153, 155, 164.

Rosetta Stone, 153.

S

Sabako, 110, 229, 266, 269, 273.

Sadducees, 151.

Sa el-Hagar (Sais), 217.

Saft el-Henneh (Goshen), 43.

Sais, 204, 215 _sqq._

Samaritans, 137, 159, 162.

Samians, 214.

Sapi-ris, 238.

Sappho, 214.

Sardinians, 84.

Sargon, 114.

Sasykhis or Asykhis, 264, 266.

Satrapies, Assyrian, in Egypt, 117, 122, 279.

Satuna, 82.

Schumacher, Dr., 81.

Scyths, 123.

_sebah_, 212.

Sebek, 266.

Sebennytic arm of Nile, 237.

Sehêl, stela of, 35.

Sekhem (Esneh), 276.

Sekhet, 225.

Semennûd (Sebennytos), 239.

Send, 6.

Senem (Bigeh), 200.

Sennacherib, 114, 244, 275 _sqq._

Septimius, 234.

Septuagint, 145.

Serapeum, 261.

Serapis, 207.

serpents, winged, 236.

Sesetsu (Sesostris), 249.

Sesostris (Ramses II.), 47, 196, 229, 247 _sqq._

Set, 75, 222, 235, 237, 249.

Sethos, 244, 275.

Seti I., 75, 228.

—— II., 84, 97-100.

Set-nekht, 100.

Shasu (Bedouin), 276.

Shechem, 72.

Shed-festival, 226.

Shepherd kings, 14.

Sheri, 6.

Shishak, 106, 228.

Sib’e (So), 114.

Siculians, 86.

Sidon, 91, 128.

Simon the Just, 150.

Sin, 233.

Sinai, 7, 89, 254, 283.

Singar, 82.

Si-Ptah, 84, 99.

Smendes, 105.

Snefru, 6.

So (Sib’e), 114.

Solomon, 105.

Solon, 183, 217.

Sostratos, 147.

Sphinx, 5, 30, 191, 245.

St. John, J. A., 192.

Strabo, 223, 264, 281.

Succoth, 43, 77, 96.

Sumerian, 64, 65.

Suphah, 101.

Sutekh, 23, 39, 228.

T

Tahpanhes, 129, 131.

Tand-Amon, 119.

Tanis (_see_ Zoan), 104 _sqq._, 232.

Tantah, 226.

Ta-user, Queen, 99.

Teie, Queen, 57, 58.

Tel el-Amarna, 52 _sqq._

Tel el-Baqlîyeh, 210.

Tel ed-Deffeneh, 129, 231 _sqq._

Tel el-Yehudîyeh, 157, 250.

Tel en-Nebêsheh, 236.

Tel Fera’in, 235.

Tel Mokdam, 39.

Thannyras, 179.

Thebes, 12, 50, 163, 182, 186, 194, 196.

This (Girgeh), 2.

Thothmes III., 18, 58, 80, 196, 222.

Thukydides, 285.

Tirhakah, 114 _sqq._, 272, 276.

Tnêphakhtos, 268.

Tunip, 82.

Turah, 257.

Turin Papyrus, 16.

Tut-ankh-Amon, 73.

Two brothers, Tale of, 25 _sqq._

Tyre, 72, 205, 234.

Tyrian camp, 242, 251.

Tyrsenians, 84.

U

Uaz, 235, 236, 237, 275.

Urd-Amon, 119.

Ur-mer, 240.

Usertesen I., 221, 251.

—— II., 19, 266, 270.

—— III., 282.

W

Wadi Tumilât (Goshen), 43.

Wiedemann, Professor, 39, 223.

Wilbour, Mr., 35.

X

Xanthos, 176.

Y

Yaud-hamelek, 109.

Z

Zagazig, 224.

Zahi, 72.

Zakkur, 84, 86, 88.

Zaphnath-paaneah, 32.

Zemar, 72.

Zenodotos, 147.

Zephyrion, 207.

Zerah, 111.

Zoan (Sân, Tanis), 15, 19, 39, 41, 42, 48, 78, 267.

FOOTNOTES

1 Hosea ix. 6; Isaiah xix. 13; Jeremiah ii. 16.

_ 2 Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh_ (first edition), p. 44.

_ 3 Pap. Anastasi_, i. p. 23, line 5.

4 Horner, in the _Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society_, 1855-58.

5 Brugsch’s translation, _Egypt under the Pharaohs_, Eng. trans. first edition, i. p. 266.

6 Ramses II. reigned from B.C. 1348 to 1281; if the stela of Sân had been erected in the twenty-eighth year of his reign, four hundred years would take us back to B.C. 1720. The Syrian wars were concluded by the treaty with the Hittites in the twenty-first year of his reign.

7 This is the length of the reign as given by Manetho, and with this agree all the dated monuments of Hor-m-hib, with the exception of a fragment in the British Museum (_Egyptian Inscriptions_, 5624), which has been supposed to refer to his seventh and twenty-first years. But the king to whom these dates refer is uncertain, and Dr. Birch may be right in considering that Amenôphis is meant.

8 See Maspero’s exhaustive paper “The List of Sheshonq at Karnak,” in the _Journal of the Transactions of the Victoria Institute_, xxvii. (1893-94).

9 Sharpe, _History of Egypt_, i. p. 346.

10 The inscription of Sheri, the prophet of Send, part of which is in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford and part at Cairo, makes Per-ab-sen the successor of Send. He will have corresponded to the Khaires of Manetho.

11 In an inscription now at Palermo a King Ahtes is mentioned by the side of Nefer-ar-ka-Ra.

12 In the tomb of Mera, discovered by Mr. de Morgan at Saqqârah in 1894, Akau-Hor stands between Unas and Teta.

13 One of the kings of the seventh dynasty was Dad-nefer-Ra Dudu-mes, whose name is conjoined with those of the sixth dynasty kings at El-Kab, and who built at Gebelên.

14 The last five names are thus given by Lauth.

15 The names of these six kings are found only on scarabs, and are placed here by Professor Petrie.

16 Ameni is mentioned in a papyrus along with Khiti.

17 According to Lauth, the Turin papyrus gives nineteen kings to the tenth dynasty, and 185 years.

18 According to Petrie’s arrangement. Lieblein further includes in the dynasty, Ra-snefer-ka, Ra ..., User-n-Ra, Neb-nem-Ra, and An-âa.

19 According to Lieblein the Turin papyrus makes the sum of the eleventh dynasty 243 years, Neb-khru-Ra reigning 51 years.

20 According to Brugsch.

21 His name has been found by Mr. de Morgan at Dahshûr.

22 According to Maspero, thirteen years.

23 Maspero: Andû.

24 Monuments of Nehasi, “the negro,” have been found at Tel Mokdam and San.

25 In the eighteenth year of Aahmes, Queen Amen-sit is associated with him on a stêlê found at Thebes.

26 According to Dr. Mahler’s astronomical determination. Thothmes counted sixteen years of his sister’s reign as part of his own. Hashepsu was only his half-sister, his mother being Ast, who was probably not of royal blood. The mother of Hashepsu was Hashepsu I.

27 Called Khuri[ya] in one of the Tel el-Amarna tables. Hence the Horos of Manetho.

28 There is a contract in the Louvre drawn up at Thebes in the sixteenth year of his reign.

29 According to Wiedemann.