Part 31

Having said thus much on what has been assumed with respect to these estimates, and which I can defend the more hardily, as by accident they did not pass through my office, I proceed now to state the objections against remitting them. And first, let it always be kept in view, that the States not having granted the funds necessary for securing to our army the interest of their dues, that army has a just right to insist that the requisition for the principal be not relinquished, until such grants be made. Secondly, it must be remembered, that Congress have not yet any standard for making a final apportionment, and therefore it must be very useless now, to touch requisitions which must speedily be retouched again. Thirdly, the States which have complied more fully than others, would undoubtedly, in such cases, relax from, and perhaps totally withhold their efforts; from the conviction that deficient States would always be able to obtain from Congress a vote favorable to themselves, and consequently unfavorable to others; which idea, grounded too much on past experience, is one great cause of that inattention which led us to the brink of ruin. Fourthly, this mischief would not only arise among the States, but it would exist also amidst and within them, for a relaxation of the whole quota would naturally render new interior apportionments necessary. Not to mention the delays and disputes thereby occasioned, the remainder of what would then be to pay would be thrown of course upon remote counties, where the powers of government are weak, the collections languid, and the revenue in every respect feeble and unproductive. Great deficiencies would arise from these causes, both in the periods and the amount of payments, and either would be sufficient to cause another national bankruptcy. But, fifthly, there can be no reason for the measure proposed; because it is much more simple to leave the present demands for ten millions of dollars upon their present footing, until the apportionment of that whole sum can be made _finally_ to pay (from whatever is brought in) the amount of all existing engagements, to go on (should collections be sufficient) and pay off a part of our debts, and finally to make no new requisitions, until these be completely complied with. By that period Congress will be able to deride with accuracy on the sums necessary for annual service; they will be able to apportion their demands accordingly, and, what is of infinite importance, they will have set an example of persisting regularly in a measure, until a full and final compliance.

I am, Sir, respectfully, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO ROBERT MORRIS.

Rocky Hill, August 30th, 1783.

Sir,

I take the earliest opportunity of informing you, that Baron Steuben has returned from Canada, without being able to accomplish any part of the business he had in charge. In consequence of which, and of the late season of the year, I have judged it impossible to take possession of the western posts this fall, and have ordered a stop to be put to the movement of troops and stores, and to the preparations which were making for that purpose; of which I have given notice to the Quarter Master General, and to the contractors, and have taken every other precaution in my power to prevent the accumulation of unnecessary expenses.

I am, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

* * * * *

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Office of Finance, September 2d, 1783.

Sir,

I received your Excellency's favor of the 25th and 30th of last month. The latter was by far the more agreeable, for I confess to you, Sir, that I beheld the attempt to garrison the western posts with pain, and went into so much of it as concerns my department with infinite reluctance. I persuade myself that the only effectual means of getting a good American establishment of any kind is, to be so long without it that a sense of the want shall stimulate the States into the means of forming it. At present all we can do is, to close the past scene, if possible, with reputation.

I am, very sincerely, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

CIRCULAR TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF ACCOUNTS.

Office of Finance, September 4th, 1783.

Sir,

As the Commissioners, both on the Accounts of the Departments and on those of the States, are now almost all appointed, and in the execution of their respective offices, I shall take the liberty of adding a little to their important employment. And this I do with a view to the future service of the Union, under whatever hands the administration may fall.

In the course of the business committed to your care, you will have occasion to travel into different places, and therefore you will have an opportunity to render an accurate account of many particulars, which it is important to know. A well regulated system of finance requires, that money be raised with ease to the people, and expended with economy to the public. An intimate acquaintance with the state and the resources of a country, is alike essential to both of these objects.

The state of the country is either _geographical_, _moral_, _political_, or _commercial_. The geographical state comprehends,

1st. The general extent, divisions, and subdivisions.

2dly. The mountains, rivers and roads, with their respective courses and distances.

3dly. The kind and quality of the soil; and

4thly. The natural advantages or disadvantages for husbandry, manufactures, or commerce, including therein, mines, minerals, quarries, salines, and the like.

The moral state of the country comprehends,

1st. The population, whether numerous or, not, and whether by natives or emigrants.

2dly. The manners; which include the mode of life and occupation of the people, from those who live by hunting or grazing, to the husbandman, and so on to the most perfect mechanics.

3dly. The husbandry; by which is meant the particular kinds which may be practised, and the degree of improvement in each. The various climates and productions of the States, as well as their different periods of settlement and relative population, have rendered this article extremely various.

4thly. The arts; by which is not so much intended the fine, as the useful arts. It may, however, be not amiss to mention any peculiar or remarkable excellence in the former. The useful, or mechanic arts, being in some places considerably advanced, and in others hardly established, and the wealth of the country depending much upon them, it will be well to know the subject intimately.

5thly. The buildings; these may be either public or private. The former may be noticed, but of the latter an accurate information will be necessary, seeing that in general much information as to the abilities of a people may be derived from a knowledge of the houses they have built; whether these be of logs, for shelter of the new and indigent cultivator; or of stone, for the accommodation of the established and wealthy husbandman. So also, whether the windows be glazed or not, the state of the several outhouses, &c. And,

6thly. The improvements; which will comprehend, of land, from the first clearing of a forest, to the watering and dyking of meadows and swamps; and of buildings, from a common saw mill, to all the various furnaces, forges, mills, and machines, which may be met with in the progress of your inquiries.

The political state of the country comprehends,

1st. The constitution of government; which is not merely the paper form, but the practice under it; and that will depend much upon the tendency of the people towards aristocratical or democratical dispositions. The former may be expected, where large tracts of territory are in the hands of a few, and the latter where a considerable equality of fortunes is found in cities. But neither of these circumstances, though forcible, is conclusive, and therefore it is, that the knowledge collected on the spot by conversation and observation, becomes useful.

2dly. The magistracy; by which is meant not only the mode of appointment, the names, the powers, and the jurisdictions, but what is far more important, the authority, which materially depending upon the respect paid to the magistracy, must be much influenced by the personal character of the magistrates; and by that character is not so much intended the reputation of a few individuals, as of the whole corps, and for a considerable space of time.

3dly. The interior police; which is intimately connected with, and mutually acted upon by the former. This differs widely in the different States, and is the more necessary to be known, as various branches of it may either facilitate or oppose the public measures.

4thly. The revenue; and under this head is particularly to be noted the modes of laying, levying, and collecting taxes, the time and the expense which are employed, and the delays and the frauds which happen. To these will be added, the amount brought into the treasury, and, as far as may be, the quantum appropriated to public uses; and,

5thly. The credit, both public and private; the former of which has a close connexion with the revenue.

The commercial state of the country, comprehends,

1st. The produce; under which term is included not only the raw material, but the ruder manufactures; such for instance, as flour from wheat, iron from ore, and the like.

2dly. The roads and navigation to the several ports; on the facility whereof must greatly depend the prices of things, and even the practicability of obtaining them.

3dly. The imports and exports, with the places to and from which the same are made; the former as precisely as possible, and the latter in such general terms as may convey a tolerably just idea of the principal branches and connexions of foreign commerce.

4thly. The value of lands; which though a result from various heads already mentioned, has a more intimate connexion with commerce; and,

5thly. The value of money; by which is not so much meant the coins, as the rates of interest actually paid, and the facility of obtaining money on interest.

The resources of a State are twofold, being either those which exist and may be drawn forth and applied in peace, for the various purposes which may then occur to meliorate or beautify the country, such as the opening of interior navigation, mending of roads, and erecting of buildings; or those, which can be exerted for the purposes of war, either offensive or defensive. The resources in peace will appear from due reflection on the information already asked; as will indeed, in a great degree, those for war, particularly offensive war. But still there remain some particulars worthy of notice; such as,

1st. The number of men which may be brought into the public service; being either seamen or soldiers; and consequently the number of each should be distinguished.

2dly. The quantity of provisions and the kinds.

3dly. The forage of different kinds; and,

4thly. The various means of transportation, such as horses, wagons, boats, &c.

Having thus, Sir, pointed out the principal objects on which I wish for information, I must now request, that you will endeavor to collect it as speedily and as perfectly as your means and opportunities may permit, and that you will transmit it as fast as it is obtained, but always in letters which contain no other matter, and arranged regularly under the several titles which have been mentioned; but as it is impossible to foresee the various matters which may arise, and the occurrences which will impress themselves on an intelligent and inquisitive mind, you will be pleased under the head of _Miscellaneous Observations_, to transmit any such things as you may think useful or important to be known.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO JOHN ADAMS.

Office of Finance, September 20th, 1783.

Sir,

I have been duly honored with your Excellency's favors of the 5th, 10th, and 11th of July. I have taken the liberty to make some extracts from the two latter, which are transmitted in a letter to the Governor of Massachusetts, a copy whereof is enclosed. Permit me, Sir, to give my feeble approbation and applause for those sentiments of wisdom and integrity, which are as happily expressed as they are forcibly conceived. The necessity of strengthening our confederation, providing for our debts, and forming some federal constitution, begins to be most seriously felt. But unfortunately for America, the narrow and illiberal prejudices of some have taken such deep root, that it must be difficult and may prove impracticable to remove them.

I agree with you, Sir, in opinion, that the late peace was not, all circumstances considered, a bad one for England. It is undoubtedly a peace equally glorious to, and necessary for, America. All ranks of men in this country feel, as well as perceive, the benefits of it, and the fault finders (for such men there always will be) are borne down by the general torrent of applause.

I was happy to learn by the Washington packet, that you intended a short trip to Amsterdam for the purpose of urging on the loan. I hope you may have met with the success due to your zeal and abilities; I shall ask no greater.

With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Office of Finance, September 30th, 1783.

Sir,

I am to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of the 7th of March and 27th of July. For both of them, accept my thanks. You express an apprehension lest the union between France and America should be diminished by accounts from your side of the water. This apprehension does you equal honor as a statesman and as a man. Every principle, which ought to actuate the councils of a nation, requires from us an affectionate conduct towards France, and I very sincerely lament those misapprehensions, which have indisposed some worthy men towards that nation, whose treasure and blood have been so freely expended for us.

I believe the truth, with respect to some, to be this. A warm attachment to America has prevented them from making due allowances in those cases where their country was concerned. Under certain prepossessions it was natural for them to think, that the French Ministry might do more for us, and it was quite as natural for the Ministers to think, that we ought to have done more for ourselves. The moment of treaty with England was of course the moment of profession with English Ministers. I fear that the impressions made by these were for a little while rather more deep than was quite necessary. But the same love of America, which had raised such strong irritability where her interests were concerned, will of course stimulate it to an equal degree when those interests are assailed from another quarter. I think I may venture to assure you, that the esteem of this country for France is not diminished, and that the late representations have not been so unfavorable as you fear.

Our commerce is flowing very fast towards Great Britain, and that from causes which must forever influence the commercial part of society. Some articles are furnished by Britain cheaper, many as cheap, and all on a long credit. Her merchants are attentive and punctual. In her ports our vessels meet with despatch. I say nothing of language and manners, because I do not think their influence so strong on commerce as many people suppose, but what is of no little importance is, that the English having formed our taste, are more in a capacity to gratify that taste by the nature and fashion of their manufactures. There is another circumstance, also, which must not be forgotten. The great demand for French manufactures during the war increased the price of many, and some time will be required before it can, by a fair competition, be discovered, which of the two countries, France or England, can supply us cheapest. The delays in the public bills is a further circumstance which militates (a momentary obstacle) against the trade with France.

I must, therefore, mention to you, also, a matter which is of great effect. Until we can navigate the Mediterranean in safety, we cannot trade in our own bottoms with the ports of France or Spain, which are on that sea. And we certainly will not trade there in foreign bottoms, because we do not find the same conveniences and advantage in so doing, as in our own vessels; unless, indeed, it be on board of English ships. This may be a disagreeable fact, but it is not the less a fact.

I believe that informations are transmitted hence to the Court, which they ought not to rely on. Their servants doubtless do their duty in transmitting such information, but I am persuaded that they are themselves not well informed. Indeed it is quite natural, that men should mistake when they examine and treat of a subject with which they are unacquainted. And it cannot well be supposed, that political characters are competent to decide on the advantages and disadvantages of allowing to, or withholding from us, a share in the carrying trade. On this subject I will make a further observation, and you may rely on it, that I speak to you with candor and sincerity, not with a view to making any impressions on the Court. You may communicate or withhold what I say, and they may or may not, apply it to their own purposes. If anything will totally ruin the commerce of England with this country, it is her blind attachment to her navigation act. This act which never was the real foundation of her naval superiority, may and perhaps will be the cause of its destruction. If France possesses commercial wisdom, she will take care not to imitate the conduct of her rival.

The West India Islands can be supplied twenty per cent cheaper in American than in French or British bottoms. I will not trouble you with the reasons, but you may rely on the fact. The price of the produce of any country must materially depend on the cheapness of subsistence. The price at which that produce can be vended abroad must depend on the facility of conveyance. Now admitting for a moment (which by the by is not true) that France might, by something like a British navigation act, increase her ships and her seamen; these things would necessarily follow. 1st. Her Islands would be less wealthy, and therefore less able to consume and pay for her manufactures. 2dly. The produce of those Islands would be less cheap, and therefore less able to sustain the weight of duties, and support a competition in foreign markets. 3dly. The commerce with this country would be greatly lessened, because that every American ship, which finds herself in a French, English, or other port, will naturally seek a freight there, rather than go elsewhere to look for it; because in many commodities the difference of price in different parts will not compensate the time and cost of going from place to place to look after them. To these principal reasons might be added many others of less weight, though not of little influence, such as the probable increase of commercial intercourse, by increasing the connexions and acquaintances of individuals. To this and to everything else which can be said on the subject by an American, I know there is one short answer always ready, viz. that we seek to increase our own wealth. So far from denying that this is among my motives, I place it as the foremost, and setting aside that gratitude which I feel for France, I do not scruple to declare, that a regard to the interests of America is, with respect to all nations of the world, my political compass. But the different nations of Europe should consider, that in proportion to the wealth of this country will be her ability to pay for those commodities, which all of them are pressing us to buy.

Our people still continue as remiss as ever in the payment of taxes. Much of this, as you justly observe, arises from the difficulties of collection. But those difficulties are much owing to an ignorance of proper modes, and an unwillingness to adopt them. In short, though all are content to acknowledge, that there is a certain burden of taxation which ought to be borne, yet each is desirous of shifting it from his own shoulders to those of his neighbors. Time will, I hope, produce a remedy to the evils under which we labor, but it may also increase them.

Your applications to the Court for aid are certainly well calculated to obtain it; but I am not much surprised at your ill success. Indeed I should have been much surprised if you had been more fortunate. Of all men I was placed in the situation to take the deepest concern in the event, but I cannot disapprove of the refusal, for we certainly ought to do more for ourselves before we ask the aid of others. Copies of your letters to the Court were laid before Congress, and also the copy of the new contract. I will enclose with this a further copy of the ratification of the old, if I can obtain it in season from Princeton, where the Congress now are.

I have written also on the subject of the debt due to the Farmers-General, and should Congress give me any orders about it, I shall attend carefully to the execution. The conduct they have maintained with regard to us has been generous, and will demand a return of gratitude as well as of justice. This I hope my countrymen will always be disposed to pay. I shall take some proper opportunity of writing to the Farmers-General, but will wait a while to know what may be the determination of Congress on their affairs.

It gives me much pleasure to find, that by the proposed establishment of packets, we shall shortly be in a condition to maintain more regular and connected correspondence; for although I shall not myself be much longer in public office, I feel for those who are or will be charged with the affairs of our country, both at home and abroad. It will naturally occur, however, that a good cypher must be made use of not unfrequently, when despatches are trusted to foreigners. They have no regard either to propriety or even decency where letters are concerned.

With very sincere esteem and respect, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO ARTHUR LEE.

Office of Finance, October 4th, 1783.

Sir,

I have received your letter of the 26th of last month, desiring information as to the reality of a contract with, and instructions to Mr Deane. Enclosed you have a copy of the contract mentioned. The instructions to Mr Deane are, I presume, in the Office of Foreign Affairs.

The facts under this contract are generally as follows, so far as my knowledge extends. Money was advanced to me, which I expended in shipment of cargoes from the Delaware and Chesapeake, and have long since accounted for. Money was also advanced to Messrs Lewis, Livingston and Alsop, and, I believe, expended by some or one of them in shipments from New York and Connecticut, but the accounts are not yet closed; which is one among many reasons why a commissioner should be appointed or authorised to settle the accounts of the secret and commercial committees.