Part 25

As soon as Alexander entered the French territory, the disaffected placed themselves in communication with his cabinet. I have already mentioned the mission of M. de Vitrolles, who, with a view to the restoration, had informed the Czar of the state of the public mind; and Count Nesselrode had hardly arrived in Paris before he was surrounded and assailed by a thousand conflicting intrigues and negotiations of all sorts, for the purpose of inducing his cabinet to decide in favour of the Bourbons. It was the general bent of the period, as the revolutionary principle had been that of a former era. The first steps taken by the Russian minister were full of caution; he wanted to feel his way and judge of the public feeling, and it was also necessary to induce Prince Schwartzenberg, who commanded the active army, to make an open demonstration in favour of the Bourbons; yet, at the same time, they were not quite certain what was the ultimate decision of Austria, and, more especially, of Prince Metternich. All the papers written about this time by Count Nesselrode bear evidence of this complicated situation; he, however, spoke in plain terms in an official letter addressed to M. Pasquier, that he might set at liberty some people arrested on account of _the good cause_, and this _good cause_ was the restoration of Louis XVIII.

It was evident from this expression of opinions favourable to legitimate sovereignty, that the decision had been made before it was officially announced. Never, perhaps, at any time had more activity been displayed than at this period; Nesselrode must remember it as the most brilliant and busy part of his life. His _salon_ never was empty; at one time Caulaincourt, with full powers from the Emperor, solicited peace; at another, the marshals of the empire stipulated for the rights of the army, and a special treaty for Napoleon; then, again, Talleyrand, D'Alberg, and De Jaucourt, came to press the Russian minister to put an end to all uncertainty by pronouncing the downfall of Buonaparte; and, finally, the royalists devoted to the Bourbons, such as Sosthènes de la Rochefoucauld, and De Vitrolles, endeavoured to obtain the triumph of the ancient dynasty.

After these various negotiations, the declaration of the Emperor Alexander, announcing to France that they would not treat with Napoleon, was agreed to in the cabinet. This remarkable declaration was drawn up by Pozzo di Borgo; it was printed by means of a hand-press at the hôtel of Prince Talleyrand, in the Rue St. Florentin, and thousands of copies were thrown from the balconies. It was a great party stroke for the house of Bourbon, for from that time its cause was secure. It has been reported that the resolution of Count Nesselrode was decided by immense diplomatic presents; but one should generally regard with distrust the various stories that are current after political events have been accomplished: there is less corruption than people imagine in public business. At the same time it is very probable that some gratitude would be manifested after so important an act; secret presents almost invariably accompany the signature of stipulations in all diplomatic transactions--it is an old custom, and, no doubt, the value of these presents was increased in consequence of the immense importance of the service rendered; but this is all that historical impartiality can say on the subject.

This season of 1814 was very brilliant for Count Nesselrode; there was nothing at Paris but _fêtes_ and flowers. The moderation of Russia had swayed all the resolutions and softened the conditions of victory, and the Emperor Alexander enjoyed a great reputation as the symbol of peace and the expression of magnanimity in the midst of triumph. England and Austria were quite cast into the shade, nobody was spoken of but Alexander, and this celebrity was reflected upon Count Nesselrode in so great a degree as to occasion a feeling of jealousy in Metternich, who had hardly any thing to do with the transactions at Paris in 1814. The Austrian minister awaited his turn at the congress of Vienna. The first occupation of our capital was the _apogée_ of the moral omnipotence of Russia in the affairs of southern Europe.

Here it is necessary I should mention all the difficulties of Nesselrode's situation. Nothing could be more changeable and more prone to sudden impressions than the mind of Alexander, who passed from one enthusiastic fancy to another with inconceivable rapidity; when he had taken up one idea it was difficult to put it out of his head; and if you followed in the same track, some time afterwards he would meet with some other fancy, which he adopted with equal warmth. We may, therefore, imagine how difficult was the part of a secretary of state desirous of giving some consistency to these projects, of classing them in a certain order, and of producing any result from them all. From the close of 1813, Alexander had been deeply imbued with the mysticism of Madame Krüdner, and he mingled with his manifestoes on the principles of Europe, and his theories of peace and war, a species of ascetic worship and enthusiastic superstition very difficult to translate or apply to the real business of life, and of which the ultimate object was not always understood by powers like England and Austria.

At the congress of Vienna they had to treat of serious affairs, and it was necessary to give a positive meaning to the vague conceptions of Alexander, and translate theories into treaties. Poland was occupied by a Russian army, and the diplomatists of the old Muscovite school, in hopes this occupation would become permanent, pressed the annexation of Poland to Russia, without a constitution or any free state privileges. Alexander, who was desirous of wearing the crown of Poland, was entirely opposed to these demands, and wanted to collect the ruins of that kingdom into one system of political organisation; and Count Nesselrode faithfully executed this idea of his sovereign at the congress of Vienna. The question of Poland was his sole anxiety, as the integrality of Saxony and the restoration of the House of Bourbon at Naples was the exclusive thought of Prince Talleyrand.

At the congress of Vienna Nesselrode formed an intimacy with Prince Hardenberg. Russia had supported the pretensions of Prussia, the States had been bound to each other by means of political and family arrangements, and, for the future, Prussia was destined to act as the advanced guard of Russia, in her projects of influence over the south of Europe. Russia was too busy with her own affairs to observe the sort of underhand alliance forming between England, France, and Austria, against Alexander's design of instituting a kingdom in Poland, dependent on a viceroyalty of the czars. Nesselrode had to contend at once with Metternich and Hardenberg, who were both afraid of seeing the portion of Poland that had accrued to them at the time of the first partition escape from their grasp; Austria fearing for Gallicia, and Prussia for the districts beyond the Vistula. The other opposition the Russian minister had to overcome was, as I have before observed, that of the old Muscovite families, who murmured at seeing the organisation of Poland with an independent constitution and a degree of national liberty. Great difficulty existed in this quarter, although Nesselrode had not entered as warmly into this project as his sovereign had done, but had taken a middle course, in order to avoid a misfortune with which he had at one time appeared threatened.

But all these divers interests were confounded by the astounding news of Napoleon's landing in the Gulf of Juan. The Emperor Alexander, whose mind was more than ever impressed with the mystic and liberal ideas of the German school, did not hesitate a moment in lending his powerful aid to the coalition. Madame Krüdner had persuaded him that the _white angel_, Peace, was to overcome the _black angel_, which presided over battles, and that the part of mediator and preserver of the human race was intended for him. The immense armies of Russia, therefore, marched against the _black angel_ (Buonaparte). I will not enter into the military details of the Waterloo campaign; suffice it to remind the reader that the Russians, who had afforded such decisive support during the invasion of 1813 and 1814, upon this occasion only arrived with the third division after the struggle was over, which explains the reason why the influence of England and Prussia was paramount in France during the transactions of 1815.

I have elsewhere given an account of these negotiations;[48] the Emperor Alexander constituted himself the protector of the French interests, being led to do so as much by the natural generosity of his disposition as by a certain degree of national rivalry, which already began to appear between Russia and England. Nesselrode's influence over the mind of the Emperor was quite as powerful as that of Pozzo di Borgo, and we must acknowledge that they rendered us the most essential service, by preserving us from a partition of our territory, and a pecuniary indemnity beyond the power of France to discharge. Still the treaty of Paris stands in evidence, that we were obliged to submit to very painful sacrifices and heavy humiliations.

[48] _Vide_ articles "Pozzo di Borgo" and "Richelieu."

Just at this time the influence of Nesselrode was endangered by a rival in Alexander's favour; I allude to Count Capo d'Istria.

Capo d'Istria was born in the Ionian islands, in the midst of the Greek population, which have so often been encouraged by Russia to strive for their liberty, ever since the time of Catherine II. He was the friend of Ipsilanti and of all the ardent generation who fought for the independence of their country. At a very early age he had been employed in secret and mysterious negotiations. However the cabinet of St. Petersburg might be situated with regard to the Porte--let the relations of the two countries be what they might, Russia, for the last century, had never ceased to favour secretly the efforts of Greece to shake off the Ottoman yoke. Alas! had she not had frequent cause for self-reproach on this subject? More than once she had instigated the Greeks to revolt, and then, when all their efforts had proved ineffectual, she had not dared to defend them openly in the face of Europe; for she was closely watched by England and Austria, who denounced to the Divan the slightest action of the unfortunate Hellenists--even the groans of an oppressed people were not allowed to pass in silence. When, therefore, Capo d'Istria was admitted to the confidence of the Emperor, the cause of the Greeks enjoyed the advantage of a constant advocate, and a warm, faithful representative. His credit dated from the negotiations in Switzerland in 1815, whose result was a new act of mediation under the threefold influence of Austria, Russia, and Prussia. Capo d'Istria was afterwards appointed to divide with Nesselrode the ministry for foreign affairs.

It was, as I have before observed, a complete rivalry, for Count Nesselrode had entirely adopted the ideas of the European school. Since the year 1812, he had followed the political system opposed to the military principle of the French revolution, now pursued in concert by all the cabinets of Europe, whose ruling desire, from the year 1816, had been the repression of the liberal movement engendered by the resistance of the people to the conquests of Napoleon. Nesselrode perfectly agreed with Metternich on this point, and the Emperor Alexander's partiality for the liberal and Hellenic school of Capo d'Istria was a source of sorrow and vexation to them both. The difficulties they had to encounter were of a complicated nature, for religious feelings were mingled with political ideas--there was strong sympathy between the two churches of Moscow and Athens, and the patriarchs were in constant communion with each other. It was impossible openly to attack Alexander on this point; all that Nesselrode could do in opposition to Capo d'Istria, was to spread the alarm in every direction concerning the fearful progress made by the spirit of insurrection.

As early as the close of 1815, the Emperor Alexander had conceived the project of the Holy Alliance--an idea resulting from the mystic and religious fancies of Madame Krüdner, but involving at bottom very positive resistance to the spirit of revolt; for the Holy Alliance was nothing more than a contract of mutual support, a sort of bond entered into by all the crowned heads against the revolutionary movement in Europe. Metternich and Nesselrode were certainly not the men for ideal transactions--there had been too much reality and matter of fact in their lives; still they saw the cabinets adopt these measures with satisfaction, as they both entertained hopes of bringing over the Emperor to their way of thinking; and, indeed, the general course of events at that time appeared to favour the common idea of Metternich and Nesselrode, for the secret societies in Germany had been greatly developed, and kept Prussia and Austria in a state of perpetual anxiety. They sent repeated despatches to St. Petersburg, and Nesselrode secretly supported the ideas of the alarmed cabinets. Thus the liberal plans advocated by Capo d'Istria met with secret opposition, and more than once the Emperor Alexander remained undecided among the various tendencies which disputed among themselves his mind, his power, and his affections.

Events, however, were progressing in a manner likely to weaken the credit of Capo d'Istria, and augment that of Nesselrode. The Polish senate had been the especial creation of Alexander, it was the work of his own hands; and this senate, by an ill-advised resistance, had just deeply offended the will of the sovereign--a circumstance which might have been considered as a legal act, in a long-established government, was construed into an armed and criminal revolt; and the Czar suddenly issued harsh and firm resolutions regarding Poland. The strong repressive measures advocated by Nesselrode and Metternich thus regained their place among the ideas of the European system; from the same cause the influence of Capo d'Istria visibly lost ground with the Emperor, and with his influence declined the idea of a Christian insurrection in Greece.

Capo d'Istria, as I before observed, was favourably disposed towards his countrymen the Greeks, who, by a spontaneous movement, had shaken off the yoke of the Porte; and he urged Alexander immediately to interfere, by causing a Russian army to appear on the Pruth and an imperial fleet in the Mediterranean. The revolt of the Greeks was observed with great anxiety by Metternich; the house of Austria, being considered as the protectress of the Divan, made every possible effort to avoid a conflict calculated to injure the Ottoman influence, which was necessary to the balance of power in Europe: consequently, it was the object of Austria to persuade Alexander that the real spirit evinced by Greece was that of revolution, where Capo d'Istria saw nothing but a religious question; and in this opinion Nesselrode perfectly concurred. He considered that the actual state of Europe would not admit of the emancipation of a people, for rebellion was every where forming against the crowned heads, and Greece was merely employed as a pretext.

The moment was well chosen to infuse these alarms into the mind of the Emperor, the bent of the German universities having just manifested itself by the assassination of Kotzebue; Piémont had taken up arms, Naples was in a state of insurrection, and Spain had proclaimed the Cortes. Metternich, in concert with Nesselrode, then returned to the idea of congresses, those great fusions of the sovereignties, according to the course that had been settled by the Holy Alliance.

The diplomatic school had rather a predilection for this assembling of Europe--those meetings in which all the statesmen of the various countries met on friendly terms to discuss the affairs of the Continent. The same passion for congresses was to be observed in Talleyrand, Metternich, Hardenberg, and Nesselrode; it was a habit they had formed, a desire of appearing and playing an important part on the diplomatic stage. The Emperor Alexander was also fond of these great _réunions_ because he was consulted as an arbiter, the princes of Europe trusting both to his experience and to his magnanimity.

Nesselrode accompanied the Emperor to Troppau and Laybach; those who studied the character and deportment of both observed that their minds appeared to be undecided: there was a kind of uncertain hesitation between the liberal ideas they had lately entertained and the strongly repressive tendency advocated by Austria. Metternich made use of all his talents and influence to convince the Emperor of the dangers by which all the European sovereignties were threatened, if they did not decide upon one of those great military demonstrations which, by their overwhelming force, at once made an end of rebellion; when, just at the most critical moment, intelligence was brought to the Russian minister of a mutiny that had taken place in one of the regiments of guards at St. Petersburg. This news quickly determined the Emperor's opinion; Nesselrode received orders to enter with the utmost vigour into the plans proposed by Austria, and the downfall of Capo d'Istria appeared impending.

One thing must be particularly observed in this struggle between liberal principles and those of absolute dominion; and that is, that Capo d'Istria had always been the faithful interpreter of an idea of independence for Greece, consequently, when liberal opinions were in the ascendant, he was not likely to continue in favour. The great misfortune of the Greeks at this moment, and what retarded their emancipation, was the circumstance of their insurrection taking place at the same time as the revolt in Piémont and the proclamation of the constitution of the Cortes; rendering it difficult always to discriminate exactly between an unruly military movement which terrified the regular governments, and the noble spectacle of Greece, with a spirit worthy of her forefathers, raising the holy symbol of her religion on her banners, stained and torn in many a former heroic struggle. Capo d'Istria's affection for Greece led to the loss of the Emperor's favour; and he, the protector of the Hellenists, was stabbed to the heart by a Greek,[49] affording a melancholy proof of the ingratitude of revolutions.

[49] Count Capo d'Istria was murdered in September, 1831, by the brother and son of a Mainote he had imprisoned.--_Ed._

Then took place the intimate fusion of the Russian and Austrian system of politics, occasioning the absolute triumph of Metternich; and this situation was continued at the congress of Verona under Nesselrode, from that time forth sole minister of Russia, and chief of the _chancellerie_ under Alexander. At the congress of Verona he held the pen, and all the resolutions regarding Spain were taken in concert; the diplomatic notes were drawn up by the two ministers together; Metternich wrote to the Austrian minister at Madrid, while Nesselrode, recalling the Russian ambassador, fulminated a sentence of proscription against the Cortes. It was no longer the liberal and generous Alexander they had to deal with, but an imperious prince, who, through his ministers, laid down the law in a sovereign and dogmatic manner. When M. de Villèle craftily objected for a short time to engage in an expensive and hazardous campaign, Nesselrode, without the slightest hesitation, wrote to him, in the name of the Emperor, that Russia was determined to venture every thing in order to repress the spirit of revolt in the Peninsula. The impulse was so powerful it was no longer possible to resist it.

The close of Alexander's life was greatly harassed by these feelings; the sacred cause of the Greeks weighed upon his mind as a subject of remorse, and the sorrow it occasioned him was imprinted on his countenance, which now bore the appearance of ill health. Yet what was to be done? The panic of impending revolutions had seized upon his mind, and delivered him over to a thousand terrors, for his dread of the spirit of the secret societies was extreme. Liberalism filled him with alarm, he viewed it as a spectre threatening him with the seditions that might arise in his empire, and he did not comprehend that the most effectual means of employing the national effervescence of the Russians would have been to march them against Turkey for the deliverance of Greece. The causes of the unexpected death of Alexander have formed the subject of much inquiry; perhaps this acute sorrow was not entirely unconnected with it: he was a man of a deeply religious mind, with a mild disposition and a tender and impressionable heart; thus he felt deeply for the sufferings of Greece. Every stroke of a yataghan which caused the head of a woman or child to roll in the dust, among the ruins of Athens or Lacedæmon, made his heart bleed.

Soon after Alexander had been gathered to his fathers, a commotion, at once political and military, took place in Russia. In southern Europe people are not sufficiently acquainted with the character of the noble family of the Czar: there was a degree of enthusiasm in the filial affection entertained by the Emperor Alexander for his aged mother, and the deepest respect existed in the hearts of Constantine and Nicholas for their elder brother Alexander. His death took them all by surprise, and upon his tomb burst forth the military movement prepared by the secret societies, and by a generation of young officers, dreaming of the old Sclavonian independence.

Was the accession of the Emperor Nicholas likely to make any alteration in Nesselrode's position? One powerful reason which operated against any diminution of the minister's influence was the respectful admiration of Nicholas for the policy and the opinions of his deceased brother, and being also inexperienced in business, he considered it indispensable to surround himself with the men who had been acquainted with the politics of Russia ever since the great epoch of 1814. These men of traditions are essential to governments; they preserve the history of all the precedents in the cabinets; they know what has been the conduct of Europe during a long series of years, what are the springs by which she has been actuated, and the acts she has been called upon to concert; comprising information of the most essential utility for the comprehension of treaties and the conduct of negotiations: besides this, it was impossible to deny that Nesselrode was possessed of very great ability in unravelling events, and had always shewn an enlightened, though passive obedience, to the wishes of his sovereign. The Emperor Nicholas, then, being desirous of continuing the policy of his brother, to whom could he better address himself than to the man who had had the direction of affairs during the last fifteen years? Nesselrode also enjoyed the esteem of the Empress-Mother; and what power that remarkable woman had exercised over political affairs! She alone always manifested a sovereign contempt for Napoleon--she alone swayed the mind of her son Alexander, even after Erfurt; and, according to the patriarchal fashion, all her children appeared, to a certain degree, to do homage to her for the crown, as if they owed the supreme power to her from whom they had derived their existence.