Part 21

We must recollect what was at that time the spirit that prevailed in Prussia, and also the bent of its government. In addition to her never-failing desire of conquest, there is always in that country a certain inclination for serious study, and a wish for the advancement of ideas; and though no free debate be permitted on matters connected with the government, the discussion of philosophical and rational questions is entirely unshackled; religious opinions also are independent of any controlling theory, the Protestant spirit having introduced a sort of egotism into the schools, from which it results that every opinion, even though it be mischievous, is admitted and examined without regard to the chivalrous feelings that attach a people to a dynasty, or a generation to the articles of their faith.

It was in this school the statesmen of Germany were formed, more especially Baron Hardenberg. His devotion to the study of German law had given him a precise and accurate manner of examining facts, without being carried away by prejudice or enthusiasm; and when the French revolution burst forth, Prussia, which was foremost to join the coalition, saw a new class of statesmen arise to oppose the chivalrous spirit of the nobility, and place the check of cool reason upon the ardour of the old families. Baron Hardenberg did not completely concur in the opinions of M. Haugwitz, of the secretary M. Lombard, and the Countess Lichtenau, who were even well inclined towards the revolutionary powers that then reigned in France; he had less inclination than Count Goltz towards French ideas, but being completely a Prussian in his interests and opinions, he considered that the object of his cabinet could not possibly be to act as a knight-errant in defence of certain political opinions, but rather to endeavour to acquire a great influence in Germany, at the expense of Austria, and also a territorial addition in Poland; and as Prussia was not immediately threatened by the principles and ideas of the French revolution, he considered it very important to reap all possible advantage from the new situation of events.

This rendered him the most active partisan of the treaty of Basle, though he was not at first engaged in it by name; for that very difficult negotiation was originally undertaken by Count Goltz with M. Barthélemy; but after the death of the plenipotentiary it was concluded by Baron Hardenberg; and this was the first commencement of his being really actively employed in public affairs. His manners were singularly pleasing to the men of the revolution, especially to Merlin de Douai, who thought them like those of a marquis of the old school, with intelligence, ease, and a method of action free from prepossession or prejudice, even with regard to democratic opinions. The committee of public safety treated him almost in royal style, by sending him a fine service of Sèvres china, as at the conclusion of treaties under the old monarchy, when an interchange of diplomatic presents used to take place among plenipotentiaries.

In this treaty, as in the negotiation of Rahstadt, Baron Hardenberg was less actuated by French principles than by the firm conviction that the treaty of Basle tended to realizing the two most constant and deeply-rooted feelings of his mind: viz. the Prussian influence over Germany, and the aggrandisement of his cabinet. He promoted the system of German neutrality, which influenced the interests of the country, and to a certain degree excited Germany against Austria; and for this purpose he made use of France, considering it of little consequence whether it was a monarchy or a republic: he had a particular object in view; but he was guilty of a mistake on that point. There were two questions to be particularly considered in the French revolution: if it had confined itself to measures that merely regarded its own internal condition, and had disseminated nothing, neither ideas nor interests, the selfish policy of Prussia might have been successful; but neither the committee of the convention nor the directory had any respect for fixed principles. Baron Hardenberg had established neutrality in part of Germany; how was it observed when the republican army required again to pass the Rhine? Did it trouble itself concerning the principles laid down by the Prussian minister, and the territorial line of the neutrality? When entering into a treaty with a government, the first necessary inquiry is, whether it will respect the general principles of the law of nations. Prussia, however, had assumed too egotistical a position; indeed she carried her system to such a pitch, that the minister interfered with the levy of contingents, lest they should augment the Austrian influence. Many years elapsed before the ideas of this school were effaced; but Hardenberg's mind afterwards expanded, and he saw there were other circumstances to be attended to, besides the antiquated system of politics, which would keep up a rivalry between Prussia and Austria, at the time when a general social revolution had taken place.

After a long stay at Basle, during which time he was in habits of the greatest intimacy with the ministers of the French republic, Baron Hardenberg returned to Berlin, where the king conferred upon him the order of the Black Eagle of the first class, as a mark of his perfect concurrence in the politics of the treaty just concluded. The direction of foreign affairs was still, however, in the hands of Count Haugwitz, a friend of Countess Lichtenau, and the secretary Lombard, and Baron Hardenberg being a person of too much importance to occupy a situation subordinate to Count Haugwitz, the administration of the principalities of Bayreuth and Anspach was again conferred upon him. This was a recreation to the diplomatist, who was glad to seek repose from political theories in the executive government of a principality, which he may be said to have added to Prussia. In Germany statesmen like to be men of business, and even in retirement their life is one of labour and study.

Baron Hardenberg took no part in active business during the life of Frederic William II.; his private opinions had been a little modified, and he was not quite so decided in his approval of the convention of Basle, since he had had occasion to see the mischievous and arbitrary application made by the republicans of its principles in Germany. Nothing had been awarded to Prussia by the treaty of Rahstadt, in spite of the promises of real indemnities, as well as of absolute liberty, which had been made to her at Basle; he, therefore, had no connexion with the negotiations carried on by M. Caillard, when an endeavour was made to place Prussia in a new attitude, and produce a great degree of intimacy between the republic and Frederic William II. Baron Hardenberg does not appear to have exercised any influence until the accession of the young prince Frederic William, when, being attached to the young queen, Louisa of Prussia, by the most respectful and chivalrous devotion, he adopted her ideas and opinions, as indeed did all those who were within the circle of her almost magical influence. What a grand though melancholy existence was that of Louisa Wilhelmina, queen of Prussia, daughter of the Duke of Mecklenburg Strelitz and of Caroline of Hesse Darmstadt! Filled with the enthusiastic and visionary feelings natural to her country, she exercised, at the age of scarcely twenty years, the most holy, as well as the most absolute influence over her husband, while the hopes of Germany appeared to centre upon her. She introduced a more noble and elevated feeling into the selfish system of politics hitherto adopted by Prussia; and being as it were queen of the students and of the universities, she was the origin and the hope of the secret societies, which gave so poetical a tinge to Germany during the latter years of Napoleon. Under her influence, Baron Hardenberg took charge of the ministry for foreign affairs, shortly after the commencement of the consulate. In the midst of the various coalitions of the period, Prussia had hitherto preserved a strict neutrality; after the 18th Brumaire, however, she shewed herself perfectly willing to agree to all required by the First Consul, and the insinuations made by Buonaparte to Louis XVIII., proposing to him to abdicate, were despatched from Berlin; nor was even the proper degree of dignity exhibited on this occasion, though it ought to increase, rather than diminish, where illustrious sufferers are concerned.

The Consul became Emperor; and with a view of still farther strengthening the bonds of union with Prussia, Napoleon appointed Marshal Duroc, his confidential friend, to represent him at Berlin. It was rather a difficult moment, as war was about again to resound in Europe, and the combined armies of Russia and Austria to take the field, rendering it a matter of very great importance to create a suitable post for Prussia; Baron Hardenberg was, therefore, summoned to the head of affairs, as the representative of a middle system then beginning to arise and develope itself under the influence of the Queen of Prussia. He was attached at the same time to English principles, and to the politics of France and Germany, and was under the necessity of instituting a close comparison among the various interests and influences presented to his view; he, however, detached himself from the debased political system pursued by Count Haugwitz. His great fault on this occasion was his not perceiving that Buonaparte's deceit was equal to his genius, and that he only kept terms with Prussia now, to ensure him a greater facility in punishing her at a future period.

The first dissatisfaction entertained by the cabinet of Berlin against Buonaparte appeared in a despatch of Hardenberg's, on the violation of the Prussian territory, an extraordinary dereliction of the law of nations, which had given extreme offence to the court and to the people. "His majesty," said the Prussian minister, "does not know with which he has most cause to be astonished, the violence the French armies have chosen to commit in his territories, or the incomprehensible arguments by which it is pretended to justify them. His majesty, properly tenacious of the consideration due as much to his power as to his character, has read, with feelings he would in vain endeavour to conceal, the justificatory despatches that have been sent by the French legation to his cabinet. They rest upon the example of the former war and the parity of circumstances, as if the proceedings then permitted had not been founded upon exactly defined treaties, which ceased with the peace! as if the Emperor Napoleon had borne these treaties in mind when he took possession of Hanover, of a country which by these same treaties had been for many long years under the protection of Prussia! Ignorance of our intentions is made a pretext, as if our intentions were not, in this instance, proved by the actual fact; and as if the nature of the affair could be altered without any previous stipulation! His majesty had not given sufficient publicity with the Elector of Bavaria to circumstances it was unnecessary he should mention! And as if I had not myself, with the map in my hand, declared long before, in my conferences with M. le Maréchal Duroc, and M. de Laforest, the impossibility of permitting any troops to march through the margraviate! The king considers himself, from this time forth, set free from all the engagements he has formed, and feels under the necessity of commanding his armies to assume the position necessary for the defence of the state." The Emperor Napoleon was greatly offended by this despatch, and the firm language in which it was couched; but he was then desirous of keeping on good terms with the cabinet of Berlin to prevent their joining the coalition.

By assuming a system of perfect neutrality, Prussia was likely to derive the advantage of being on friendly terms, even with the parties opposed to Napoleon; and there were English, Austrian, and Russian ministers at Berlin, with whom Baron Hardenberg was naturally in communication.

According to the principles and the precedents of the court of Berlin, Hanover, though a hereditary fief of the British crown, was, nevertheless, under the protection of the German neutrality; such, however, was not the theory of Napoleon, who was deeply irritated against England; and more than one violation of territory had already shewn that the powerful Emperor would not consider the respect due to the rights of neutral powers, if it were likely to prove any obstacle to his success.

Prussia was greatly displeased, and a decisive moment was at hand, for the Russian and Austrian armies were advancing against Napoleon. According to his usual custom, the impetuous military chieftain of France had ventured all risks, for he had boldness and fortune in addition to his genius; he entered Moravia, and, if Prussia had then declared herself, it would have been all over with him, as with 150,000 men on his flank, his position would have been utterly lost; and to obtain this object the most pressing negotiations were going on at Berlin, England offering subsidies, Russia support, and Austria a larger share of territory, even in Poland. Hardenberg's opinion was to decide at once, but was his influence always predominant in the midst of so much corruption? Among those who sided with him was the noble-minded Queen, and the brave and generous Prince Louis of Prussia; but he had to contend with the personal opinion of Count Haugwitz and the Marquis Lucchesini, both strongly in favour of the French cabinet. The system of a supine neutrality, therefore, carried the day, and the utmost Hardenberg could obtain was permission to assure England that they would protect the independence of Hanover, so far as to allow a passage to the English troops, should they be attacked or pursued by Napoleon.

On this subject the Prussian minister wrote a letter to Lord Harrowby, in which rather a remarkable view was taken of the neutrality; a certain inclination towards the opinions and sentiments of the coalition appeared to filter through it, with a considerable degree of irritation with regard to the French cabinet, which had already failed to respect the Prussian neutrality.

Baron Hardenberg had been in hopes of obtaining a positive decision, which would have placed Prussia in the first rank among nations, for 150,000 men directed against the flank of Napoleon would have secured the victory to Europe, when intelligence was received of the wonders achieved at Austerlitz. Napoleon was a gambler on an immense scale! His eagle threw the dice of human destiny from his immense claws, and the chances had hitherto always been in his favour; but, besides this, did he not always quarrel with characters inclined to temporise, and who delayed declaring themselves until victory had decided in favour of one of the parties? After the battle of Austerlitz was it a time to assume a threatening attitude, when Austria and Russia were going to treat with the Emperor of the French on a common footing?

Under these circumstances, then, the position of Baron Hardenberg became difficult, nay, intolerable, for was he not considered as the representative of the warlike party and the opponent of Napoleon? How could the minister of the heroic Queen and Prince Louis of Prussia remain at the head of the cabinet, when Prussia, prostrate before Napoleon, seemed almost to solicit pardon for having assumed, however slightly, an attitude of independence? At that time, Napoleon, who was incapable of forgiveness, knew well how to ruin a man by dictating articles for the _Moniteur_, pronouncing thus a sentence against statesmen whom he wished to get rid of. Buonaparte was an excellent pamphleteer, and, when he got into a passion, he gave vent in this manner to his ill-humour, against a king, a minister, or a general. M. Maret used to write from his dictation in short-hand, and send it afterwards to the official newspaper, according to his original profession of a journalist; he, also, possessed a certain knack for composition.

Upon this occasion Hardenberg was honoured by the capricious abuse of the Emperor, in consequence of a despatch full of impartiality which he had addressed to Lord Harrowby, concerning the neutrality of Hanover. A word from Buonaparte to the court of Berlin was sufficient to procure the dismissal of the minister, and, having retired from the cabinet, he the very same day repelled the attacks of the French emperor, who had accused him of not even being a Prussian. "I am proud," said he, "of the esteem and confidence of the sovereign and people of Prussia; I am proud of the opinion of estimable foreigners, and it is with great satisfaction that I number some Frenchmen among them. I am not a Prussian by birth, it is true, but I will yield in patriotism to no native of that country; and I have obtained a right to assert this fact, both by my services, and by having transferred my patrimony, and become a proprietor in this country. Though I am not a soldier, I feel that I should not have proved unworthy, had fate summoned me to bear arms in defence of my sovereign and his rights, or the dignity, safety, and honour of the state."

There was a degree of asperity in these expressions as uttered by a man who had given up the direction of affairs, without the hope of resuming it. He resigned his portfolio to Count Haugwitz, under the influence of the Marquis Lucchesini and the secretary, M. Lombard, and then, encompassed by the attachment of the Prussian army, and the enthusiasm of the universities, he retired into the country, like a man to whom the present time is devoid of interest. Some very significant proceedings, however, were going on in Prussia; the government had adopted extremely moderate measures, and both the king and the cabinet were desirous of maintaining the conditions of the French alliance: but there was a movement among the people, an energetic expression of national feeling, which would not allow this condition of quiet and peace to be maintained in the state.

This double situation affords an explanation of the events, and many of the faults, of this period; the tergiversations of the cabinet, which appeared constantly to have an inclination towards public opinion, and then again, especially after the battle of Austerlitz, returned to their former dread of the Emperor. At length the king, pressed by the people, roused himself, and manifested a chivalrous disposition in accordance with the spirit of the nation, and more especially of the universities; and it reached such a pitch, that, after the retirement of Hardenberg, the people flew to arms in a hasty and adventurous manner, and without sufficiently calculating the course they were to pursue. And who was to conduct this war? Count Haugwitz, already devoted to France, and the secretary Lombard, both creatures of Napoleon! One would have said treachery was already determined upon.

Nothing could surpass the campaign of Jena, no praise be too great for that admirable military movement directed by the Eagle of Austerlitz. But were these splendid victories due entirely to the brilliant and energetic courage of the imperial army? had not a series of faults been committed by their opponents? and were those who directed the cabinet of Berlin perfectly faithful and devoted to the interests of Prussia? After the disasters of Jena so many acts of secret treason came to light, that Hardenberg, under the influence of Queen Louisa and the Emperor Alexander, was again placed at the head of foreign affairs, for an inclination to resist the power of France had now sprung up. This new situation of the cabinets of Russia and Prussia requires some explanation, because it formed the basis of the intimate union, which at a later period led to the ruin of the French empire. The dissatisfaction before entertained by the cabinet of St. Petersburg against Prussia proceeded entirely from the position of indifferent neutrality assumed by the latter ever since the treaty of Basle; and all the endeavours made by England, Austria, and Russia to induce the cabinet of Berlin to break through this mischievous situation had met with a refusal, for neutrality appeared to be the fundamental principle of the Prussian political system. It was, therefore, satisfactory to see Prussia willing to engage in hostilities, though at _the eleventh hour_, for her position by that means became clear and decided; and it was of little consequence if they had been unsuccessful in the campaign of Jena, provided the spirit of their government was in favour of war; if, in short, there was a degree of unity and vigour capable of supporting the coalesced cabinets.

Baron Hardenberg thus became the representative of the alliance between Russia and Prussia. Frederic William having been obliged to evacuate Berlin, had fallen back with the ruins of his army upon the Russian troops, and then commenced the campaign in the midst of wintry snows, the fiercely-contested and sanguinary battle of Prussisch-Eylau, where first paled the star of Napoleon! Friedland, however, saved the audacious eagle, as Austerlitz had preserved it two years before, and treaties were again had recourse to. Who can express the humiliating conditions dictated by the victor to Prussia? Who describe the cold sarcastic conduct of the fortunate soldier towards the heroic queen, the idol of the universities?

Baron Hardenberg, being again compelled to retire, resigned his portfolio to the new cabinet formed by Napoleon, from which every mind possessed of any degree of independence or elevation was excluded. Prussia became almost a department of France, traversed in every direction by military roads; the whole population of some districts was carried away by the generals of Buonaparte, with blows and violence; the universities were closed, and the provinces reduced to the last extremity; while such heavy military contributions were imposed, that they wrung from the peasant his last hard-earned crown, and even his plough and his oxen. People must not treat a country thus, when they are desirous of governing it; they should recollect that the superiority of a power does not result from violence, but from the moral ascendancy produced by protection and support.