Part 14

Here we must take a general view of the life of Count Pozzo di Borgo to explain the constantly serious and temperate direction of his despatches. He had never belonged to the ultra royalist party, but being a man of moderation and principle he had restricted himself to measures, corresponding with the events brought to pass by the French revolution: in this consisted the bond of union between him and the Richelieu party, composed of Pasquier, Molé, and de Rayneval, who were all strongly opposed to _coups d'état_. The despatches of Count Pozzo evince at all times a spirit of forethought and moderation. In 1816 he supported the Duc de Richelieu; in 1828, the ministry of M. de Martignac and the Comte de la Ferronays; when the ministry of Prince Polignac was formed, he, like every one else, foresaw the disasters likely to ensue, and his correspondence made such an impression at St. Petersburg, that the Emperor Nicholas thought it necessary to speak to M. de Mortemart on the subject. The Czar entertained a strong dislike to the ministry of Prince Polignac, because he believed him to be devoted to the English system, and the fall of M. de Martignac appeared to him a sort of check to his eastern policy; he repeated several times to M. de Mortemart, "Are they preparing anything in Paris against the charter? Write to the King to take care what he is about; above all, let him avoid _coups d'état_." In considering the attitude assumed by the _corps diplomatique_ at this juncture, it is very important to bear in mind, that in the transactions of 1814 and 1815, as well as in the minutes of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818, the charter and the dynasty were considered equally under the protection of Europe, and were viewed as inseparable.

They had not long to wait for the recognition of most of the various courts of Europe; England, though governed by the Duke of Wellington and the Tories, approved in many successive despatches of a revolution conducted on the plan of that in 1688; Prussia came next, then Austria, without any symptom of hesitation; and, lastly, Pozzo di Borgo received credentials from his sovereign, which he presented with confidence and dignity, one idea being constantly predominant in his mind,--that order and peace were the first requisites in an European government.

Matters were in this state when the Polish question placed Pozzo di Borgo in a situation of great difficulty; perhaps under no circumstances of his diplomatic life was more discretion required and displayed. The ardent sympathies of the mob had been roused in favour of the Poles; a commotion took place in Paris, and spread in that city scarcely recovered from the agitation occasioned by the revolution of July; the cry of "Success to Poland! Down with the Russians!" was heard under the windows of the ambassador, stones were thrown at the hôtel, and the Russian legation surrounded their chief, endeavouring to persuade him to demand his passports, a step that would have announced a complete rupture. The ambassador appeased the impatience of his legation: "Our sovereign," said he, "is just now in a ticklish situation, and we must take no rash steps with regard to France, so as to involve ourselves in a fresh difficulty; let us wait for the apologies which will soon be made us; the mob is not the government; we are not ambassadors to the street, but to a regular authority. Let us turn the popular fury, not attack it in front." The next morning the minister for foreign affairs paid an official visit to Count Pozzo, to apologise on the part of the government, and a body of troops was ordered for his protection against any violence that might still be attempted by the mob.

From his earliest youth Pozzo di Borgo had been accustomed to dwell in the midst of political crises, and he was therefore not disturbed by the symptoms of insurrection around him, especially as he had full confidence in the wisdom and decision of the cabinet; some secret conferences had also made him aware, that France would not interfere in favour of Poland, but would allow Russia, Austria, and Prussia, the free exercise of their rights over that unfortunate country. The treaties of 1815 were still more firmly established than before, a few empty words of sympathy or encouragement were bestowed upon the insurgents, and Europe viewed with satisfaction the conduct of the new government, whose moderate measures had been rendered more difficult, by the threatening attitude assumed by different parties, and the prevalence of excited opinions armed with sufficient power to make them dangerous. Is no credit due to the wisdom which was the means of preserving peace? the forethought and moderation which averted the evil tendency of party spirit? Count Pozzo was loaded with compliments and expressions of gratitude, for he had probably saved Europe from a general war by not quitting Paris. The Polish insurrection was put down, after which all the forces of Russia were available against any foreign interference; and the ambassador who had safely passed through the dangerous crisis, had great cause to congratulate himself upon results, which left the cabinet of St. Petersburg at liberty to decide at once upon the fate of Poland. That country received no assistance from France; the interference of the French Chambers was limited to some barren protests in answer to which Pozzo di Borgo represented that Poland had been the aggressor, having torn asunder the bands of the constitution by her revolt, and that the Propaganda alone would be to blame should Poland now cease entirely to exist: that great efforts had been made since the year 1815 to overcome the natural antipathy entertained by the Russians for the Poles, which was as strong as the dislike existing between the Jews and Christians in Poland. What exertion and anxiety it had cost the generous heart of Alexander to give a national constitution to Poland! it was a subject on which he had consulted rather his feelings than his understanding, and the old Russian nobility had never forgiven his conduct on the occasion.

In the midst of all these serious political occurrences, of the disturbances in Paris, the various plots both foreign and domestic, the Russian campaign against Constantinople, and the imperative,--I might almost say, the capricious orders of his court, Count Pozzo always preserved the character of a man of impartial moderation, and of a skilful statesman who conceives and works out a system, without giving way to any of the crotchets formed by prince or courtier capable of endangering more serious interests. He who had resisted the Emperor Alexander by expressing his opinion with firmness, always continued to refuse obedience to instructions irreconcilable with the rules of general policy, which form the basis and regulate the relations between one state and another. Such was the constant tenor of his despatches after the year 1830. He was convinced that France, to the rest of Europe must serve as a principle either of order or disorder, possessing either way very great influence; and to all requisitions which did not tally with these ideas, he replied by writing to his court, "You have other agents besides me for affairs of this nature; I am only fit for moderate and conciliatory measures."

When the Turkish war was concluded, the ambassador received orders to proceed to London for the purpose of forming a just estimate of the state of affairs, and the position of the Whigs and Tories; having been successful in his endeavours to prevent France from taking part against Russia, it now became equally essential to sound the Tories, and become acquainted with the bent of their views, should parliament and the march of public opinion again place them at the head of affairs. The official ambassador from Russia to London was Prince Lieven, or rather it was said _Princess_ Lieven, a woman of great ability, whose brilliant assemblies were the favourite resort of the Tory nobility, and the centre of political intelligence. Count Pozzo had very little communication with the Whig ministry; his acquaintance was principally with the Duke of Wellington and the Earl of Aberdeen, who was minister for foreign affairs, for the Tory interest; for that party, although out of office, still retained some representatives among the ministry. The conversations between the Duke and Pozzo di Borgo, were an interchange of recollections and hopes, together with the means of regulating the probabilities of the return of the Tories into the ministry. It was already in contemplation, although public opinion had strongly opposed a premature attempt made by the Duke of Wellington to resume the direction of affairs. In political life it is a mark of great ability to know how _to bide one's time_.

Still a kind of slight was about to cloud the life of Count Pozzo. Hitherto whatever missions might have been assigned to him exclusive of his official functions in Paris, he had always retained the title of ambassador to the court of France, and his tastes and inclinations led him to consider that country as his own. When he was despatched to Madrid, and more recently to London, his sovereign had not withdrawn his credentials, his post was still Paris: what was the reason a different course of proceeding took place upon this occasion, and that he received the title of ambassador extraordinary to his Britannic Majesty? It would be in vain to deny that it was a mark of his being out of favour, nor was this the only occasion upon which such had been the case in the course of his life. His disposition was not one that would bend to caprices or submit to demands which did not concern him. I have heard him complain of being watched by a number of special envoys, whose employments did not fall within the range of the regular communications between two governments, two nations naturally formed to esteem each other. This somewhat haughty disposition, led to the ambassador's loss of favour; it was however covered by a purple robe, by the appointment of ambassador to London.

Count Nesselrode entered into an explanation of the duties connected with the ambassador's new appointment. It was intended he should use all his influence to support the menaced Tory interest; his intimacy with the Duke of Wellington was well known, but it was considered that a merely provisional title, would not be sufficient to confer the necessary _éclat_ and importance upon the Russian ambassador, for which reason he was to receive the definitive and official appointment. As soon as the mission should be accomplished, when the Duke of Wellington should have been dissuaded from his inclination to unite with Austria on the Eastern question, and the Tories have been actively supported, Pozzo di Borgo was to be reinstated in his appointment in Paris, and permitted to follow his tastes and habitual pursuits in the country he considered as his home. This despatch afforded some consolation to the ambassador, who was affected by a feeling of sadness in breaking the ties that bound him to a society in which he had so many intimate friends, but in these mournful separations he was now supported by the hope of a speedy return. Every thing around was dear to him, even the palace whose gradual embellishment he had taken pleasure in watching; the verdure of the gardens, the shade of exotic trees, the fragrant flowers, the vast and well-chosen library of Italian authors, whose works he was so fond of reciting from memory, and the views of Corsica suspended in his apartments, the gulf of Ajaccio which recalled the early youth of the friend of Paoli.

When admitted to any degree of intimacy with Count Pozzo, you were particularly struck with the energy of his manners and his vigorous mode of expression; his handsome though swarthy countenance was shaded by greyish hair, always arranged in a picturesque manner, as Gerard has represented him in one of his admirable portraits. His conversation was at first reserved and guarded, but gradually became animated and full of imagery and wit which sparkled through a slightly Corsican accent; his memory resembled a vast bazaar, full of the varied recollections of a long and troubled life. If you were desirous of seeing the mind of Count Pozzo in its full glory, you had only to speak to him of Corsica, ask him questions concerning the history of Paoli, or turn the conversation upon the national republic established in the island, and the _Consulta_ which chose him as secretary to the government, and then you would be struck with the animation of his voice and gestures; his piercing eyes seemed to seek in your mind the emotions that glowed in his own, till you actually felt as if present with him at the assembly where the Corsican people proclaimed their independence. He did not indulge in anecdotes to the degree Talleyrand used to do in his long evening conversations, but he was more serious and truthful in his reminiscences, and did not play with facts, but always took a serious view of them. Without the habitual tact that characterised him, he might have been drawn into further confessions, for he was scarcely master of himself when speaking of his early political life. He was a man whose memory was so full of facts, that they oozed out at every pore; a spirit I took great delight in consulting, because the great struggle of Europe against Napoleon was shadowed forth by him, in a very different point of view from that assumed by the bad pamphlets of the imperial school.

I saw him depart for London in the full enjoyment of his powerful faculties, retaining his eagle glance, the elevated expression of his noble brow, and his bright searching eyes, while his mouth was expressive of mildness and goodness. But he was evidently out of spirits, and he quitted Paris with the idea that some misfortune would occur before he should see it again. In London he transacted the affairs of his government with the same devotion and activity as ever, but he took no pleasure in his employment; the friendship of the Duke of Wellington, his companion in more than one battle-field, was his only enjoyment; they passed whole days together at Apsley House talking over the affairs of Europe, and their recollections; speaking, the one of the caprice of the people who broke his windows, the other of the ingratitude of a court incapable of comprehending that order, and peace with a powerful nation like France, are essential to the tranquillity of Europe.

Weary of so long a diplomatic career, he had at last obtained permission to seek the retirement he so ardently coveted, when a letter from the Emperor apprised him of the intended journey of a Czarewitch to London, and requested him to act as a guide to the young prince during his stay in England. This involved a degree of responsibility and of moral fatigue which shortened the life of Count Pozzo. How would the heir to the Russian throne be received by the English nation, so capricious both in their affections and their hatred? The trial terminated happily, but it may be safely asserted that the last remains of strength possessed by the ambassador sunk under the exertion.

I saw him on his return to Paris: what a sad alteration from his former self! and what mere worms we are in the hand of God, who disposes at His pleasure of the mind and intellects of man! He no longer found any enjoyment or ease except in the society of his nephew, Count Pozzo di Borgo, and his amiable niece, a daughter of the noble house of Crillon. Was the old ambassador desirous of shewing that he had never ceased to be a Frenchman, by quartering his Corsican coat-of-arms with the escutcheon and honourable devices borne by the brother-in-arms of Henry IV.?

M. PASQUIER.

The administration of the Empire was, generally speaking, strong, full of energy and unity of purpose; it was composed of two elements, the ruins of the republican party now rallied around the dictatorship of Napoleon, and became submissive under his iron rule, such as Treilhard, Merlin, and Thibaudeau, and the pure and elevated remains of the old monarchical school, like Molé, De Fontanes, and De Narbonne. According to the custom observed in all governments possessed of any portion of strength and intelligence, Buonaparte collected around himself all the persons whose names were honourably connected with past events, or exercised any influence over the present or the past; he indulged neither in fear nor repugnance, because he had perfect confidence in his own power of restraining and managing every thing. Before the revolution of 1789, some parliamentary families existed, who transmitted the highest magisterial offices from one generation to another, forming a sanctuary in which public morals, duties, and learning, were preserved and perpetuated. There were no doubt some little party prejudices among them, together with a tendency towards the feelings of the patricians of Rome; considering themselves to have succeeded to the assemblies of the states-general. But though the parliament sometimes threw difficulties in the way of the executive government, still they maintained the spirit of liberty and probity through the lapse of ages, and people considered them as a political guarantee, upon occasions when a degree of confusion and disorder prevailed in the constitution of the country.

The family of the Pasquiers were descended from Etienne Pasquier, a man of great talent and erudition, author of a celebrated work entitled "_Recherches sur la France_." His character was very remarkable from the versatility of his talents and occupations; he wrote clever verses, and displayed the greatest ability in the important correspondence in which he was engaged, and during the troubles of the League, he strove to find a middle course from whence he might offer himself as a timid mediator among the opposing parties. In my writings upon the events of the sixteenth century, I have often spoken of that good Etienne Pasquier, with his ingenious talents and the exquisite tact he displayed in the evil times of civil war.

The direct progenitors of the subject of this memoir held an appointment in the parliament, and his father, Etienne Pasquier, councillor in the parliament of Paris, was denounced at the revolutionary tribunal and condemned to death on the 21st of April, 1794. His son was brought up at the College of Juilly, a fine institution, which has produced many distinguished characters. I have always admired the mild and careful system pursued by religious bodies, where the education of the heart and mind is as carefully attended to as that of the head, and which invested each professor with so paternal a character, that even the most ungrateful of his pupils could never entirely shake off the recollection; witness Voltaire and Diderot.

M. Pasquier had scarcely left college before he was appointed to a situation in the Parisian parliament, according to the custom observed in families of the legal profession, where the office of the father was inherited by the son. He did not long continue to wear the parliamentary habit; he was, however, enabled to be present at the solemn debates which took place in that assembly, and were terminated by the convocation of the States-general, and he there received his first lesson in political life. The magistracy were carried away in the general tempest, and the parliaments were destroyed by the revolution; the resistance to the royal prerogative had originated with them, and both were abolished at the same time.

Popular excitement is always ungrateful, and deals its first blow upon those by whom it has been assisted or fostered, thus affording an important lesson to demagogues or flatterers of the populace.

M. Pasquier did not emigrate during the revolutionary troubles; he was proscribed like all persons bearing a historic name, and at the age of twenty-six years he received a summons to appear before the committee of public safety, which was soon after succeeded by his being placed under arrest at St. Lazare, on the evening before the 9th Thermidor. The close of the reign of terror restored him to liberty, and the restoration of the property of condemned persons enabled him to retire to the estates of his family, which like those possessed by all the parliamentary races were covered with thick woods, in whose impenetrable retreats they were accustomed to seek shelter, in the evil days of exile, from their accustomed employments.

When order was restored under Napoleon, M. Pasquier returned to Paris, and appeared in society, especially at the house of M. Cambacérès, who was partial to the old magisterial families, and his remarkable talents soon brought him into notice. At that period the Emperor was desirous of establishing a monarchical system upon elevated principles, and sought every where among men and things the materials for his purpose; every noble or influential name attracted his attention, for he was well aware of the power exercised by hereditary rank, and knew that past recollections have as much influence as present energy in the restoration of States. The Arch-chancellor Cambacérès agreed in the Emperor's sentiments; and he, who was himself one of the enlightened magistrates of the _Cour des Aides_ at Montpelier, suggested the name of M. Pasquier for the situation of Master of Requests. It is rather a remarkable circumstance that the memorial of the Arch-chancellor contained the names of three candidates, MM. de Molé, Pasquier, and Portalis; they all received appointments on the same day, and have never been separated in the course of their political life, their career having been facilitated and its importance augmented by the strong political friendship that subsisted between them, in spite of the difference in their age and capacity.

M. Pasquier, while master of requests at the _Conseil d'Etat_, was distinguished by his laborious attention and assiduity, at the time when improvement had assumed a serious and reflective form; he had passed his fortieth year when he was appointed attorney-general of the great seal, and afterwards Councillor of state. The State council was a powerful and important school; the Emperor, who entertained a strong antipathy towards all bodies that deliberated under the sanction of publicity, had a perfect horror of the representative system, and public speaking; he liked to collect suffrages, to listen to all opinions, reserving to himself the right of deciding upon them, and weighing them against each other in such a manner, that an imperial decree should never sanction an equivocal project or a bad measure. The council of state, composed of very eminent men, was the real _corps politique_; and even the title of Master of requests was not a common rank granted to aspirants of an inferior grade. In this anxious and laborious situation, the Masters of requests, attached to a section of the council, devoted their existence to it, and the great end and aim of their executive career was the situation of Councillor of state, a title of which the characters best known to fame were ambitious.