Part 6

There now exist in this kingdom many obstacles to trade, which I hope, by little and little, will be eradicated, and from the great national advantages of this country over England, it will of course result that a French trade, generally speaking, must prove more beneficial to America. Upon many articles of American produce I wish preference may be obtained from this government, and besides commercial benefits in Europe, your Excellency feels that West India arrangements cannot easily be adjusted, with European notions and at the present costs. Upon those objects, Mr Barclay has had, and again will have, conferences with the Ministers. Circumstanced as we now are, he is, and the Commissioners also are of opinion, that my presence in France may be serviceable. As he was pleased to apply to me on the subject, saying he would mention the matter to Congress, and as their orders which I was to expect have not yet reached me, I think it my present duty, and it ever shall be my rule, to do that in which I hope to serve the United States.

Warlike preparations are still going on in the eastward. Immediately after she had signed a commercial treaty with the Turks, it pleased the Empress of Russia to seize upon the Crimea under a frivolous pretence. Her armies are ready to take the field, stores and troops have been collected upon the borders of the Black Sea, and the Turks are making immense, but I think not very formidable, preparations. By our last accounts the Austrians were gathering upon those borders, which lead towards an invasion of Turkish Provinces; and it is thought by many, that for fear of the plague, the two Imperial powers will prefer winter operations. How far matters may be carried, or compromised, cannot yet be well determined. What part France, Prussia, and England will take, is not yet known. The Levant trade cannot but be interested in the affair.

In every American concern, Sir, my motives are so pure, my sentiments so candid, my attachments so warm and so long experienced, that from me nothing, I hope, will appear intruding or improper. Upon many points lately debated, my opinions, if worth a remark, are well and generally known. But I must frankly add, that the effect which some late transactions have upon European minds cannot but make me uneasy. In the difficulties, which a patriotic and deserving army have met with, Europeans have been misled to conceive a want of public gratitude. In the opinions that have from every quarter been stated, Europeans have also mistaken partial notions for a want of disposition to the Federal Union; and, without that Union, Sir, the United States cannot preserve that dignity, that vigor, that power, which insures the glory and the happiness of a great, liberal, and independent nation. Nay, it would be ill fate to us, who have worked, fought, and bled in this cause, to see the United States a prey to the snares of European politics. But I am only mentioning the opinions of men on this side of the water, and in my heart, I hope everything will be adjusted to the satisfaction of that part of the citizens, who have served in the army, and that other part in the civil line, who, during the war, have sympathised with their troops. I, above every other earthly wish, most fervently pray, that the enemies of liberty, or such as are jealous of America, may not have the pleasure to see us deviate from the principles of the Federal Union. And upon a recollection of my introductory apology, I hope the observations I humbly offer will be as kindly received, as they are respectfully and affectionately presented.

When it is thought my presence here can be dispensed with, or in case the situation of affairs should persuade me it were more useful in America, I will not delay to join a wished for and beloved land. Any orders or commands whatever, which Congress may be pleased to give me, I shall most cheerfully obey; and as every moment in my life is devoted to the love and respect of the United States, so will it ever be my happiness to serve them.

With every sentiment of an affectionate regard, I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, December 26th, 1783.

Sir,

Having received no commands from Congress by the last packet, I must, however, trespass upon their time to give them a few hints respecting American commerce. I have of course directed them to Mr Morris; and although Dr Franklin (the other Ministers being in England) will give you political intelligence, I cannot help adding, that by a refined piece of cunning, the King of England has got Mr Fox out of the Ministry. After having entangled him by a success in the House of Commons, he found means to stop him short in the House of Lords; in consequence of which Mr Fox has been dismissed. Mr Pitt, and the last of the Temples called in, and the new administration, (Lord North being also out) necessitates the calling of a new Parliament.

The affairs between Russia and the Ottoman Empire are still negotiating, and although in my opinion a war cannot be much deferred in that quarter, there is no probability of its taking place so soon as next summer. The Emperor is in Italy, upon which some say he has also got an eye, and there he will meet with the King of Sweden. There is no change in the French Ministry, since M. de Calonne has succeeded to M. de Omillon, and Baron de Breteuil to M. Amelot, both of whom are more sensible than their predecessors.

Unless I have some commands from Congress to execute in Europe, I shall in the Spring embark for America, and present them with the personal homage of one, whose happiness is to feel himself forever a zealous member in the service of the United States.

With the utmost regard, and affectionate attachment, I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY, SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Mount Vernon, November 25th, 1784.

Dear Sir,

Although I hope in a few days to have the pleasure of seeing you, I must beg leave to mention a matter, which has not a little hurt my feelings. You probably know that on my way, passing through New York, and particularly on my visit to Albany, it was intimated my presence at the Indian treaty would be of some use to the public. At Fort Schuyler I was desired to speak to the Indians, which I did, and the Commissioners had the papers filled up with their other transactions. But copies were taken, which was thought then a matter of no consequence. The enclosed letter from Mr St John, and the gazette that accompanied it, will show you that from the most obliging and humble motives in the world, he attempted to translate and print such incorrect parts of the relation as he had been able to come at. Had his kind intentions only given him an instant to reflect, he might have seen the impropriety of that measure, but in the meanwhile, it looks as if it had my consent; and such deviation is it from the manner in which our servants of the United States ever did business, that out of respect for Congress, for the Commissioners, and myself, I could not rest easy until the matter should be fully explained. Enclosed in my letter to the French Consul, which, after you have taken out such extracts as you think proper, I beg you will seal up and send by the bearer. Indeed, my Dear Sir, upon your friendship I depend to have this little circumstance officially laid before Congress, and should these letters be worth their reading, it will be, I hope, a satisfactory explanation of the affair.

In the first days of next month I shall have the pleasure to meet you at Trenton, and at that time will have the opportunity of conversing with you on several subjects. No answer from you ever came to hand.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

Versailles, February 8th, 1785.

Dear Sir,

After thirty days passage, I was safely landed at Brest, and am so lately arrived in Paris, that I had better refer you to your Ministerial intelligence. In consequence of Austrian demands upon the Dutch, and the gun these have fired at ---- forty thousand men were sent to the Low Countries by the Emperor, and a second division was in motion the same way, when France gave orders for two armies to be got in readiness, the one, probably, in Flanders, and the other in Alsace. Holland is gathering some troops, the greater number purchased in Germany, and will have at the utmost, thirty thousand men in the field. Count de Maillebois, an old and able French General, has been demanded by them. Russia seems friendly to the Emperor; and although the Stadtholder is a friend to the King of Prussia, while the patriots are wholly attached to France, yet Prussia will, no doubt, side in politics with France, and the Stadtholder will command his own country's troops.

A grand plan is spoken of, whereby the Emperor would endeavor to obtain Bavaria, and in return, give the Low Countries to the Palatine House; a bargain, which betters and increases the Imperial forces. Under these circumstances, negotiations cannot but be very interesting. Although the freedom of Holland, and the protection of the German Princes, are very proper objects for France to support, yet a war with the Emperor must be peculiarly disagreeable to the Court. It will certainly be avoided, if consistent with the liberties of Holland, with faith, and dignity; and, upon the whole, I am strongly of opinion, that no war will take place, at least for this year. The appearance of things, however, is still warlike enough to have made it proper for me to be arrived at the time I did; an idea, I confess, the more necessary for the situation of my mind, as I most heartily lamented the shortness of this visit to America, and the obligation I had been under to give up favorite plans, and break off more agreeable arrangements. The officers of the regiments under marching orders, Colonels excepted, have joined their corps. But I hope matters will be compromised; and such at least is my private opinion; but even they, who know more than I do on the subject, would, perhaps, find it difficult to form a precise one.

The Ministers of Congress will, no doubt, inform you of the situation of their negotiations in Europe. You will have seen M. de Castine's compliance with engagements. He had taken a letter to me, which Mr Morris laid before Congress. Nothing new was granted, and although the suspended decisions about flour and sugars were favorable to them, the French merchants have complained of what has been obtained. In every country, mercantile prejudices wear off by little and little.

I beg, my Dear Sir, you will forgive the hurry in which I write. Be pleased to remember me to all our friends.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, March 19th, 1785.

Dear Sir,

I have been honored with your letter of January the 19th, and am happy to hear that federal ideas are thriving in America. The more I see, hear, and think in Europe, the more I wish for every measure that can ensure to the United States, dignity, power, and public confidence. Your three Ministers being in Paris, they will, of course, acquaint you with the present state of America, and also of European politics. Great Britain perseveres in her ill-humor. Spain in her ill-understood policy. On my arrival, I repeated what I had written; namely, the idea of getting New Orleans, or at least to advise the Spaniards to make it a free port. The former is impossible. As to the second, I had no positive answer, but I am sure my opinion was not thrown away. However, I confess it is difficult to make converts of a Spanish cabinet. You know them better than I do.

Negotiations in Europe are still going on, and there is every reason to hope this will be terminated without bloodshed. Enclosed you will find a declaration, which has been published officially in some measure, in the Leyden Gazette. Count de Maillebois is now in Holland, where they are raising troops, and where parties run very high. In the meanwhile, the Emperor had another plan in view, of which I wrote to you in my last letters; it was to exchange his dominions in the Low Countries for the Electorate of Bavaria. But, fortunately for all the members of the empire, the Duke of Deux Ponts, nephew and heir to the Elector, has firmly opposed it. A report had been spread, that the Emperor had intended to surprise Maestricht. But although matters are not yet finally settled, I am pretty certain there will not be this year any Dutch war, nor Bavarian war, both of which could not fail to involve France. It is, however, difficult to be decided in an opinion upon a matter, which the ideas of one man may derange.

You speak to me of the introduction of flour in the West Indies. My wishes and my efforts are not unknown to you. But such clamors have been raised by the merchants against what we lately have obtained, that our efforts now, must be directed towards holding it fast. Those people are encouraged by the narrow politics of England, who, say they, have all the trade of America. I have appointed a conference with the Duc de la Vauguyon, who is setting out for Spain, and I will tell him everything I know respecting the Mississippi.

Your Ministers will, probably, write to you respecting the Algerine business. What information I can collect will be presented to them.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, May 11th, 1785.

Dear Sir,

This opportunity being very safe, Congress will have been fully informed by their Minister and the bearer, Mr John Adams's son, who is himself very well fit to give them proper intelligence.

The appearances of a war are more and more remote. Politicians do, however, look towards the Ottoman Empire. The Emperor is restless. The Empress of Russia is ambitious; the King of Prussia is old; a King of the Romans is to be elected; an arrangement for Bavaria, a reason or a pretence, an interest or a whim might set fire to combustible matters; but it is not expected for the present.

As it seems to me that favors granted to American importations are one of the best services that can be rendered to American trade, I wish it had been possible to obtain a total abolition of duties upon whale oil. But in this moment government are taken up with a scheme to revive that fishery in France. It was therefore necessary to follow a round about course, and Mr Adams is charged with some private proposals, which may be advantageous.

In a few days I intend visiting Nismes, Montpellier, and Rochelle, which are manufacturing and trading towns. I hope my little journey may not be quite useless; after which I shall go to Berlin and Silesia, to Vienna and Bohemia, where the King of Prussia, and the Emperor, at several periods of the summer, have grand manoeuvres executed by their troops. Should I in those visits find the least opportunity to gratify my zeal for the United States, I should think myself more happy than I can expect, and as much so as your patriotic heart can feel.

With the most sincere regard and affection, I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

Vienna, September 6th, 1785.

Dear Sir,

The enclosed is a Memorial in behalf of M. d'Argaynarats, which has been recommended to me by persons of the most respectable character. It seems M. d'Argaynarat's situation is very particular, and the distress of himself and family very urgent. As in the number of petitions that may be received, it is not possible for Congress to be acquainted with the family affairs of individuals, I hope it is not improper for me to lay before them this particular case; and while it is officially presented by others, not to withhold my certificate of the accounts which respectable characters have given me about M. d'Argaynarat's present distresses.

With the highest and most affectionate regard, I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, February 11th, 1786.

Dear Sir,

I have not for a long time had the honor to address you, either in public or private letters. This has been owing to a tour I made through several parts of Europe, and to a derangement in the packets, which, to my great concern, I found to have taken place during my absence.

In the course of a journey to Prussia, Silesia, the Austrian dominions, and back again to Berlin, I could not but have many opportunities to improve myself by the inspection of famous fields of battle, the conversation of the greatest Generals, and the sight of excellent troops; those of Prussia particularly exceeding my expectations. I had occasions not less numerous to lament the folly of nations, who can bear a despotic government, and to pay a new tribute of respect and attachment to the constitutional principles we had the happiness to establish. Wherever I went, America was of course a topic in the conversation. Her efforts during the contest are universally admired; and in the transactions, which have so gloriously taken place, there is a large field of enthusiasm for the soldier, of wonder and applause for the politician; and to the philosopher, and the philanthropist, they are a matter of unspeakable delight, and I could say of admiration. Those sentiments I had the pleasure to find generally diffused. But to my great sorrow, (and I will the more candidly tell it in this letter, as it can hurt none more than it hurts myself,) I did not find that every remark equally turned to the advantage of my pride, and of that satisfaction I feel in the admiration of the world for the United States.

In countries so far distant, under constitutions so foreign to republican notions, the affairs of America cannot be thoroughly understood, and such inconveniences as we lament ourselves are greatly exaggerated by her enemies. It would require almost a volume to relate how many mistaken ideas I had the opportunity to set to rights. And it has been painful for me to hear, it is now disagreeable to mention, the bad effect which the want of federal union, and of effective arrangements for the finances and commerce of a general establishment of militia have had on the minds of European nations. It is foolishly thought by some, that democratical constitutions will not, cannot, last, that the States will quarrel with each other, that a King, or at least a nobility, are indispensable for the prosperity of a nation. But I would not attend to those absurdities, as they are answered by the smallest particle of unprejudiced common sense, and will, I trust, be forever destroyed by the example of America. But it was impossible for me to feel so much unconcerned, when those points were insisted upon, for which I could not but acknowledge within myself there was some ground; although it was so unfairly broached upon by the enemies of the United States. It is an object with the European governments to check and discourage the spirit of emigration, which, I hope, will increase among the Germans, with a more perfect knowledge of the situation of America. And while I was enjoying the admiration and respect of those parts of the world for the character of the United States; while I was obliged to hear some remarks, which, although they were exaggerated, did not seem to me quite destitute of a foundation, I heartily addressed my prayers to heaven, that by her known wisdom, patriotism, and liberality of principles, as well as firmness of conduct, America may preserve the consequence she has so well acquired, and continue to command the admiration of the world.

What I now have the honor to write, is the result of conversations with the principal characters in the countries I have visited; and particularly the Austrian and Prussian Ministers, the Emperor, Duke of Brunswick, Prince Henry, a man equally great and virtuous, the Prince Royal, and the King of Prussia. With the last I have often dined in the company of the Duke of York, second son to his Britannic Majesty, when American affairs past and present were brought on the carpet, and sometimes in a manner not a little embarrassing for an English Prince. My stay at Vienna was short, but I had a very long conference with the Emperor, in which we spoke much of the American trade, and I found he had imbibed British prejudices. The next day Prince de Kaunitz introduced the same subject to me, and expressed some astonishment, that the United States did not make advances towards the Emperor. I answered, advances had been made formerly, and more than were necessary on the part of America, whom there was as much occasion to court, as for her to seek for alliances. But that my attachment to his Imperial Majesty made me wish he would address, on that business, the Ministers of Congress, now at Paris and London, through the medium of his Ambassadors. I added, that the best measure to be taken immediately, was to open the Italian ports to American fish. But I do not think the United States will ever find a very extensive commercial benefit in her treaties with that Court.

In everything that concerns France, my respected friend Mr Jefferson will give you sufficient information. The affair of American commerce wears a better prospect than it has hitherto done; so far at least, that a committee has been appointed to hear what we have to say on the trade between this kingdom and the United States.

The King of Prussia is very unwell, and cannot live many months. His nephew is an honest, firm, military man. From the Emperor's temper a war could be feared. But our system is so pacific, and it will be so difficult for England to involve us in a quarrel without acting a part which she has no interest to do, that I do not think the tranquillity of Europe will he deranged. Holland is checking Stadtholderian influence, but no further. The King of Naples and his father are quarrelling on account of a Minister, leaning to the House of Bourbon, and devoted to other powers, whom the son wants to keep. I had lately an opportunity to know, that the last revolt in Peru has lost a hundred thousand lives; but from the same account I find that those people are far remote from the ideas which lead to a sensible revolution.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, October 28th, 1786.

Dear Sir,

Owing to several circumstances, and particularly to a journey I have made through some garrison towns, your favor of June the 16th has reached me very late. That there should remain the least doubt with M. Gardoqui respecting the adoption of the English limits, is a matter of amazement to me. The original letter having been sent I herewith enclose a copy, with a few observations. I think its presentation to M. Gardoqui will the better convince him, as he knows Count de Florida Blanca's respect for his own word of honor. And may I be allowed to add, that the more this letter is known, the better it will impress the public with ideas favorable to the Spaniards, and the Spaniards, with a sense of engagements, which men of honor cannot trifle with.[3]

As to the navigation of the Mississippi, you know better than I what are the strong prejudices of that Court against it. But we both know equally well, that in a little time we must have the navigation one way or other, which I hope Spain may at last understand.