Part 7

It has been said in some newspapers, that the Floridas should be given up to France. But nothing has come to our knowledge, which gives the least ground for an idea of that kind. As Mr Jefferson sends you a letter relative to commerce, which improves the condition of the treaty with England, whereby she has no claims on the favors enjoyed by the United States, although she is to be treated like the other most favored nations, and as M. Dumas is writing on Dutch affairs, I will only beg leave to inform you, that the appointment of the convention has had already a good effect in Europe, and that great benefit will be derived on this side of the water also, from the commercial and federal measures, which it is my happiness to hear are now under consideration.

Although there may be a diversity of opinions, whether a peace must be purchased at any rate from the Barbary Powers, or a war must be carried on against them until they come to proper terms, there can in no mind be any doubt about the advantages of a third measure, which is a confederacy of six or seven powers, each of them giving a small quota, and the reunion of which would ensure a constant and sufficient cruise against those pirates, and after they are brought to terms, would guard against the breaking of a peace which the powers would mutually guarranty to each other. Portugal, Tuscany, Naples, Venice, and Genoa, are now at war with those regencies. I would like at the same time to have the armament so managed as to use American flour, fish, and naval stores. This plan is not as yet very well digested in my head, but I beg leave to submit to Congress the propriety of impowering their Ministers to stipulate for such an arrangement.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

_P. S._ In case Congress have no particular orders for me, (in which case I should be most happy to wait on them, either as a soldier in their armies, or in any other manner) I may perhaps accept the invitation of the Empress of Russia, to be presented to her next spring in her new dominions of Crimea, which excite my curiosity. Should anything turn out that may employ me as a servant of the United States, I hope they know my zeal.

FOOTNOTE:

[3] See these letters to and from Count de Florida Blanca, above, pp. 30, 32.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, February 7th, 1787.

Dear Sir,

This letter goes in the first packet from Havre, a change advantageous both to passengers and correspondents, and through the hands of Colonel Franks, whose good conduct at Morocco has entitled him to a share of that respect, which has been deservedly paid to the American Embassy. Mr Barclay's refusal of the presents has been a matter of wonder to every African, and I dare say to some Europeans, whose accounts do full justice to him.

To Mr Jefferson's despatches I refer for useful intelligence. The affairs of Holland do not make a progress towards conciliation. It seems that the King of Prussia will not find himself the better for counteracting in many points, the line of conduct of his deceased uncle. A treaty of commerce is signed between France and Russia. The Empress has set out on her journey towards Crimea. She had permitted my waiting on her, but I am detained by the Assembly of Notables, an event not very common, neither expected, which does honor to the King and his Ministry, and will, I trust, be productive of public good.

I have had the honor to send copies of my old correspondence with the Count de Florida Blanca. The enclosed one will supply any accident that may have befallen the others. We are told, that the unhappy disturbances in New England have subsided. To us they do not appear so dangerous as to Europeans; but sufficiently so to give us a great deal of concern. May all Americans know the blessings of their own constitutions, and from comparison judge, that if they are to correct, it would be madness in them to destroy.

I hope the convention at Philadelphia will answer the essential and urgent purposes of the confederation, commerce, and the establishment of a uniform and republican militia. Each State has within itself the means fully sufficient to set right the opinions of mistaken citizens, and those means seem to me principally founded on the good sense, knowledge, and patriotic liberality of the people. Every wrong measure of theirs would hurt, not only the consequence of the United States, but also the cause of liberty in all parts of the world.

With the most sincere regard and attachment, I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, May 3d, 1787.

My Dear Sir,

Had I been sooner acquainted with Mr Forrest's departure, I would have given you more particular accounts of the latter part of our session, but have only time to enclose the speeches that were made by the heads of the several departments. Not that such etiquette speeches are in any way interesting on the other side of the Atlantic, but because you will in the same book find that of the Archbishop of Toulouse, wherein he gives the King's answer to the several demands of the Bureau. You will see, that if the madness and corruption of the late administration have laid us under a necessity to acknowledge that, after all other means would be exhausted, taxes must be employed to fill up the vacancy, yet we have gained not a little by the convocation of the Assembly. A more equal repartition of taxes, including the clergy, who hitherto had escaped them, and the powerful ones among the noblesse, who were not very exact; Provincial Assemblies on an elective principle, which, by the bye, are big with happy, very happy consequences, that will come to light as we go on; economies to the amount of forty millions at least; the destruction of interior custom houses; a modification of the Gabelle; an annual publication of the account of the finances; the printing of all pensions, gifts, &c.; more proper arrangements within some departments; and a more general instruction, habit of thinking on public affairs, &c. &c. are the good effects of this Assembly, which, although it was not national, since we were not representatives, behaved with great propriety and patriotism.

On the last day of our session, I had the happiness to carry two motions in my Bureau which were, I may almost say, unanimously agreed to; the one in favor of the Protestant citizens of France, the other for an examination of the laws, particularly the criminal ones. Enclosed is the resolve framed by the Bureau, which Count D'Artois, our President, presented to the King, and was graciously received. I was the more pleased with it, as some step of the kind, with respect to the protestants, that had been tried in the Parliament of Paris, had not the proper success. So far are we from religious freedom, that even in asking for tolerance, we must measure our expressions. I was more liberally supported, by a learned and virtuous prelate, the bishop of Langres, who spoke admirably on the religious motion I had introduced. You will see that the Bureau clogged it with many compliments to the Roman creed, to appease the priests and devotees.

I cannot express to you, my Dear Sir, what my feelings have been, whenever the unpaid interest of the American debt has been spoken of in the examination of the accounts. May the convention be the happy epocha of federal, energetic, patriotic measures! May the friends of America rejoice! May her enemies be humbled, and her censors silenced at the news of her noble exertions in continuance of those principles, which have placed her so high in the annals of history, and among the nations of the earth.

The archbishop of Toulouse is the ablest, and one of the most honest men, that could be put at the head of administration. He will be the prime influencer in everything, and we may depend upon him as a man equally enlightened and liberal.

I beg you will present my respectful compliments and those of Madame de Lafayette to Mrs Jay. Remember me to General Knox, Colonel Hamilton, Colonel Wadsworth, the Chancellor, Mr Madison, Doctor Cochran, the Governor, in a word, to all friends.

Please send the enclosed printed speeches, and copied resolves of the Bureau, to Mr Otho, who must be very desirous of getting them.

Most respectfully and affectionately yours,

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, October 15th, 1787.

Sir,

The present state of politics having been laid before Congress, I shall the less intrude on their time with repetitions, as the late transactions in Holland have nothing pleasing to dwell upon. That the republican party have been disunited in many respects, and blinded in the choice of a General, that our cabinet have been treacherously deceived, are true, but insufficient apologies. The Ottomans, roused by England, will, probably, pay for their folly with one half of their empire. It now lies with England, whether a maritime war is to break out, which must involve the continent, and connect France with the two Imperial Courts. France is sincere in her politics and moderate in her pretensions, as it is the ardent wish of the King, Ministers, and nation, to devote themselves to internal improvements. But the affairs of Holland, those in the east, the giddiness of the King of Prussia's head, and British rancor for the assistance given to America, are causes of war, which, notwithstanding the disposition of this Ministry, may, probably, be blown up in Great Britain.

It is natural for a citizen and servant of the United States to consider what effect a maritime war would have upon them; and I am happy to find in their indulgence and long experienced confidence, every encouragement to offer my opinion.

A co-operation against a proud and rancorous enemy would equally please my politics as a Frenchman, my feelings as an American, my views as an individual. I was nine years ago honored with the choice of Congress, to command an army into Canada, and never have I ceased to enjoy the prospect of its enfranchisement. A successful war, too, might divide the fisheries between France and America. But are not the United States so circumstanced for the present, as to render a war too expensive for them and too dangerous to their commerce?

Convinced as I am, that it is the case, I think myself bound in duty and love for them, not to indulge my ambition further than a neutrality useful to them and favorable to their allies. Every American harbor will offer a shelter for the French ships, a market for their prizes, and all the conveniences of repair and victualling; all which being consistent with treaties gives no ground of complaint. Although the trade is going on between England and America, it does not hinder the French Colonies from being supplied with all their wants. Privateering itself, if under French colors, does no harm; and so may the United States enrich themselves with a free trade with both nations, at the same time that they maintain their own tranquillity and help their allies. And should they be forced into a war, I would wish at least it was delayed as long as possible, and postponed, for obvious reasons, to the last campaign.

It is to be confessed, that France might lay some claims on more decisive measures, but sensible as she is of the unavoidable situation of affairs in America, I have reasons to believe she would not hurry her into a war, and will be satisfied with such a friendly, helping neutrality.

But I consider the present time as a proper one to obtain the restoration of the forts, and, perhaps, the navigation of the Mississippi, two points, which I confess I could never submit to the idea of giving up. The one is ours[4] by the laws of nations, the other by the laws of nature; and may I be permitted to add, that either concession would be inconsistent with the character of the United States.

Mr Jefferson gives an account of the measure taken respecting the commerce between this kingdom and America. I wish that affair had been terminated in time for the departure of Count de Mourtier, a gentleman whose personal character will, I trust, deserve the confidence and approbation of Congress.

We are anxiously waiting for the result of the convention at Philadelphia, as an event which, being engrafted in the present dispositions of the people, will, probably, add a lustre and a proper weight to the affairs of America in Europe; and, while it ensures internal happiness and prosperity, will baffle the insidious wishes, and annihilate the absurd reports of her enemies.

The next month is the appointed time for the sessions of all Provincial Assemblies, an establishment, which will be productive of the best consequences.

The liberty I have taken in expressing my opinion on an event not certain, but not improbable, cannot be referred, I am sure, to any principles of vanity or self-sufficiency; but to the gratitude so well grounded, and the zeal, which shall ever rank me among the most devoted servants of the United States.

With every sentiment of personal attachment and regard, I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

FOOTNOTE:

[4] It must be remembered, that in these letters General Lafayette always speaks of himself as an American.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF THE

COMMISSIONERS

FOR NEGOTIATING A PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN.

As early as September 27th, 1779, John Adams was appointed by Congress Minister Plenipotentiary for negotiating a treaty of peace and commerce with Great Britain, whenever that power should be prepared to acknowledge the independence of the United States, and enter into a treaty. Mr Adams went to Europe on this mission, but as no opportunity occurred for putting it into execution, he received another appointment as Minister to Holland.

Meantime Congress, on the 14th of June, 1781, annulled Mr Adams's first commission for negotiating a treaty, and associated with him four other persons for this purpose, namely, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, Henry Laurens, and Thomas Jefferson. To these five commissioners, or to a majority of them, or any one of them alone, in case accident prevented the presence of the others, was assigned the power of making a treaty of peace with such commissioners, as should be appointed for the same object on the part of the English Court. Richard Oswald was the British Commissioner. He went to Paris in the Spring of 1782, and commenced the negotiation with Dr Franklin, who was then the only one of the American Commissioners present. Mr Jay arrived in Paris from Spain on the 23d of June, and united with Dr Franklin in the labors of the mission. As Mr Adams was then employed in completing a treaty with Holland, he did not join his colleagues till near the end of October. The Provisional articles were signed on the 30th of November. Mr Laurens was present at the signature of the treaty, having arrived only two days previous to that event. Mr Jefferson did not engage in the mission.

Adams, Franklin, and Jay remained in Paris after the signature of the preliminary articles, as Commissioners for making a Definitive Treaty. The English government sent David Hartley to Paris for the same purpose. Many propositions passed between the Commissioners of the respective countries, but after ten months' fruitless discussion, the Definitive Treaty was signed in the exact words of the Provisional Articles, on the 3d of September, 1783.

As the Commissioners corresponded singly with the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, and the President of Congress, during the whole period of the negotiation, they wrote but few letters in concert. The records of the Commissioners, kept by their Secretary, have also been lost. Nearly all the papers, which have much value, have been found and arranged for the present publication, but there are yet some deficiencies. The history of the negotiation can only be understood by reading carefully, in connexion with these papers and letters, the correspondence of each of the Commissioners during the same period.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF THE

COMMISSIONERS

FOR NEGOTIATING A PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN.

* * * * *

COMMISSION TO TREAT OF PEACE.

The United States of America, in Congress assembled, to all to whom these presents shall come, send greeting.

Whereas, these United States, from a sincere desire of putting an end to the hostilities between his Most Christian Majesty and these United States, on the one part, and his Britannic Majesty on the other, and of terminating the same by a peace founded on such solid and equitable principles as reasonably to promise a permanency of the blessings of tranquillity, did heretofore appoint the honorable John Adams, late a Commissioner of the United States of America at the Court of Versailles, late Delegate in Congress from the State of Massachusetts, and Chief Justice of the said State, their Minister Plenipotentiary, with full powers, general and special, to act in that quality, to confer, treat, agree, and conclude with the Ambassadors, or Plenipotentiaries, of his Most Christian Majesty, and of his Britannic Majesty, and those of any other Princes or States, whom it might concern, relating to the re-establishment of peace and friendship; and whereas, the flames of war have since that time been extended, and other nations and States are involved therein,

Now know ye, that we, still continuing earnestly desirous, as far as it depends upon us, to put a stop to the effusion of blood, and to convince the powers of Europe, that we wish for nothing more ardently, than to terminate the war by a safe and honorable peace, have thought proper to renew the powers formerly given to the said John Adams, and to join four other persons in commission with him, and having full confidence in the integrity, prudence, and ability of the honorable Benjamin Franklin, our Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Versailles, and the honorable John Jay, late President of Congress, and Chief Justice of the State of New York, and our Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Madrid, and the honorable Henry Laurens, formerly President of Congress, and commissioned and sent as our Agent to the United Provinces of the Low Countries, and the honorable Thomas Jefferson, Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia, have nominated, constituted, and appointed, and by these presents do nominate, constitute, and appoint, the said Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, Henry Laurens, and Thomas Jefferson, in addition to the said John Adams, giving and granting to them, the said John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, Henry Laurens, and Thomas Jefferson, or the majority of them, or of such of them as may assemble, or, in the case of the death, absence, indisposition, or other impediment of the others, to any one of them, full power and authority, general and special, conjunctly and separately, and general and special command to repair to such place as may be fixed upon for opening negotiations for peace, and there for us, and in our name, to confer, treat, agree, and conclude with the Ambassadors, Commissioners, and Plenipotentiaries of the Princes and States, whom it may concern, vested with equal powers relating to the establishment of peace, and whatsoever shall be agreed and concluded for us, and in our name to sign and thereupon make a treaty or treaties, and to transact everything, that may be necessary for completing, securing, and strengthening the great work of pacification, in as ample form, and with the same effect, as if we were personally present and acted therein, hereby promising in good faith, that we will accept, ratify, fulfil and execute whatever shall be agreed, concluded, and signed by our said Ministers Plenipotentiary, or a majority of them, or of such of them as may assemble, or, in case of the death, absence, indisposition, or other impediment of the others, by any one of them; and that we will never act, nor suffer any person to act, contrary to the same, in whole or in any part.

In witness whereof, we have caused these presents to be signed by our President, and sealed with his seal.

Done at Philadelphia, the fifteenth day of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eightyone, and in the fifth year of our independence, by the United States in Congress assembled.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, _President_.

* * * * *

COMMISSION TO ACCEPT THE MEDIATION OF THE EMPRESS OF RUSSIA AND THE EMPEROR OF GERMANY.

The United States of America to all to whom these presents shall come, send Greeting.

Whereas his Most Christian Majesty, our great and beloved friend and ally, has informed us by his Minister Plenipotentiary, whom he has appointed to reside near us, that their Imperial Majesties the Empress of Russia and the Emperor of Germany, actuated by sentiments of humanity, and a desire to put a stop to the calamities of war, have offered their mediation to the belligerent powers, in order to promote peace; now know ye, that we, desirous as far as depends upon us, to put a stop to the effusion of blood, and convince all the powers of Europe that we wish for nothing more ardently than to terminate this war by a safe and honorable peace; relying on the justice of our cause, and persuaded of the wisdom and equity of their Imperial Majesties, who have so generously interposed their good offices for promoting so salutary a measure; have appointed and constituted, and by these presents do constitute and appoint, our trusty and well beloved John Adams, late delegate in Congress, from the State of Massachusetts, and Benjamin Franklin, our Minister at the Court of France, John Jay, late President of Congress, and now our Minister at the Court of Madrid, Henry Laurens, formerly President of Congress, and commissioned and sent as our agent to the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and Thomas Jefferson, Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia, our Ministers Plenipotentiary, giving and granting to them, or such of them as shall assemble, or in case of death, absence, indisposition, or other impediment, of the others, to any one of them, full power and authority in our name, and on our behalf, in concurrence with his Most Christian Majesty, to accept in due form, the mediation of their Imperial Majesties the Empress of Russia and the Emperor of Germany.

In testimony whereof, we have caused these presents to be signed by our President, and sealed with his seal.

Done at Philadelphia this fifteenth day of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eightyone, and in the fifth year of our independence.

By the United States in Congress assembled.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, _President_.

* * * * *

INSTRUCTIONS TO THE COMMISSIONERS FOR PEACE.

In Congress, June 15th, 1781.

To the Honorable John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, Henry Laurens, and Thomas Jefferson, Ministers Plenipotentiary in behalf of the United States, to negotiate a treaty of peace.

Gentlemen,

You are hereby authorised and instructed to concur, in behalf of these United States, with his Most Christian Majesty, in accepting the mediation proposed by the Empress of Russia and the Emperor of Germany.

You are to accede to no treaty of peace, which shall not be such as may 1st, effectually secure the independence and sovereignty of the Thirteen United States, according to the form and effect of the treaties subsisting between the said United States and his Most Christian Majesty; and 2dly, in which the said treaties shall not be left in their full force and validity.