Part 16

The chamber of peers obtained a complete triumph; although weakened by successive promotions,[31] its influence over the elections of 1827 was very great. The Martignac ministry was formed upon the principles of the Richelieu administration, that is to say, with the upright intentions that characterised the statesmen of that noble school. M. Pasquier naturally assumed his proper degree of ascendancy over that administration; the bond of recollections and of similarity of principles united him with M. Portalis, the keeper of the seals; and it was repeatedly proposed that he should resume the charge of the foreign office, his name having even been suggested by the council of the ministers after the retirement of M. de la Ferronays. Charles X. however negatived the appointment when the list of the candidates was presented to him, for he did not wish to have any man of importance in a ministry which could only be of transitory duration; and certain prejudices, dating from the year 1815, which had never been effaced from the king's mind, first made him prefer M. de Rayneval, and afterwards, finding the influence of that able diplomatist upon the two chambers not sufficiently powerful, M. de Portalis was appointed minister for foreign affairs.

[31] At the same moment that he dissolved the chamber of deputies, the king created seventy-six new peers, all of them people devoted to the government.

The formation of the Polignac ministry occasioned great uneasiness to the political party, which was always composed of men of eminent talents, and desirous of the establishment and preservation of order; they observed with great anxiety the impending crisis, and they dreaded the fatal struggle likely to be attempted by the party of the restoration. All these experienced minds were well acquainted with Charles X.; they knew that with all the advantages of his chivalrous disposition, his undoubted uprightness of mind, his thoroughly French character, he still had an unfortunate inclination for _coups d'état_, and extravagant actions that might compromise the safety of his government. The _corps diplomatique_ were equally uneasy, and confidential communications took place between them and the political party, expressing their sense of the danger and agitation likely to be caused by a _coup d'état_; they were consequently less surprised than alarmed by the promulgation of the _ordonnances_ of July. The political party held itself in reserve during the popular crisis, and when order was a little restored, it confined itself to giving a monarchical bias to society, as the only means of preserving France from a foreign or domestic war. As soon as the charter had restored the balance of power, and the monarchical form of government, M. Pasquier was appointed president of the chamber of peers.

He had hardly taken his seat before he had to encounter the trial of the ministers of Charles X., the chamber of peers having been converted into a court of justice. We must look back upon the feelings of that time, and remember the storm of passion that roared around,--the tumult that was excited! Those parties who seek their own advantage in every thing wanted to profit by the solemnity of these trials to occasion disorder; this sovereign people, these heroes of the barricades, thirsted after the blood of the imprudent ministers of Charles X.; shouts and yells were heard recalling the days of horror of the first revolution, the national guard was devoid of energy, and the troops of the line discouraged by the check they had received at the barricades. Matters were in this state, when the chamber of peers was called upon to deliberate in the midst of tumult and disorder, and history will confess that it proved itself worthy of better times, by refusing to sanction the sanguinary vengeance so loudly demanded by the populace. Some degree of strength of mind and courage was required, when crowds of people, agitated like a troubled sea, threatened to invade the Luxembourg and assassinate all the members of the chamber; nevertheless the peers resisted, and a sentence of imprisonment alone was pronounced, which could hardly be considered as a punishment, because in seasons of political troubles, if people escape with their lives, there is no doubt that in due time the popular fury will subside, and permit their restoration to liberty and civil existence. The prudence and talents of M. Pasquier did admirable service to the cause of justice and order at this juncture.

It was no doubt to reward the spirit of moderation evinced by the peers on this occasion, that the parties made haste to deprive them of their right to hereditary succession. The first blow aimed at the importance of this assembly was evidently the clause in the charter, which annulled the peerages created by Charles X. The peerage was thus deprived of its indelible character, it was now no more than an office capable of being revoked, and of which one might be deprived almost like a prefecture; what sort of aristocracy could be formed of such elements? The next step was to take away the hereditary transmission of the peerage, _majorats_ were abolished, it was reduced to a mere office for life, without power or influence upon the government. From the time the peers consented to vote away their hereditary rights, they became a mere council of elders, a kind of chapel of ease to the chamber of deputies; the chamber of peers was converted into a sort of noble hospital, where the wounded among the old political or military ranks might seek repose. The chamber of peers no longer possessed inviolability, hereditary rank, or property; from henceforth it could no longer be an aristocratic body capable of resisting a democratic impulse, but its sole greatness must consist in the superiority of intelligence, the extensive experience, and great political ability it possessed, and which no other body could dispute with it.

Parties were not yet overcome, and a despairing effort had been made by the republican party in the streets of Paris: the sword of justice still hung suspended over many of the accused, and in virtue of the charter all these offences were referred for trial to the chamber of peers. It was said at that time in the newspapers, and even at the tribune, that these trials would not take place; "It was impossible," repeated they, "that the accused should be summoned before an old worn-out body, like the chamber of peers." I must mention that M. Pasquier's personal opinion had in the first instance been in favour of an amnesty, and he wrote a memorial in which his motives were clearly explained, but when the government decided that course to be impossible, he comprehended the full extent of his duty as a magistrate. People may recollect the firmness, the gravity, the patience, even the haughtiness exhibited by the president of the court, during these debates; he retained his superiority over these excited and straightforward minds, and over the hearts of the young men who were animated by patriotism and elevation of feeling. Not a single sentence of death was pronounced, all the punishments were mild, and the prisoners were able to profit by the amnesty shortly afterwards granted to the solicitations of M. Pasquier.

The trial of Fieschi was going on almost at the same time, after the atrocious crime which had filled Paris with horror and bloodshed. History will, perhaps, deprecate the too great consideration exhibited towards Fieschi, and blame the undue attention shewn to that sanguinary mountebank, who declaimed at the bar of justice like a street orator. One of the prisoners alone had something remarkable in his appearance and character; this was the aged Morey, a faithful specimen of the old Jacobins, whose erroneous opinions are deserving of pity, because he sealed them with his blood. This abuse was remedied in the affair of Alibeau, by assigning a subordinate rank to that miserable trial, with which the chamber of peers was burdened. On this occasion the scene was restrained within due proportions, the reward of celebrity was no longer conferred upon all those who dreamed of murder and assassination, and the alteration produced so good an effect, that during the last trial, that of Meunier, public curiosity was scarcely excited, and the crime was abandoned to its proper obscurity.

The great exertions M. Pasquier was compelled to make injured his health, but had no effect upon the great qualities of his mind, or upon the activity and skill in the management of affairs, which always particularly distinguished men of the political party. I believe no circumstance of importance has occurred during the last seven years, upon which he has not been consulted. It is said he exercised great influence on the formation of Casimir Perier's ministry; at all events, his habit of preparing memorials, and of examining closely into all the circumstances likely to produce any striking effect upon public life, has often decided the resolutions of government, and his connexion with the cabinet, and with the principal diplomatic characters, has always facilitated the direction of affairs. He rarely takes them in hand himself, but, like Talleyrand, he makes people act without personally appearing; occupying thus, perhaps, a more elevated position than if he were openly at the head of the government.

He is a man of great experience and of extreme readiness of mind; add to which, I never knew a man more assiduously devoted to his work; and it is worthy of remark, that at the very time he was engaged in taking part in all the most active and violent questions of government, he found leisure to write more than twenty volumes upon the history of his own times. His positive determination not to allow any of his manuscripts to see the light during his lifetime, and even to forbid too early a publication of them after his death, is a sure pledge of the perfect independence of men and circumstances, with which he has devoted himself to so great a work. This constant habit of occupation, and study of facts, enlarges the ideas, and nothing gives a more exalted tone to the minds of statesmen. In the present day we are apt to throw ourselves into political life without any preliminary study; and because we know how to write a few sentences, or that we have uttered a few words at the tribune, we consider ourselves equal to the task of governing a country. Far different is the English method! Political life among our neighbours is a great duty, an entire and constant devotion to the subject; history, diplomacy, administration, in fact every thing must be learned by a public man who aspires to the honour of the ministry, or to a confidential situation for the service of his country.

M. Pasquier had attained his sixty-eighth year at the time he was invested with the dignity of chancellor of France, he had been president of the chamber of peers ever since the revolution of July.

This elevated situation was well suited to a Pasquier, the descendant of a family which had held magisterial office for the last two centuries, and the present chancellor answers perfectly to the idea his ancestors had formed of the office he holds.

There are few men in modern times who, like the magistrates of old, devote a certain portion of their leisure hours to study and to writing; all their country residences and their thick forests are redolent of their recollections and their learning; such are Malesherbes, Baville, and Champlâtreux.

M. Pasquier's private life is very simple; he inhabits the apartments of the _petit château_ at the Luxembourg, leaving the great palace to M. Decaze. No person is easier of access; he speaks rapidly, and apprehends and resolves questions with admirable perspicuity; his habits are very industrious, and reading is his favourite occupation; there is no time thrown away with him, for he contrives to make even his visits a matter of business.

Perhaps he has been appreciated as president of the judicial court and of the chamber. He exhibits the most perfect impartiality in his regulation of the debates in the court of justice. His dislike to useless words and lawyers' speeches, which are of no use either to direct or enlighten, is very great, and he always exercises a degree of firmness without severity, which abridges the proceedings without in any way interfering with the defence of the accused. As president of the chamber, he never separates himself from an idea or opinion in politics: it has been written that the president of a chamber ought not to have an opinion, but I think differently, for he is the expression of a majority, and essentially the man of a system, and therefore I think he ought to form his own opinion; he cannot allow every thing to be said or to be done, and it would be very fortunate if the president possessed authority to put a stop to all idle debates; we sink under the press of words in France, when shall we come to business?

The political school of the restoration, of which M. Pasquier was one of the most eminent chiefs, is gradually disappearing; it was the heir of the moral and intellectual portion of the empire, and must have afforded great strength of support to the Bourbons. Every time that adverse parties have seized the reins of government by means of its expulsion, the most serious catastrophes have ensued; it is fortunate for the existence of kingdoms, and to preserve them from dangers occasioned by the prevalence of excitement, that some men of sense and reflection still exist, of a calm and prophetic turn of mind, who render the transition between one system and another almost imperceptible, and contrive that, in our capricious country, the only definitive system should have been linked with moderation and a constitutional government, which assumes its proper superiority after a long struggle of adverse parties.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON.

The life of the Duke of Wellington forms, for England, a sort of epitome of the glorious career of the Tory party. The venerable chief of the British armies is not only endowed with extraordinary abilities in military operations, he also possesses a cool head in politics, and a wise and pre-eminently moderate mind. Few publications have produced so deep and lively an impression as the "Despatches of the Duke of Wellington, during the various Periods of his Military Command, from India to Waterloo." It changed and modified all party opinions concerning his character; Whigs and Tories were equally struck with the forethought of his measures and the temperate current of his ideas, both in the most difficult and the most varied situations, while in power as well as during the time of war.

In France, opinions do not progress so fast, and people are still full of prejudices concerning the talents and character of this great man. The remains of the Buonaparte faction still affect us, and disfigure history. His power of organisation and his restoration of the elements of society, are not the qualities for which Napoleon's genius is considered especially worthy of admiration, but people want to prove impossibilities, even to the detriment of his fame; and the Duke of Wellington is sacrificed to the resentments inspired by the battle of Waterloo. We have been distinguished enough on the field of battle, and our country has produced names sufficiently known to fame not to make it necessary for us to sacrifice upon the tomb of Napoleon all the rival reputations which opposed obstacles to his career. The careful perusal of the Duke of Wellington's Despatches first caused me to rectify my ideas concerning the man who has both filled the first military place in his native land, and has also been, in the present times, at the head of a powerful and organising party in the affairs of government.

When you study with attention the splendid English engravings that represent the misfortunes and downfall of Tippoo Saib, surrounded by his mourning family; when you gaze upon the magnificent Indian scenery, steaming with heat and moisture, the feathery palm-trees, the elephants with their gilded howdahs, the black Sepoys in European costume, intermingled with the English troops, whose cool determined spirit and military resignation are stamped upon their countenance; while in the back-ground appear the high walls of Seringapatam, and their heavy cannon breathing forth slaughter and defiance; in these scenes, amidst the wreaths of smoke and the gleaming of scimetars, the figure of a young officer may be discerned, with a calm countenance, quiet and reserved manners, and the meditative look which presages a great destiny:--that officer is Sir Arthur Wellesley, since then so celebrated as the Duke of Wellington.

Sir Arthur, the fourth son of Gerard Colley Wellesley earl of Mornington, and of Anne Hill, daughter of Viscount Duncannon, was born at Dungan Castle, on the 1st of May, 1769, one year after that which gave birth to Napoleon; it was a period fertile in great geniuses of all kinds, who came to humanise and to add greatness to the times of the Revolution. Sir Arthur was brought up at Eton, and afterwards went to the military college of Angers in France: our country at that time possessed the best military establishments and the most frequented universities; and I have already observed that Prince Metternich and Benjamin Constant were educated at Strasbourg.

Arthur Wellesley entered the army at an early age, and obtained a commission in the 41st Foot; in 1793 he purchased the lieutenant-colonelcy of the 33d regiment, and made part of the expedition to Ostend against the French republic, where he commanded, at the age of twenty-four years, a brigade in the retreat from Holland under the Duke of York. The English dominions are so vast, that it is by no means uncommon to see men even of the noblest families sent from one extremity of the earth to the other in the service of their country, and young Arthur Wellesley embarked for Jamaica; but the fleet was driven back by a tempest, and after recruiting his regiment in Ireland, the young officer found his destination had been altered; and he was now directed to proceed with it to the banks of the Ganges, with his brother, the Marquis Wellesley, who had been appointed governor-general of India. He distinguished himself greatly in the war with Tippoo, that noble ally of France and of Louis XVI; and was present at the taking of Seringapatam, at the head of the auxiliary troops furnished by the Nizam; he was afterwards acting as governor of the conquered city in 1800, when Dhoondiah Waugh, an Indian adventurer, made an incursion into the Company's territory at the head of 5000 horse.

Imagination carries us back to the times of the "Arabian Nights," when we turn our attention upon the power of the English in India, with their immense establishments among the Hindoos and Mahrattas, and the vast capitals of Calcutta and Madras, almost as highly civilised as Paris or London; where habits of extreme softness and indolence prevail in the midst of active military life.

Shall we long continue to be dazzled by that fairy land, sparkling with diamonds and rubies? I think so; for no government possesses all the qualities necessary to insure the colonisation of distant countries in so eminent a degree as the noble and elevated system pursued by England. People constantly talk of the projects of Russia: what need has she of extending her conquests? These are dreams only fit for the period of the empire under Napoleon. Russia and England are united by the most powerful of all bonds, that of commerce.

Sir Arthur Wellesley distinguished himself in the war against the Mahrattas, and was appointed to the command of 12,000 men destined to attack the enemy's country. Owing to the sagacity of the measures he pursued, in order to secure the movements and subsistence of the troops during his long march, he accomplished this difficult campaign, though undertaken at a very unfavourable season, with hardly any loss.

Buonaparte at this time occupied Egypt; and it is rather a curious circumstance that Sir Arthur's name was suggested for the command of the expedition which was to embark from Calcutta, cross the Isthmus of Suez, and attack the French in the Desert. Had the appointment taken place, young Wellesley would have been called upon, at the very commencement of his career, to encounter the General Buonaparte whose power as Emperor was finally annihilated by him on the plains of Waterloo. The Indian campaign of this year is remarkable, because the Company had to encounter the combined forces of Scindiah and the Rajah of Becar. They were attacked by Sir Arthur near the fortified village of Assaye, which has given its name to the battle. He destroyed Scindiah's cavalry, defeated the infantry of the Rajah of Becar on the plains of Argaum, and seized the fortress of Gawoneilgar,[32] which was quickly followed by the submission of the two chiefs. A monument, in memory of the battle of Assaye, was erected at Calcutta. The inhabitants of that city presented the victorious general with a sword of the value of 1000_l._, and the officers of his army subscribed for a golden vase, still preserved by the Duke at Apsley House. The English parliament also passed a vote of thanks, and the king conferred upon him the order of the Bath. A person should read the first part of the Duke of Wellington's Despatches to be able to form a correct idea of the perils of this campaign and the precautions necessary to be taken, as well as of the moderation and judgment displayed in his orders.

[32] Gawilghur.--_Ed._

The Duke of Wellington thus commenced his military career in India. He returned to England in 1805, to take the command of a brigade in the army about to proceed to the Continent, under Lord Cathcart; Germany being now the destination of the general who had lately gathered laurels on the burning plains of Hindostan. The expedition, however, was recalled, in consequence of the glorious victory obtained by Napoleon at Austerlitz, which caused the death of Mr. Pitt; for in England, that country of noble and elevated feelings, the destruction of a great enterprise breaks the heart of a statesman. The political life of Wellington dates its commencement from this period. The English aristocracy are filled with devotion to their country, and the Tories enter into her interests with their whole hearts; indeed, it is by no means a rare occurrence in England to see a man at the same time a member of parliament and employed on active service, for the life of Toryism is essentially patriotic. This intermingling of political situations and duties with military customs leads to the habits of order and method observable in the majorities and minorities that occur upon parliamentary questions; people obey their party or their opinions as they would their commanding officer. In 1806 the town of Newport, in the Isle of Wight, elected Sir Arthur as their representative in the House of Commons, and in the same year he married Miss Pakenham, sister to the Earl of Longford; shortly after which he was appointed secretary to Ireland under the Duke of Richmond. He commanded the reserve of the army under Lord Cathcart during the expedition to Copenhagen, which occasioned such stormy debates in parliament; and the capitulation of the city, an affair discussed, settled, and signed in the course of one night, was entrusted to him. By the terms of this capitulation the whole of the Danish fleet fell into the hands of the English. Upon this occasion an unanimous vote of thanks to the army was passed in both houses of parliament, and the Speaker of the House of Commons addressed the general individually when he again took his seat after his return to England.