Chapter 5

If the difference which the agriculturists were enabled, by this monopoly, to obtain at the expense of the other classes, had all been pure gain, without any drawback, they must have been in a comparatively flourishing condition; but we find this is not the case, and what is the reason? Let us hear Sir Robert Peel's answer to the question. In his speech in parliament on Mr Villiers's motion, when replying to the accusations that had been made by Mr Blackstone and other members on his own side of the house, that he had deceived the agriculturists, as the Government measures, instead of affording them the protection that was promised, had brought down prices and rendered their situation worse than before, Sir Robert says, it was not the Government measures that had brought down prices and occasioned the agricultural distress, but that this arose from the _condition of the manufacturing districts, and the general distress from bad trade and want of employment, which rendered the people unable to consume_.

If this, then, is the true cause of the agricultural distress,--if the corn, sugar, and other monopolies are so injurious to the manufacturing and commercial classes, who are the agriculturists' best, and, indeed, their only customers, as to render them unable to consume, it is not to class legislation that we can look for relief. In order to relieve the agricultural distress there is no other way than to relieve the distress of those on whom they depend for a market for their productions.

Were the farmer (or rather the landed proprietor) to gain all that the consumer loses by the corn monopoly,--if it were only taking from one, and giving to another--without any national loss; though this of itself would be bad enough,--it is perhaps the smallest part of the loss which the manufacturer sustains; for the same law which hinders him from going to the best and cheapest market to purchase his food, at the same time necessarily excludes him from a market for the produce of his industry; and by diminishing the demand for his labour, lowers his wages or throws him out of employment.

But one abuse leads to another. Those who are interested in the corn monopoly, or think themselves so, cannot well oppose the sugar monopoly while they require the aid of the West India planters to enable them to obtain this advantage at their country's expense; and so it is with all the other monopolists, they naturally unite together, and it requires their mutual aid and all their combined power and influence to preserve a system which they know stands upon rather an insecure foundation, and if once broken in upon would soon fall to pieces; and thus it is that we are subjected to the sugar monopoly, and though it is manifestly our interest to buy this important necessary of life (as well as every other) in any quarter of the globe where we can find it best and cheapest, we are restricted to a small portion of the earth's surface, and have to pay a third part more than we might obtain the article for without any loss to the revenue. By this narrow-minded system of buying, we deprive ourselves of valuable markets for our manufactures, as you have shown is likely to be the case with the Brazils on the expiry of the commercial treaty with that country if the matter is left in the hands of Ministers, "and no effort made to avert so great an evil." The agriculturists have to pay directly for this monopoly in common with all the other classes in the addition to the price of the sugar they consume; but the manufacturers suffer the still greater disadvantage of having the market for the produce of their labour narrowed, and thus the agriculturist will also suffer indirectly by their customers being thereby still farther disabled to consume.

But these and all other monopolies and restrictions in trade not only lessen the demand for our manufactures abroad, but they diminish the consumption at home, to an extent greater perhaps than we are aware of; for there can be no doubt that the more the consumer has to pay for his bread, sugar, and other articles of food, the less he will have to spare for cottons, woollens, and other manufactured commodities. The demand for his labour is thus lessened both at home and abroad. The weaver of cloth may be unable to obtain a coat even of his own manufacture, however necessary it may be for his health and comfort; he must have food, in the first place, being more indispensibly necessary to his existence,--no doubt he may have to content himself with a less quantity than he could have wished, and have to substitute oatmeal and potatoes, or some other inferior food for wheaten bread and butchers meat; still, it is less in his power to curtail the consumption of agricultural produce than of manufactures, so that the manufacturing classes suffer from the general distress which renders the people unable to consume in a greater degree than the agriculturist.

R.T.F.

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TO THE EDITOR OF THE ECONOMIST.

Darlaston, September 8, 1843.

Sir,--Twelve months ago the editor of the _Morning Chronicle_ allowed a letter of mine, referring to the distress then prevailing in this town, to appear in that journal; in it I stated that for our annual wake only twenty-four cows had been killed, when but a few years previously ninety-four had been slaughtered on a similar occasion. Perhaps you will permit me to state in your columns that this year the festival, in this particular, has afforded as melancholy and unquestionable proof of distress as the last, while it bore other evidence, which though trivial in itself, is not unworthy of notice. Last year two theatrical shows visited us, displaying their "Red Barn" tragedies, and illuminated ghosts, at threepence per head, at which they did well; as also did a tremendous giantess, a monstrously fat boy, and several other "wonderful works of nature:" this year only one show of any description attended, and that, with kings and queens, and clowns, as well dressed and efficient, and ghosts, as white and awe-inspiring as ever paraded before an audience, has reaped but an indifferent harvest at the "low charge of one penny each;" while the swing boats and wood horses, patronized with such glee by the miniature men and women attending and enjoying wakes and fairs, only worked half time. The physical-force majority in the House, and their aiders and abettors, were they to see this, would perhaps laugh at the petty details, but their doing so would not in the least detract from their truth, or render questionable for a moment the deductions I make from them,--that poverty is so wide spread and bitter that the poor are compelled to make a stern sacrifice of innocent amusements; that the parent cannot exercise the holiest affections of his nature, by adding to the pleasures of his lisping little ones; that the landowners' corn law, by its paralyzing influence, is rapidly withering the great mass of the industry of the country into idle, dispiriting pauperism.

From inquiries I have made I learn that through the country generally the wakes, and fairs, and races, have presented similar features to those I have described above, so far as money goes. And in face of the distress, of which these things bear glaring witness, the Prime Minister says "that the distress has been produced by over-production." Can Sir Robert be serious when he talks of "over-production?" If he be, and will condescend to honour me with a visit during his stay at Drayton Manor, which is only a short drive of sixteen miles from here, I will show him that the opinion is fallacious. He shall dispense with his carriage for a short time, and I will walk him through all the streets of Darlaston, Wednesbury, Willenhall, Bilstow, &c., and, forsaking the thoroughfares frequented by the gay and well-to-do, he shall visit the back streets--in which carriage passengers never deign to go--of Birmingham, Wolverhampton, and Walsall, and what he will witness in the course of the short ramble will "change the spirit of his dream." In Darlaston, as a sample of what he would see, there are hundreds of men and women whose clothes, made of the coarsest materials, are patched, and threadbare, and valueless; hundreds of houses without anything in them deserving the name of furniture; hundreds of beds without clothing, and hundreds of children whose excuses for clothes are barely sufficient, with every contrivance decent poverty can suggest, to cover the body as civilized society demands. In the towns I have enumerated, in fact, if the least reliance may be placed in newspaper reports, in every town and village in the country the same want prevails to a much greater extent than can be conceived by such as Sir Robert, "who fare sumptuously every day,"--aye, even to a much greater extent than is generally supposed by the above-want dwellers in large towns whom business may frequently bring in contact with those who toil. With the millions, then, who in this country must be next to naked, without furniture in their houses, without clothes to cover their straw beds, is it not the nonsense of nonsense to talk of "over-production." Enable these men to satisfy the wants of themselves and families, enable them to make their homes comfortable, and that alone would find employment for a goodly number, while those so employed would also be enabled to purchase the articles others are engaged in manufacturing. To produce so desirable a result, nothing is wanted but FREE TRADE repeal the corn and provision laws, and the shadow of "over production" could not exist: in three months there is not a man in the kingdom who would not have full work. And when we had supplied the physical wants of our population (a greater task than it appears at the first view), we should have introduced from every corner of the world the luxuries which refine civilization; the artisan building himself a house would then make it more comfortable and healthy, with wood floors, carpets, better furniture, &c.; and the master manufacturer erecting a house would have marble stairs and floor in his entrance hall, doors, &c. of mahogany, furniture, of rarer woods, and ornaments of marble, paintings, plate glass, &c.; and when all these things were procured, "over-production" would be still as far behind us as during their acquisition, as we would then work but three days a week instead of six, as with so much labour we should be able to procure the necessaries and luxuries of life.

And all nations would be compelled to minister to our real and created wants, for England is the only nation in the world incapable of internally supplying its inhabitants with food, and therefore, under Free Trade, has the command of the markets of the whole world. Then the English merchant going to, say America, to dispose of manufactures need not fear the merchant of France, Belgium, Germany, &c., he may meet there with similar goods; for the American asking each what he requires for the articles offered, is told by the former, "I will take your surplus corn in exchange, we want every year from six to ten millions of quarters;" and this latter answers, "We have more corn at home of our own growth than we can consume, I must have cash;" the American, preferring barter, will turn on his heel and trade with the Englishman; the unsuccessful applicant takes back his goods, or visits the market no more, and confines his future operations to the home supply of his own country, which in a short time, from competition and want of a foreign outlet, fail to realise a remunerating profit; trade is gradually relinquished; the people turn again to the more extensive cultivation of the land, and England obtains another customer. This is no "castle building," if there be the least affinity between the results of great things and small ones. If a grocer want a coat he will have it from the tailor who will take sugar and tea in payment, in preference to patronising one who requires pounds shillings and pence, and the owners of land in all countries will take right good care that they derive some sort of revenue from their possessions. I say, I think my premises are no "castle buildings;" neither do I think I am indulging in aerial erections when I predict that, under Free Trade, England, with her capital, and energy, and enterprise, would shortly become the world's granary, profitably supplying from her accumulated stores the deficiencies resulting from bad harvests, or other casualties of her continental neighbours.

Your obedient Servant, G.W.G.

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_We are much obliged to J. Livesay, of Preston, for his suggestion, which, however, if he compare the_ ECONOMIST _with other weekly papers he will perceive to be unnecessary. We presume we are indebted to Mr Livesay for copies forwarded of his excellent little paper the_ Struggle.

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R.B., Bristol.--_From the great press of room last week we were obliged to omit everything that did not appear of very pressing haste. In the Preliminary Number we have used no statistics but such as we have derived from official sources, and we shall always be glad to give the authority on which any statistical statement is made. The statement of the quantity of sugar exported from Java and Madeira, page 10 of the Preliminary Number, will be found in Part VIII, 1838, page 408, of the_ Tables of Population, Revenue, Commerce, &c., _presented by the Board of Trade to both Houses of Parliament, from 1826 to 1837;--and the quantities, from 1837 to 1841, are derived from the Dutch official accounts._

H.H., S---- court, London.--_The returns showing the quantity of flax imported up to the 5th of August, viz., 774,659 cwts., are official, but do not distinguish the ports from which it was shipped. The latest year for which such distinction has been made to this time is for the year 1841; for which, or any preceding year back to 1832, we shall be glad to furnish the particulars: for example, in 1840 the imports of flax and tow were--from_

Cwts. Russia 870,401 Denmark 1,094 Prussia 135,590 Germany 8,105 Holland 113,108 Belgium 80,748 France 43,295 Gibraltar 19 Italy and the Italian Islands 746 The Morea 3 Turkey 107 Egypt 12 United States 1 Guernsey, &c. 11 --------- Total - 1,253,240

C.D.F.----, near Rochdale.--_The question connected with the New Customs Amendment Bill has engaged our best attention, but its investigation has raised two or three very nice points of international law, on which we are now taking the best opinion which can be obtained, and before our next number we shall be able to give a reply as satisfactory as can possibly be obtained from any quarter on this important but very nice question. We have now before us the whole of the particulars of the treaties in question, but we wish to make our reply valuable by giving the best legal construction on some disputable points. This, however, is only another of those daily evidences which we have of the absurdity and inconvenience of a great commercial country like this attempting to regulate its laws and transactions by treaties, which, however convenient they may be when made, may, by the ordinary course of events, be rapidly changed._

POSTSCRIPT.

LONDON, _Saturday Morning, September 16, 1843_.

STOCK EXCHANGE, HALF-PAST ELEVEN O'CLOCK.

There is little or no variation in English Stock: Mexican, which left off yesterday at 35-5/8 to 7/8, is now 33-3/4 to 34. Brazilian, which left at 73 to 75, is now 74 to 76. In other Foreign Stocks there is no alteration worth notice.

LIVERPOOL, FRIDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 15, 1843.

An active demand has been constantly kept up all the week, and a large business has been done daily. So far, however, it has been freely met by the holders; and the speculators and spinners have had an abundant choice of all qualities.

In American descriptions there is but little change in prices; the tendency, has been and still is in favour of holders; and it has been thought necessary to raise the quotations of "fair" Uplands and Mobile to 4-7/8d.; but there is so little actual change, that for the most part, the quotations remain as before. Brazils, Egyptian, and long stapled generally, have been more in demand, and may be considered 1/8d. higher. Sea Islands also within the fortnight are 1/2d. higher, making an advance in the ordinary to fair qualities from the very lowest point of 1-1/2d. to 2d. per lb.

A considerable part of the speculative business of this week has been prompted by the accounts from the United States, brought by the _Hibernia_ and _Great Western_, the tenor of which is to confirm the previous impression as to short crops.

19,800 American, 100 Egyptian, and 300 Surat have been taken on speculation; and 1,000 American, 300 Pernam, and 200 Surat for export.

The following is the Statistical Review of our Cotton Market:--

Taken for Consumption: for Export:

from 1st Jan. to 15th Sept.

1842. 1843. 1842. 1843. 794,500 bales. 946,500 bls. 66,500 bls. 65,900 bls.

whole Import: 1842. 1843. 1,024,141 bls. 1,401,278 bls.

Computed Stock. Average weekly consumption. 15th Sept. 1st Jan. to 15th Sept. 1842. 1843. 1842. 1843. 593,000 bls. 834,000 bls. 21,556 bls. 25,689 bls.

For SUGAR there is rather more inquiry, at steady prices.--COFFEE; the sales of plantation trivial without change of price.--INDIGO, price firm at the advance of 3d. to 4d., established at public sale yesterday.--TEA; the market remains rather firm, and a moderate business has been done at previous rates. In other articles of produce a fair amount of business has been done, without any particular features to remark.

GRAIN.--There has been rather more demand for old WHEAT, and prices for this and all other articles in the trade are supported. Duty has been paid on nearly the whole of the bonded stock, and the rate is now on the advance.

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The papers of this morning do not contain any intelligence of the slightest novelty or interest. Her Majesty and Prince Albert are enjoying themselves at Ostend in the society of their august relatives, the King and Queen of the Belgians. To-day (Saturday) the Royal party go to Bruges; on Monday to Brussels; on Tuesday to Antwerp; and on Wednesday return to England.

Barcelona is still in a state of insurrection; and though Madrid is tranquil, the state of Spain, as the _Times_ remarks, is one of "simple confusion."

The Malta correspondent of the _Morning Chronicle_ says that a report had been current at Bombay that it was the intention to order the next steamer for the overland mail to keep her direct course, in spite of the monsoon. The monsoon had, no doubt, driven her back.

Wales continues in a distracted state, and acts of incendiarism are common. The extraordinary verdict given by the inquest jury on the body of the unfortunate old woman who was shot, is the subject of general remark, as strikingly evincing the terrorism which prevails. There is even talk of the necessity of putting the country under martial law!

The very remarkable meeting held by Messrs Cobden and Bright, at Oxford, on Wednesday last, is the theme of general conversation in society. It is, indeed, a very striking evidence of the progress of free-trade principles amongst the agriculturists.

The _Leeds Mercury_ of this morning, and other provincial organs of public opinion, in the great seats of our commerce and manufactures, all speak in cheerful terms of the decidly-improving prospects of trade.

THE LATEST FROM THE AMERICAN PRESS ON FREE TRADE--AUG. 24TH.

THE CORN-LAW CONTROVERSY.--A friend has placed in our hands numbers of the tracts which the corn-law reformers of England circulate among the people. They are about the size and length of the religious tracts of this country, and are put up in an envelope, which is stamped with neat and appropriate devices. These little publications comprise essays on all the topics involved in the corn-law controversy, sometimes in the form of dialogues, sometimes of tales, and sometimes of extracts from famous books and speeches. The arguments are arranged so as to be easily comprehended by the meanest capacities.

The friend to whom we are indebted for these is well informed on the subject, and says that a more advanced state of opinion prevails among the people of England, in relation to the operation of tariffs, than in this nation generally so much more enlightened. It is a singular spectacle which is thus presented to the eyes of the civilized world. While the tendency of opinion, under an aristocratic monarchy, is towards the loosening of the restraints under which the labour of the people has long suffered, a large and powerful party in a nation, whose theory of government is nearly a century in advance of the world, is clamouring for their continuance and confirmation. Monarchical England is struggling to break the chains that an unwise legislation has forged for the limbs of its trade; but democratic America is urged to put on the fetters which older but less liberal nations are throwing off. The nations of Europe are seeking to extend their commercial relations, to expand the sphere of their mutual intercourse, to rivet the market for the various products of their soil and skill, while the "model republic" of the new world is urged to stick to the silly and odious policy of a semi-barbarous age.

We look upon the attempt which is making in Great Britain to procure a revision of the tariff laws, as one of the most important political movements of the age. It is a reform that contemplates benefits, whose effects would not be confined to any single nation, or any period of time. Should it be successful, it would be the beginning of a grand and universal scheme of commercial emancipation. Let England--that nation so extensive in her relations, and so powerful in her influences--let England adopt a more liberal policy, and it would remove the only obstacles now in the way of a complete freedom of industry throughout the globe. It is the apparent unwillingness of nations to reciprocate the advantages of mutual trade, that has kept back this desirable reform so long. The standing argument of the friends of exclusiveness--their defence under all assaults, their shelter in every emergency--has been that one nation cannot pursue a free system until all others do, or, in other words, that restriction is to be met by restriction. It is a flimsy pretence, but such as it is, has answered the purposes of those who have used it, for many centuries.