Chapter 13

The Minister of France came this day agreeably to appointment, to the Office of Foreign Affairs, and read to Mr Livingston a letter from the Count de Vergennes to him, dated the 12th of August last, which contained in substance; that the negotiations begun by Mr Grenville and Mr Oswald were interrupted by the resignation of Mr Fox. That previous to that, the King of England appeared disposed to acknowledge the independency of America in express terms, without making it a condition of the peace; that Mr Grenville encouraged them to hope, that this object would be rendered complete by an act of Parliament; that they looked in vain for this act till they were apprised of the resignation of Mr Fox; that the difference which arose between him and Lord Shelburne led them to suppose, that the design of the first was to recognise the independency of America and treat for a general peace upon fair and honorable terms; that Lord Shelburne's was, on the contrary, to endeavor to excite distrusts, and particularly to endeavor to mislead the Americans; that in pursuance of this system in the month of June last, at the very time that they opened their treaty in Europe, he proposed to offer the most advantageous terms to America upon condition that the Americans laid down their arms and left France to settle the dispute alone. This insidious conduct was pursued during Mr Grenville's negotiation.

That Mr Fox's resignation suspended the negotiation, though the new Administration declared, that this event should occasion no change of measures; that the Court of France expected the effect of this declaration, when a commission was expedited to Mr Oswald to treat with the American Plenipotentiaries, and another to authorise Mr Fitzherbert to resume the negotiation begun by Mr Grenville; that he had presented his credentials the 4th instant; that Mr Oswald had yet received only a copy of his, owing to the Chancellor's absence; that Mr Fitzherbert had returned the answer of Great Britain to the counter proposition given by France; that this contains full evidence of the unsteadiness of Lord Shelburne's conduct, since, instead of making the independence of America a separate object, it proposes it as a condition, and as the price of peace, and adds, that every other circumstance should be placed upon the basis of 1763.

He observes, that the Chevalier de la Luzerne will judge from this, that they affected much surprise at the counter propositions, and that they did not assent to them; neither on the other hand, have they yet refused them, but confine themselves to demanding explanations. That this was then the state of their negotiations; that Mr Oswald had presented his commission, to which Mr Franklin and Mr Jay had yet given no reply, suspending it till they knew his (the Count de Vergennes's) sentiments; that as yet he had formed no opinion, waiting the result of a conference, which he was to have the next day with those Ministers; that the commission was in the usual form, but speaks of the Americans as Colonies, without naming them rebels, or asserting any claims upon them.

That he did not for his part believe, that Lord Shelburne would negotiate a general peace sincerely, till he lost all hopes of sowing dissensions and treating separately; that they were convinced, that neither France nor Spain were to be deceived, and that he (the Count de Vergennes,) entertained the same sentiments with respect to the Americans, but that the British Ministry, deceiving themselves, may continue to tempt them till a peace is signed; that the information they (the Court of France,) had received from him (the Minister of France,) had left them little doubt on that head; and that those doubts will be entirely removed when the States shall have respectively imitated the example of Maryland, Virginia, and New Jersey.

That, however, good faith was not all that was required of an ally; that they must feel themselves in a situation to impose terms on the enemy; that unhappily the Americans had neglected this; that the Minister of France could not press this too closely upon us.

He then proceeds to inform the Minister, that while the British had set on foot a direct negotiation, the Imperial Court renewed their instances with that of London to engage them to accept their mediation; that this gave birth to an answer, in which his Britannic Majesty, without taking notice of the negotiation begun at Paris, declared, that he was ready to receive through them, every pacific overture, and even to admit the Dutch and the Americans to the negotiation. This answer was dated on the 29th of April, when Mr Oswald was already in Paris. That they continued their negotiations, and sent Mr Grenville powers, which were dated on the 21st of May; that they did not conceal this from the Imperial Court, but pretended that it was at the instance of France.

That this false accusation, and above all the fear of seeing the mediation vanish, had engaged the Imperial Court to communicate to the Court of Versailles and Madrid, the last Memorial of the Court of London, and to exhort them to establish a negotiation under their auspices; that it was easy to refute the unskilful accusation of the British, which he (the Count de Vergennes,) thinks they (the Court of France,) have done with success; that the answer is transmitted; that they had determined, without rejecting the mediation, to pursue the direct negotiation as long as it might be convenient to the Court of London; that he had not seen the answer of the British, which could not, however, be very satisfactory, since they have expedited the commission to Mr Fitzherbert and Mr Oswald; that he (the Count do Vergennes,) was ignorant of the part, that the Imperial Courts would take upon their declinatory answer.

But that they had always been candid, clear, and open, and would have no objection to confide their interests with the mediators upon the established basis, whenever the Court of London shall decline the direct negotiation she had begun; that the King did not doubt but that Congress would think with him on this subject, and that he would not hesitate, if circumstances should require it, to give such assurances to the two Imperial Courts. In a postscript he adds, that he had seen Mr Jay and Mr Franklin, and that they had together discussed both the substance and form of the commission to Mr Oswald, and that in spite of his (Mr Oswald's) instances, they had agreed to decline entering into the matter with him, until he shall have produced the original of his commission.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

December 31st, 1782.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has had the honor of communicating to the Secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs, several facts and circumstances relative to the negotiation for a general peace, which is now carried on at Paris, between the belligerent powers. That Minister will communicate them to Congress; but the undersigned Plenipotentiary, has received orders himself, to express to that Assembly, the satisfaction of the King, his master, at the conduct, which they have observed on occasion of the overtures, made by the English Commissioners commanding at New York, at different times, for establishing a particular negotiation with the United States, or with any one of them.

The King has seen with pleasure the resolutions taken by his allies under these circumstances, and their perfect harmony with those, which he has taken himself.

He has observed with equal satisfaction the unanimity, which has reigned in the different States of the Union, which have expressed their sentiments in relation to the proposal for a separate peace; their determination honorably to reject every proposal of this kind, corresponds perfectly with the opinion formed by his Majesty, of their fidelity in the observance of their engagements, and of the wisdom which presides in their Councils.

The communications made to the Secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs, encourage the presumption, that conduct, as prudent and advantageous as it is just and wise, will soon bring the allies to a happy conclusion of the present war. The British Minister showed a peaceable disposition; he had reasonable fears respecting the fate of several naval operations, which, on the contrary, have had a result much more favorable than the Court of London seemed to expect. Possibly these unexpected successes may change his disposition for peace, and on that supposition, the undersigned Minister thinks, that it will be wise in the United States not to relax their efforts and their preparations for the ensuing campaign. Congress may be assured, that his Majesty will, on his part, hold himself in readiness to carry it on with vigor, and that he will apply all his resources to that object.[16]

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTES:

[16] _In Congress, January 3d, 1783._ "On report of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, to whom was referred the foregoing note,

"Resolved, That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs inform the Minister of France, that Congress learn with great pleasure, that the steps taken by Congress and the respective States, their constituents, in opposition to the attempts of the British Court to bring about a partial negotiation, has been satisfactory to his Most Christian Majesty. That his Majesty's conduct in the progress of the negotiations commenced in Europe, as it has been communicated to Congress, is sufficient to inspire a just abhorrence of every act derogatory to the principles of the alliance, and serves to fortify the resolutions, which his repeated acts of friendship, and a sense of their own honor and dignity had dictated to the United States in Congress assembled, and the States they represent."

* * * * *

RESOLVES OF CONGRESS ON THE DEPARTURE OF THE FRENCH ARMY.

In Congress, January 1st, 1783.

On Report of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs,

The Minister Plenipotentiary of his Most Christian Majesty having communicated to Congress, through the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, on the 7th instant, the resolution taken to embark the army under the command of the Count de Rochambeau, and on the 29th their having actually embarked and sailed, together with his Majesty's intention to direct them to return, whenever an object should offer in which they might effectually co-operate with the troops of the United States;

Resolved, That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs inform the Minister of France, that though Congress cannot see without regret, the departure of an army to whose bravery and good conduct they are so greatly indebted for the reduction of the enemy's force in this country, yet, that they have too much confidence in the attention of his Majesty to the interests of the alliance, not to be persuaded, that the order for their departure was dictated by a conviction, that they could elsewhere be more usefully employed against the common enemy. That they wish him to make known to his Majesty the grateful sense they entertain of his attention to their immediate interest, manifested in the important aid thus long afforded them, and in his generous determination to direct his troops to return to this country, whenever circumstances will admit of an advantageous co-operation with the arms of the United States. That they desire through him to recommend in a particular manner the Count de Rochambeau, and the army under his command, to the favor of his Majesty, having the highest reason to be satisfied with their bravery and good conduct, and with that strict discipline, to which they are indebted for the perfect harmony, which has so happily subsisted between them and the soldiers and citizens of the United States.

Resolved, That the President make the acknowledgements of Congress, in a particular manner, to his Excellency the Count de Rochambeau, and signify to him the high sense they entertain of the distinguished talents displayed by him, with so much advantage to these States, in the most important conjunctures, as well as of the strict and exemplary discipline, which has been uniformly conspicuous in the troops under his command, and which has deservedly acquired the admiration and esteem of the citizens of these States, by whom his signal services, and the delicate attention at all times paid to their private rights, will ever be held in affectionate remembrance.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 10th, 1783.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has made a seasonable report to his Court, of the inconveniences, which might result from the advantageous capitulations granted to the Islands of St Christopher, Nevis, and Montserrat, conquered by the forces of his Majesty. The term of six months, which had been granted to the capitulators for receiving the vessels, which they expected from England, and for sending them back under a neutral flag, even to the ports of Great Britain, expired some time ago, and thus no inconvenience can result from this stipulation. Some of the said capitulations gave power to the Governors to authorise by particular permissions, even after the expiration of the six months, exportations from these conquered Islands to the ports of the enemy.

The undersigned has the honor of informing the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, that, in consequence of orders given to the Governor-General of these Islands, these permissions will not be given; and, therefore, nothing will prevent the entire execution of the resolutions of Congress in relation to the importation of English merchandise into this country. Congress may be assured, that his Majesty will concur in all measures of this kind, which shall have for their object the prevention of commerce with Great Britain.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT MORRIS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, March 15th, 1783.

Sir,

I have the satisfaction of informing you, that his Majesty has procured for the United States, a loan of six millions, to be employed in the Department of War, during the course of the present year. In announcing to you, Sir, this new mark of the friendship of the King for the United States, I must enter into some details, which relate to your operations, and which will make you acquainted with the motives, which have induced his Majesty to make this new effort in favor of his allies.

In the course of the last year, Sir, I gave an account to his Majesty's Minister, of the order, which seemed to me to be introduced into the department intrusted to you, of the re-establishment of the public credit, and of the economy, which attended your operations. I added, that I considered the establishment of a public revenue, for the payment of interest, and the progressive redemption of the capitals, as extremely probable, and as the delay and the difficulty of communication would not allow me to wait till this operation was completed by the different Legislatures, before I should explain what were the wants of the United States, I took it upon myself to write to the Count de Vergennes, that the disposition of the people to fulfil the engagements made, and to be made by Congress, appeared to me sufficiently favorable to induce his Majesty to lend a new sum of money to the United States, for this year, if the state of his finances should allow it. These assurances determined the loan of six millions; but the event has proved, that I had deceived myself in the hopes, which I had thought myself authorised to give to my Court, and so far from the financial affairs being improved since the month of February, the time at which my letters on this subject were written, they have, on the contrary, taken a retrograde direction, and I see no certainty of the payment of the sums previously lent, and of that which has just been lent.

Thus, Sir, my hasty assurances have determined his Majesty to advance this money, and, at the moment in which I am informed of it, I am under the disagreeable necessity of acquainting his Minister, that the hopes, which I had given have vanished, and that my assurances were without foundation.

I shall say nothing to you of the embarrassing situation, in which I am personally placed by these circumstances. But I shall take the liberty of observing to you, that in the present juncture, the best remedy is to take, as soon as possible, the measures which have not been taken within the time which I had announced.

The Count de Vergennes, Sir, informs me, that the six millions are lent to the United States, in the same manner, and on the same conditions, as the sum which was lent last year; that is to say, that they will be paid from month to month, at the rate of five hundred thousand livres a month; but as it appeared, according to what you did me the honor of writing to me previously, that you had anticipated a part of this loan, I must entreat you to observe, that the first months of this year will serve for paying the money thus anticipated, and thus, that it is, accordingly, proper so to arrange the drawing of your bills, as that they may only be presented from month to month, and at the times when the money for paying them shall have been obtained.

I have had the honor to inform you, Sir, that this money was loaned to the United States in order to enable them to continue the war; the wisdom of Congress will determine, according to circumstances, the manner of effecting this important object, and by united efforts, of compelling the enemy to conclude a firm and lasting peace.

It remains for me to inform you, Sir, that the King has not been able to make this last effort, without great difficulties. I have had the honor of communicating to you those, which prevent the success of loans of any considerable magnitude; they are so great, that I am ordered to announce to you, in the most positive manner, that it will be impossible for the King, under any supposition whatever, to procure new advances of money for Congress, for the next year. With regard to the resources, which you may seek in other places besides France, the letters, which I have had the honor of reading to you, do not allow any success to be looked for, until the United States shall have established a permanent public revenue; and the delay and repugnance, with which they proceed in doing this, being known in Europe, the inclination for lending money to Congress, which may have existed, has disappeared; the lenders make other investments; the speculations, which might have been directed towards the United States, go farther and farther from them, and it will certainly be difficult to bring them back.

I refrain from repeating here the other parts of the despatches of the Count de Vergennes, which I have had the honor of communicating to you, because the truths contained in them are well known to you, Sir, and because they all may be reduced to this. _Without the speedy establishment of a substantial public revenue, and without the vigorous execution of the engagements entered into by Congress, the hope of obtaining loans in Europe must be given up._

I am also ordered, Sir, to represent to Congress, that my Court relied upon final and satisfactory measures being taken to secure the payment of the interest, and of the debt contracted by the United Slates toward his Majesty. But I content myself with mentioning this circumstance to you, and before directly announcing it to Congress, I shall wait till their present embarrassments are diminished.

You will judge, Sir, by these details, how impossible it is to draw bills upon your Plenipotentiaries, beyond that part of the six millions' loan of this year, which is unappropriated. It is clearly shown, that these bills will not be paid by us, and it is with a full confidence in your regularity in this respect, that I shall inform the Count de Vergennes, that he may be assured, that no demand will be made for any sums whatever, beyond that sum, which has just been determined upon.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, March 15th, 1783.

Sir,

Your Excellency will doubtless receive directly, a state of affairs in Europe. I thought, however, that it would be interesting to inform you of some particulars, which I am ordered not to make public, but which will also be communicated to Congress. The British Minister has hastened to conclude an eventual treaty of peace with the United States, and to grant them in the utmost extent every advantage they could desire. The malevolence with which that power has carried on the war in America, did not forebode this extreme facility in them, and it has been an agreeable surprise to the belligerent powers, and you will easily judge, Sir, that our satisfaction has been complete, and in seeing the great obstacle to peace put, as it were, on one side.

We think we may hope, that the epochs of a general peace is not far distant. However, the English, though disposed to come to a conclusion with the Courts of Versailles and Madrid, seem much more difficult in the negotiation carrying on with the States-General. But the King, who through the whole of this war, has refused to conclude a peace without obtaining for his allies a just and reasonable satisfaction, persists in these sentiments, and he doubts not that the United States will on their part fulfil their engagements by continuing the war till a definitive treaty is concluded, and thereby entirely disconcert the projects of the English, who flatter themselves, that by means of the eventual treaty, which they have concluded, they will be able to establish on the Continent a suspension of hostilities equal to a truce, written and signed.

It is possible, that the firmness and resolution of his Majesty will determine England to make those restitutions, to which she shows so much repugnance; but it is also possible, that the war will continue another year, and to put the United States in a situation to continue the war with vigor, his Majesty has lent them six millions of livres; six hundred thousand livres are arrived in the Washington, but I have learnt with much pain that Mr Morris has, through want of means, been forced to anticipate the pecuniary succors he hoped to receive, so that the six millions is not so considerable a help as was to have been desired.

It remains to examine in what manner we can disturb and shut up the enemy during the next campaign. I shall not take the liberty to sound your Excellency on these points, but I beg you to permit me to say, that it will be serving the common cause essentially to stop those excessive exportations of subsistence to New York, and in case of an evacuation of that place, to prevent them as much as possible from procuring subsistence from hence to carry on the campaign in the West Indies.

The Duc de Lauzun will confer with you on these points on his return from the eastward, and I beg you, Sir, to consider with him how to make the legion early useful; it may be very usefully employed in the service above mentioned, and the Duke will be happy to act in any manner your Excellency may wish.

In all cases, it cannot but be of service to hold ourselves in a hostile position. If the negotiations produce the happy effects we wish, I will lose no time in informing you, and knowing your humane disposition, I think I never shall announce to you a more agreeable event than a general peace, honorable and safe to the allies. You are convinced how sincerely the King wishes it, and the sacrifices he has made to obtain it will prove this.