Part 15

This close and incessant every-day application suited perfectly the studious mind of M. Pasquier; a generation of young men had sprung up, whose souls were entirely given up to assiduous attention to business, and who devoted themselves to the active and deliberative portion of the administration. The Master of requests had already received the title of Baron and officer of the legion of honour in reward of his services, when the dismissal of M. Dubois, after the melancholy burning of Prince Schwartzenburg's palace, left vacant the prefecture of police, an appointment originally instituted during the Consulate. The police was divided into two parts:--the political police, which was charged with the general safety of the kingdom and the surveillance of political parties, constantly in a state of commotion even under the heavy hand of Napoleon; it was always intrusted to the minister of a department, and the situation was at that time filled by General Savary; and the prefecture of police, an appointment of a more simple order, circumscribed within the walls of Paris, whose chief had charge of the _édilité_, that is to say, of the safety and cleanliness of the city and the inspection of the markets and provisions, all duties of considerable importance. The prefect of police also regulated the bulletins concerning the state of the public mind, so as to act as a check upon the minister of police. During the time of the Empire, each of these situations involved serious duties and considerable responsibility.

When appointed to the prefecture of police, M. Pasquier devoted himself entirely to the discharge of his official duties, and voluminous writings still exist upon the provisioning of the capital, and the method of multiplying magazines in the time of abundance; this had now become a question of great anxiety, occupying the serious attention of the government, for in the year 1811, the first symptoms of an alarming scarcity made their appearance. The price of bread had reached an exorbitant height, and people were constantly on the brink of a disturbance owing to the dearness of grain of all kinds. I have perused and analysed with the greatest attention the important writings of M. Pasquier under the empire, deposited in the archives of the prefecture of police.[26]

[26] See "L'Europe pendant le Consulat et l'Empire de Napoleon."

It must be recollected that Napoleon was then about to depart upon his Russian expedition, and it may easily be imagined that contending parties would give occasion to extreme anxiety during his adventurous campaign: how great was that entertained by the prefect of police! his nights were devoted to quieting the alarms excited by false bulletins, and strengthening the confidence of the people, for the _prestige_ that surrounded Napoleon was beginning to disappear, a certain spirit of independence and animadversion was gradually gaining ground, and numerous caricatures, _bons mots_, and epigrams, attacked the moral power of the Emperor.

The romantic enterprise of General Mallet took place at this juncture; it was a prodigious act of boldness, shewing how slight was the tenure of Napoleon's power; one hour more, or one man less, and the most powerful empire of modern times would have been at an end! M. Pasquier has been reproached with having allowed himself to be surprised by the insurrection, but, in the first place, he had nothing to do with watching the formation of plots, that duty devolved upon M. Savary, the minister of police; and besides, to do justice to all parties, what vigilance can possibly foresee or control the plans conceived by _one_ man in the silence of a prison? General Mallet was armed with a military power which it was in vain to resist, and M. Pasquier was surprised at the prefecture, hurried into a _voiture de place_ and conveyed to the prison of La Force, with injunctions that he should be detained there until the provisional government was established. He was not liberated until after the suppression of the conspiracy, having steadily refrained from making any concessions to the conspirators, but merely submitting to the fate prepared for him by a military insurrection. A magistrate who gives way to the commands of unlawful authority, is guilty of betraying his trust; he ought to remain steadfast in his duty, even should violence cast him into a dungeon.

Napoleon formed a favourable judgment of the conduct of M. Pasquier, and continued him in his appointment of prefect of police, while M. Frochot, prefect of the Seine, was dismissed by the council of state, assembled to examine into the degree of culpability and negligence, to be attributed to the different functionaries in the sad affair of Mallet. The Emperor viewing matters from his elevated position, judged the prefect of police to be perfectly undeserving of blame or censure, as he had merely yielded to force, and it was utterly impossible for him either to foresee or to prevent a disturbance conducted in so unusual a manner; the most subtle and watchful mind could not have suspected the meditations indulged in by so adventurous a person as General Mallet; besides which, as I said before, General Savary had charge of the political police. This severe trial soon afforded M. Pasquier an opportunity of rendering an important service to the city of Paris, by the creation and organisation of the gendarmerie, which, under a different name, has on so many occasions greatly contributed to maintain the peace and security of the capital. He had before, in the year 1811, remodelled the corps of firemen,[27] whose devotion to their duty and noble courage deserves the highest praise.

[27] Sapeurs-pompiers.

The difficult circumstances of the times were increasing; if the management of the Parisian police was a hard task while the glory and prosperity of Napoleon were at their height, how much more delicate, and consequently more odious and watchful, was its office during the season of reverses and misfortune? Parties were now in commotion, people were no longer silent upon their desire of a change, and the probability such might be the case, and the enemy was rapidly approaching the capital: M. Pasquier fulfilled his duties to the very last moment, by the wise and firm administration of his office; he reduced the duties of his prefecture to the maintenance of public tranquillity, and the careful management of every thing relating to the repose and well-being of the city; thus returning to the original charge he had received from the Emperor,--attention to the safety and cleanliness of Paris, which were formerly almost the only duties required from the lieutenant of police.

When the artillery was heard in thunders upon the capital, the senatorial party and Talleyrand invited him to support the political alterations produced by circumstances, but it was not until the evening before the allies entered Paris, that he, like M. Chabrol,[28] prefect of the Seine, joined the movement which led to the restoration. The enemy were about to enter Paris, and it was necessary the public safety should not be endangered by any popular tumult; the influence of the prefect of police was therefore most essential, but it was merely passively exerted with regard to political events; it received an impulse from them, but did not communicate any. Talleyrand had formed a just estimate of the character of M. Pasquier, and attached great importance to obtaining his concurrence. It was he who prepared the proclamations urging the citizens to the maintenance of order; and he entered into a communication with Count Nesselrode and the allied generals, then taking possession of Paris. His connexion with diplomatic affairs dates from this difficult period, as well as his political career under the restoration; and when afterwards appointed minister for foreign affairs, the reminiscences of Paris in the year 1814 rose to his mind and were of great service to him in assisting the diplomatic arrangements of his cabinet.

[28] The Comte de Chabrol had been appointed prefect of the Seine upon the dismissal of Frochot after Mallet's conspiracy, and had distinguished himself by the most inflated expressions of devotion to the Emperor. "What is life," said he, "compared to the immense interests which rest upon the sacred head of the heir of the Empire? For me, whom an unexpected glance of your imperial eye has called from a distance to a post so eminent, what I most value in the distinction is the honour and right of setting the foremost example of loyal devotion!"--_Editor._

A conciliatory character was manifested at the accession of the Bourbons, and the police ceased to possess the importance attached to its active administration during the reign of Napoleon; it was no longer a fit situation for a man of such abilities as M. Pasquier, he therefore resigned the prefecture, and was appointed by the king one of the council of state, and received, a few days afterwards, the situation of inspector-general of the bridges and causeways, an active and important appointment in a country where so much remained to be done for the improvement of the roads, and internal communication of the kingdom. He displayed in his new office the activity and laborious attention which characterised the imperial school, and the principal part of the great enterprises with regard to roads were executed under his direction. In France we think a great deal of public speeches and very little of improvement; and it is a singular fact that we, who are the most intelligent and industrious of nations, are at least twenty years behind our neighbours in every thing relating to roads: even Germany and Switzerland are far in advance of us. The commissioners for bridges and causeways, while they spend large sums of money, are faulty in their mode of administration, and do not make the most of their resources; M. Pasquier exerted himself to improve this vast branch of the public service, but his appointment was of short duration, for the march of Napoleon upon Paris put an end to all executive existence, and he was unemployed during the hundred days.

When the white flag of Louis XVIII. floated above the tower of St. Denis, M. Pasquier offered his services to the king; he was included in the first ministry of Talleyrand as keeper of the seals, and exercised at the same time the functions of minister for the interior, an appointment of extreme delicacy and difficulty in the crisis of that period. France was invaded by 700,000 strangers, the public mind was in a state of constant agitation, and the principles of the restoration had excited a deplorable reaction in several of the provinces; it thus became necessary to organise the system of the prefects, to repress the too ardent zeal occasionally exhibited, prevent the sanguinary vengeance of parties, and prepare and advance the election of upright persons of moderate views, in order to heal the wounds of the country. Nothing is easier than to judge people with severity after a lapse of years, and when events are long over; and thus the services rendered by some statesmen in seasons of peril are soon forgotten, or are but imperfectly appreciated by people, who are in the full enjoyment of peace and security, and therefore inclined to exercise a mathematical rectitude in their judgment of facts. If we look back upon the year 1815, after the double invasion and heavy military contributions, we shall see that it was impossible for a government to display more exemplary moderation, before the face of a victorious party, to whose conditions it had been compelled to submit. M. Pasquier followed the fortunes of Prince Talleyrand; he gave in his resignation and was succeeded by M. de Barbé-Marbois.

He had however, always been strongly inclined towards the moderate system which gained the ascendant under the Richelieu ministry, and shortly after its formation he was appointed one of the commissioners for the liquidation of the foreign debts; it was a post of great confidence, for if the laws of honesty were set aside, enormous fortunes might soon be amassed. M. Pasquier's integrity was unimpeachable, and he was the worthy colleague of M. Mounier, the most honest man belonging to the noble Richelieu school.

He was elected by the department of the Seine as their representative, and on taking his seat in the chamber of deputies, after the ordonnance of the 3d of September, he was nominated president; from this parliamentary position, he again passed into the ministry in the month of January 1817, the Duc de Richelieu having caused him to be appointed keeper of the seals.

A conciliatory system was predominant in the whole of M. Pasquier's ministerial conduct at this period, and he was the first to enlarge at the tribune upon the principles of the liberty of the press and the responsibility of editors. There was still too much irritation in people's minds, and the country still too much overwhelmed, to allow the independence of the newspapers to be safely established as a principle; books and pamphlets only were free, for a gradual approach was making towards liberty, and the opinions laid down by M. Pasquier are still considered as law upon the subject. The degree of responsibility was perfectly well regulated, and the minister's motives are clearly explained, and expressed with an elevation of principle and closeness of reasoning which distinguish the true parliamentary style. In England statesmen are in the habit of publishing their speeches, because they form the record of their lives.

When the Duc de Richelieu's ministry was dissolved in the latter part of the year 1817, M. Pasquier had no hesitation in retiring from office with the noble negotiator of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. M. Dessolle was at the head of the new ministry, and M. Decaze naturally filled a post of the highest importance in it; but the movement which was about to incline them towards the ideas of the _parti gauche_ was too decided to make it possible M. Pasquier should join them; and it soon became apparent to him that the law of elections, although commendable for its simplicity, was still liable to produce evil results. He possessed very remarkable influence over the course of affairs, in spite of his having retired from office; and one of his political habits was always to compose a memorial upon every situation that occurred, for he liked to observe men and circumstances as from an eminence, so as to enlighten those in authority. In the month of October 1819, he presented a memorial to Louis XVIII. upon the proceedings of the ministry, calling attention to the faults they had committed and the bad effects of the law of elections; and he considered the situation of affairs to be such as to render an immediate change necessary in the government of the country.

Accordingly when the ministry of M. Decaze decided upon modifying the law of elections, M. Pasquier was offered an appointment; he did not resume the situation of keeper of the seals, but undertook the direction of foreign affairs; our situation with regard to our foreign relations having assumed a serious aspect, it was necessary they should be under the charge of a minister quite resolved to resist any tendency towards a spirit of revolution. M. Decaze lost office after the assassination of the Duc de Berry; and on the formation of the second Richelieu ministry, M. Pasquier retained the situation of minister for foreign affairs, only with the proviso that he was to consult the noble duke upon points relating to diplomatic matters. The Duc de Richelieu, from his connexion with the various cabinets of Europe, must have inspired great confidence in diplomatic proceedings of importance.

From this period the existence of M. Pasquier was divided into two distinct portions, the one being passed at the tribune, and the other devoted to business. I am not acquainted with any session when the debates were more violent or more contested than that of 1820; the speeches were remarkable for their eloquence, the names of General Foy, of Camille Jordan, and Benjamin Constant, appeared, beside those of Casimir Périer and Lafitte; each question was decided by a small majority, and it was necessary to modify the law of elections, and determine upon measures rendered indispensable by the circumstances succeeding the death of the Duc de Berry. The superiority of M. Pasquier's abilities was evident during this long session, where he was incessantly in the tribune, opposing, in the most decided and authoritative manner, the orators of the liberal party. When an alarming tumult took place in the public square, M. Pasquier appeared at the tribune to denounce the instigators of the disturbances, undismayed by the threats and vociferations of the revolutionary _parti gauche_. He spoke without disguise or circumlocution, and as to the phrase with which he has been so much reproached, _sur l'arbitraire_,[29] is it any thing beyond a simple declaration of what the government was desirous of obtaining, and requested from the power authorised to grant it? Every thing that was obtained had demanded incredible efforts, and whatever may have been said of the session of 1820 by those under the influence of party spirit, it was undoubtedly the finest period of the representative system, recalling the times of Pitt, Grenville, and Dundas, opposed to Fox, Erskine, and Sheridan.

[29] The law to authorise arbitrary arrests was equivalent to the suspension of the Habeas Corpus act in England: and it was originally brought forward by M. Decaze and strenuously supported by Baron Pasquier. It was proposed that it should continue in force for one year, and after a debate which lasted for several sittings, it was passed by a majority of nineteen votes, modified however by the introduction of a clause forbidding arrests to be made under it during the night. A law restraining the liberty of the press was also passed after being most obstinately contested. The majority in the chamber of peers was only _two_ on this occasion.--_Editor._

M. Pasquier's situation was not less difficult as minister for foreign affairs; for the revolutionary spirit had declared itself almost simultaneously in Spain, Naples, and Piémont. France, it is true, adopted the repressive system, and in this respect agreed with the plan suggested at the congresses of Laybach and Troppau; nevertheless the minister for foreign affairs could not overlook the material interests of France; the Austrians, desirous of marching upon Piémont and Naples, wanted to occupy definitively both these places, and how was it possible France should not feel uneasy at the sight of the German standards unfurled beyond the Alps, and extending even as far as Savoy? A series of notes passed on this occasion between M. Pasquier and Prince Metternich; and it was positively decided between the two ministers, that if the Austrian occupation should be necessary, it should be strictly limited to such a period, as would neither affect the consideration nor the importance of France. Metternich faithfully fulfilled this engagement, and the evacuation of Piémont took place at the stipulated time.

If you consult any of the persons employed in the foreign office, they will speak of M. Pasquier's assiduous attention to his work, and of his perfect capability of bringing a negotiation to the termination he wished; and they will also tell you he shewed extreme judgment, in all the great difficulties incident to a situation so liable to constant change of circumstances.

A complete rupture had taken place with the old liberal system; and to insure success in this enterprise, the Richelieu ministry had been obliged to apply to the ultra-royalist party. At the commencement of the session of 1821, the council decided upon adding MM. de la Corbière, de Villèle, and Lainé, to the cabinet; it was a great mistake, it was either granting too much or too little; for, in fact, what figure could they make in the cabinet as ministers without appointments, and yet chiefs of the majority? And what was the consequence? secret dissensions, as might naturally be expected, arose from the very commencement of the attempted coalition; consultations were held in the king's council, after which, MM. de Villèle and Corbière privately expressed their dissatisfaction, and revealed the designs of the ministry to their colleagues on the _côté droit_ in the Piet society; quarrels naturally suceeded, which eventually led to the rupture that took place after the session of 1821.

The royalists, in general, entertained an extreme dislike to M. Pasquier, and a great part of the _côté droit_ could could not endure him.[30] All the opposition towards the end of the session was directed against him, till, at last, his patience was exhausted, and he assumed a high tone with the Ultras by openly and unhesitatingly declaring his inclinations and his repugnances, expressing himself with so much boldness and freedom that the whole of the _parti droit_ declared war to him. M. Pasquier wanted to have done with the whole business; his situation fatigued him, and, foreseeing the downfall of the ministry, he obtained a seat in the upper chamber, being made a peer of France in the course of the month of November 1821. The ministry of the Duc de Richelieu had resigned office on the occasion of the address, and the Duc de Montmorency assumed the charge of foreign affairs.

[30] He was accused of great political tergiversation, and M. Vaublanc, a keen royalist, designated him as "a man who never left one administration till he had prepared to enter another, who never deserted one set of friends till he had looked out for another more in favour at court, and who had skipped into successive cabinets with that ease which marked all his movements."--_Editor._

M. Pasquier took his seat in the upper chamber, at that time a powerful institution possessed of hereditary rank, property, and the _majorats_. The prospects of the young peerage were very great, and evidence was soon afforded of what they were capable of doing, by their constant opposition to the faults and ill-judged proceedings of the restoration. M. Pasquier, placing himself on the same benches as the statesmen of the Richelieu party, made a point of speaking upon every subject that came before the house, and the judgment and deep thought which characterised his discourses, caused them to exercise great influence over the chamber. He spoke against the rights of primogeniture, the creation of the three per cents, and the law of sacrilege; and his speeches were often the means of deciding the question by their influence on the majority obtained. He placed himself in constant and direct opposition to the Villèle cabinet, which occasioned a strange advance in revolutionary ideas, by the constant injury it inflicted upon the interests and affections of modern France.

There was not quite the same vehemence of debate in the chamber of peers as in that of the deputies, but it attained to more certain results. There was a degree of quiet, and at the same time great political judgment, in the discussions, not allowing themselves to be carried away by the spirit of party, but continuing so steadily to advance towards the downfall of M. de Villèle's ministry, that we may safely assert, the retirement of the royalist cabinet of the restoration was owing to their efforts. It must be confessed, this opposition was rather against the order of things; an aristocratic power which opposed the elements of an aristocratic constitution, was not in good keeping; but the fault lay with the party of the restoration, which interfered too hastily with the new ideas and prejudices prevalent in France.