CHAPTER VI.

SLAVE "PRISONS," MARKETS, CHARACTER OF TRADERS, ETC.

In all the large towns and cities were slave "prisons" or "pens"[255] in which slaves were kept until enough for a drove or shipment could be collected.[256] The slave prisons ranged all the way from a rude whitewashed shed[257] to large and commodious establishments accommodating hundreds of slaves. A description of one of these--The Franklin and Armfield prison which was in Alexandria--by Andrews is rather interesting:

"The establishment," he says, ... "is situated in a retired quarter in the southern part of the city. It is easily distinguished as you approach it, by the high, whitewashed wall surrounding the yards and giving to it the appearance of a penitentiary. The dwelling house is of brick, three stories high, and opening directly upon the street; over the front door is the name of the firm....

"We passed out of the back door of the dwelling house and entered a spacious yard nearly surrounded with neatly whitewashed two story buildings, devoted to the use of the slaves. Turning to the left we came to a strong grated door of iron opening into a spacious yard surrounded by a high whitewashed wall, one side of this yard was roofed, but the principal part was open to the air. Along the covered side extended a table, at which the slaves had recently taken their dinner, which, judging from what remained, had been wholesome and abundant.... The gate was secured by strong padlocks and bolts."[258]

Such was the slave prison of one of the largest and most prosperous slave-dealing firms.

There were many dealers who had no place of their own in which to keep slaves, but were dependent upon the "prisons" of others.[259] Indeed, at Washington, the city public prison was often used by negro traders as a place of safety for their slaves. The keeper was paid by the traders for the privilege.[260] This practice continued a great number of years. In 1843 the poet Whittier thus describes the prison:

"It is a damp, dark and loathsome building. We passed between two ranges of small stone cells filled with blacks. We noticed five or six in a single cell which seemed scarcely large enough for a solitary tenant. The heat was suffocating. In rainy weather the keeper told us that the prison was uncomfortably wet. In winter there could be no fire in these cells. The keeper with some reluctance admitted that he received negroes from the traders and kept them until they were sold, at thirty-four cents per day."[261]

While, no doubt, some traders kept their "prisons" in as good condition[262] as circumstances would allow, there were others, and probably the majority, who did not. A Northern minister describes those at Richmond in 1845, as "mostly filthy and loathsome places."[263]

In the buying States two of the principal slave markets were Natchez and New Orleans.[264] That of Natchez is thus described about 1835 by Ingraham:

"A mile from Natchez we come to a cluster of rough wooden buildings, in the angle of two roads in front of which several saddle horses, either tied or held by servants, indicated a place of popular resort.... We entered through a wide gate into a narrow court yard. A line of negroes extended in a semicircle around the right side of the yard. There were in all about forty. Each was dressed in the usual uniform when in market consisting of a fashionably shaped black fur hat, ... trousers of coarse corduroy velvet, good vests, strong shoes, and white cotton shirts."[265] ...

"There are four or five markets in the vicinity of Natchez. Several hundred slaves of all ages are exposed to sale.... Two extensive markets for slaves opposite each other, on the road to Washington three miles from Natchez."[266]

A slave market in New Orleans was described in 1844 as a large and splendidly decorated edifice, which had the appearance of having been fitted up as a place of recreation. It had a number of apartments, a handsome archway, and a large green lawn or outer court "beautifully decorated with trees." In this lawn the sale of slaves was held.[267]

When a trader in the selling States had collected enough for a shipment or "coffle" they were sent to the markets in the buying States.[268] Slaves were sent South both by land and water.[269] In the winter they were usually sent by water, but in summer they were often sent by land.[270]

In the transportation of slaves the utmost precautions were necessary to prevent revolt or escape.[271] When a "coffle" or "drove" was formed to undertake its march of seven or eight weeks to the South[272] the men would be chained,--"two by two, and a chain passing through the double file and fastening from the right and left hands of those on either side of the chain."[273]

This seems to have been the usual method of securing them. The purpose was to have the men so completely bound as to render escape or resistance impossible. The girls, children and women usually were not chained and even sometimes rode in the wagons which accompanied the train.[274] The "droves" were conducted by white men, usually, on horseback and well armed with pistols[275] and whips.[276]

The negroes were usually well fed on their way South and when they arrived at their destination, though their personal appearance was not improved, they were generally stouter and in better condition than when they began their march. Pains was now taken to have them polish their skins and dress themselves in the uniform suits provided for the purpose.[277] Then they were ready for market. At the sale the auctioneer would descant at large upon the merits and capabilities of the subject.[278] The slave, too, often would enter into a display of his physical appearance with as much apparent earnestness to command a high price as though he were to share the profits. He would seem to enjoy a spirited bidding.[279] Each negro wished to be sold first as it was thought by them to be an evidence of superiority.[280]

At the sales and auctions the purchaser was allowed the greatest freedom in the examination of the slaves for sale. And he would scrutinize them as carefully as though they were horses or cattle. The teeth, eyes, feet and shoulders of both men and women were inspected, sometimes without any show of decency.[281] Scars or marks of the lash decreased their value in market, sometimes the sale would be lost for that reason.[282]

In the slave trade there is no doubt that families were often separated.[283] Though Andrews tells of a trader sending a lot of mothers without their children in such a way as to lead one to believe such a case was exceptional.[284] Negroes on large plantations were sometimes advertised to be sold in families.[285]

Nehemiah Adams says that in settling estates in the South "good men exercise as much care with regard to the disposition of slaves as though they were providing for white orphan children.... Slaves are allowed to find masters and mistresses who will buy them."[286]

Another traveller in speaking of the slave auction at Natchez, says:

"It is a rule seldom deviated from, to sell families and relations together, if practicable. A negro trader in my presence refused to sell a negro girl for whom a planter offered a high price because he would not also purchase her sister."[287]

As a rule negroes had a great dislike to be sold South; in the early history of the trade this amounted to horror for them.[288] Whether this dislike arose from the impression that they might not be treated so well or simply from the natural dislike of removing to a strange land is a question, though the latter seems much more probable.[289] In 1835, however, it appears that the Virginia slaves were not so averse to going South for the reason that many who had gone there sent back such favorable accounts of their circumstances.[290]

Another phase of the domestic slave trade, which it may not be out of way to mention, was the traffic in beautiful mulatto or quadroon girls. It was a part of the slave trader's business to search out and obtain them. At New Orleans, or elsewhere, they were sold at very high prices for the purpose of prostitution or as mistresses.[291]

From a letter written in 1850 by a slave dealer of Alexandria, Virginia, we quote the following:

"We ... cannot afford to sell the girl Emily for less than $1,800.... We have two or three offers for Emily from gentlemen from the South. She is said to be the finest looking woman in this country."[292]

In New Orleans they often brought very high prices. The "Liberator" quoting from the New York "Sun" in 1837 concerning the sale of a girl at New Orleans, says: "The beautiful Martha was struck off at $4,500."[293] And in the New Orleans "Picayune," of the same year, was an account of a girl--"remarkable for her beauty and intelligence"--who sold at $7,000 in New Orleans.[294] Many other instances might be given but we think these sufficient.

A word now with reference to slave traders and the general estimation in which they were held in the South.

Ingraham says: "Their admission into society ... is not recognized. Planters associate with them freely enough, in the way of business, but notice them no further. A slave trader is much like other men. He is to-day a plain farmer with twenty or thirty slaves endeavoring to earn a few dollars from the worn out land, in some old homestead. He is in debt and hears he can sell his slaves in Mississippi for twice their value in his own State. He takes his slaves and goes to Mississippi. He finds it profitable and his inclinations prompt him to buy of his neighbors when he returns home and makes another trip to Mississippi, thus he gets started."[295]

Some traders were no doubt honorable men. Indeed, Andrews gives us a very pleasing picture of Armfield, the noted Alexandria, Virginia, slave dealer. He describes him as "a man of fine personal appearance, and of engaging and graceful manners."[296] ... "Nothing, however, can reconcile the moral sense of the Southern public to the character of a trader in slaves. However honorable may be his dealings his employment is accounted infamous."[297]

Upon the whole, no doubt the characterization of the slave traders by Featherstonhaugh was a true one:

"Sordid, illiterate and vulgar ... men who have nothing whatever in common with the gentlemen of the Southern States."[298]

Finch says: "A slave dealer is considered the lowest and most degraded occupation, and none will engage in it unless they have no other means of support."[299]

Indeed it seems they were accounted the abhorrence of every one. Their descendants, when known, had a blot upon them and the property acquired in the traffic as well.[300]

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 255: Featherstonhaugh: Excursion Through the Slave States, Vol. I., p. 128.]

[Footnote 256: Liberator: Feb. 16, 1833. Buckingham: Slave States, Vol. II., p. 485.]

[Footnote 257: Reed and Matheson: Visit to Am. Churches, Vol. I., p. 32.]

[Footnote 258: Andrews: Slavery and the Domestic Slave Trade, PP. 135-7.]

[Footnote 259: Sturge: A Visit to the United States, p. 107.]

[Footnote 260: Miner: Speech in Congress, Jan. 6, 1829.

Gales and Seaton's Register of Debates in Congress, Vol. V., p. 167.]

[Footnote 261: Whittier: A Letter in Emancipator, Nov. 23, 1843.]

[Footnote 262: Andrews: Slavery and the Domestic Trade, p. 164.]

[Footnote 263: Christian Freeman, Sept. 10, 1845.]

[Footnote 264: African Repository, Vol. V., p. 381, cited from Mercantile Advertiser of New Orleans, Jan. 21, 1830.

Tower: Slavery Unmasked, p. 304.]

[Footnote 265: (Ingraham): The Southwest, Vol. II., p. 192.]

[Footnote 266: Ibid., p. 201.]

[Footnote 267: Christian Freeman, Jan. 2, 1845; quoted from Western Citizen by C.F.]

[Footnote 268: Buckingham: Slave States of Am. II., p. 485.

Liberator, Feb. 16, 1833. Abdy: Journal of a Residence in the United States, Vol. II., p. 100.]

[Footnote 269: Andrews: Sl. and the Domestic Sl. Trade, p. 142.]

[Footnote 270: Ibid.: p. 78.

Buckingham: Slave States, Vol. II., p. 485.

Liberator, Feb. 16, 1833.

Featherstonhaugh: Excursion Through the Slave States, Vol. I., p. 120.]

[Footnote 271: Niles' Reg., Sept. 5, 1829.

Featherstonhaugh: Excursion Through the Slave States, Vol. I., p. 122.

Niles' Reg., Oct. 14, 1826; Nov. 18, 1826; May 20, 1826.]

[Footnote 272: (Ingraham): The Southwest, Vol. II., p. 238.]

[Footnote 273: Adams: Southern View of Slavery, p. 77.]

[Footnote 274: The Christian Citizen, Oct. 26, 1844.

Featherstonhaugh: Excursion Through the Slave States, Vol. I., pp. 120-122.

Palmer: Journal of Travels in the U.S., p. 142.

Birkbeck: Notes on a Journey from the Coast of Va., p. 25.]

[Footnote 275: (Paulding): Letters From the South, Vol. I., p. 128. (Ed. 1817.)]

[Footnote 276: Buckingham: Slave States of America, Vol. II., p. 533.

(Blane): An Excursion Through the U.S. and Canada, p. 226.]

[Footnote 277: (Ingraham): The Southwest, Vol. II., p. 238.]

[Footnote 278: Ibid.: Vol. II., p. 30.]

[Footnote 279: Ashworth: A Tour in the U.S., Cuba and Canada, p. 81; also Sequel to Mrs. Kemble's Journal, p. 8 in (Y.) Sl. Pamp., Vol. XVII.

(Ingraham): The Southwest, Vol. II., p. 201.]

[Footnote 280: (Ingraham): The Southwest, Vol. II., p. 201.]

[Footnote 281: Christian Freeman: April 10, 1845.

Christian Citizen, Nov. 23, 1844.]

[Footnote 282: Shaffner: The War in America, p. 293.]

[Footnote 283: Tower: Slavery Unmasked, p. 127-8.

Andrews: Sl. and Domestic Slave Trade, p. 105.]

[Footnote 284: Andrews: Slavery and Domestic Sl. Trade, p. 164.]

[Footnote 285: Liberator, May 6, 1853.

Sequel to Mrs. Kemble's Journal, p. 11, in (Yale) Sl. Pamp., Vol. XVII.]

[Footnote 286: Adams: Southern View of Slavery, p. 72.]

[Footnote 287: (Ingraham): The Southwest, Vol. II., p. 201.]

[Footnote 288: (Paulding): Letters from the South, Vol. I., p. 126; (Ed. 1817).

Torrey: A Portraiture of Domestic Slavery in U.S., p. 145.]

[Footnote 289: Olmsted: Cotton Kingdom, Vol. I., p. 336.]

[Footnote 290: Andrews: Slavery and Domestic Sl. Trade, p. 118.]

[Footnote 291: Candler: A Summary View of Am., p. 276.

Liberator, June 18, 1847.

(Blane): Excursion Through the U.S., p. 209.

Tower: Slavery Unmasked, p. 304-7.]

[Footnote 292: Stowe: Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin, p. 169.]

[Footnote 293: Liberator, July 7, 1837.]

[Footnote 294: Quarterly Anti-Slavery Magazine, Vol. II., p. 409, July, 1837.]

[Footnote 295: (Ingraham): The Southwest, Vol. II., p. 245.]

[Footnote 296: Andrews: Slavery and the Domestic Slave Trade, pp. 136, 150.

Note:--It is interesting to compare Featherstonhaugh's characterization of Armfield, which is: "I looked steadily at the fellow, and recollecting him, found no longer any difficulty in accounting for such a compound of everything vulgar and revolting and totally without education. I had now a key to his manner and the expression of his countenance."--Featherstonhaugh: Excursion Through the Slave States, Vol. I., p. 167.]

[Footnote 297: Andrews: Sl. and Domestic Sl. Trade, p. 150.]

[Footnote 298: Featherstonhaugh: Excursion Through the Slave States, Vol. I., p. 128.]

[Footnote 299: Finch: Travels in the U.S. and Canada, p. 241.]

[Footnote 300: Adams: Southern View of Slavery, p. 77.]