Part 34

The King has, at the same time, resolved to give a new proof of his affection and of his earnest desire to afford a remedy for the difficulties, which they experience in procuring the funds necessary for acting with vigor and effect during the present campaign. With this view, the King, notwithstanding the immense expense at which he is obliged to support the war in which he is engaged, has resolved to dispose of a considerable fund, which shall be appropriated to the purchase of clothing, arms, and stores, for which Dr Franklin has been instructed to ask. The Count de Vergennes will concert measures on this subject with the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, Dr. Franklin; and M. Necker proposes to take the proper precautions, in order that the merchandise may be of a good and sound quality, and at a price answering to its exact value.

The subsidy which the King has resolved to grant to the Thirteen United States amounts to six millions of livres tournois, independent of the four millions, which the Ministry have enabled Dr Franklin to borrow for the service of the current year. It is presumed, that this sum of six millions will not be wholly applied to the purchase of the articles asked for; and in that case, it is his Majesty's intention that the surplus should be reserved, that it may be at the disposal of Congress, or of the Superintendent of the finances of the Thirteen States, if they think proper to confide the management of it to him. It has not been possible for the Court, by reason of the speedy departure of the vessel which brought this intelligence to the undersigned Minister, to determine what will be the amount of the sums of money remaining after the purchase of the above mentioned articles, but lest there should seem to be any delay in supplying the wants of the Thirteen States, the Chevalier de la Luzerne takes it upon himself, without waiting for any further orders, to fix the amount of these sums at fifteen hundred thousand livres tournois, and if Congress, in fact, think that they shall need this whole sum, he will without delay inform his Court of it, in order that the necessary measures may be taken for discharging the bills of exchange, which shall consequently be drawn. As it is the intention of the King, that the greatest regularity shall take place in the payments, it will be well for the undersigned to agree with Congress, or with the Superintendent of Finance, and fix upon the times at which these bills shall be negotiated, and upon those at which they shall be payable. It is necessary that these times of payment should be at sufficient distances from each other, so that the department of finance may not be obliged to pay considerable sums in too short intervals of time.

The intention of the King, in granting to the Thirteen States this purely gratuitous subsidy, is to put them in a condition to act vigorously during this campaign; and his Majesty is desirous that Congress would be pleased to give the necessary orders, that it may be entirely applied to this important object, which admits of no delay. The communications, which the undersigned is instructed to make to Congress, will convince that body of the necessity of losing no time.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 26th, 1781.

Sir,

The underwritten, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has received orders to communicate to Congress some important details touching the present situation of sundry affairs, in which the United States are immediately interested. The most essential are in regard to some overtures, which announce on the part of Great Britain a desire of peace. The Empress of Russia having invited the King and the Court of London to accept her mediation, the latter Court considered this as a formal offer and accepted it. This Court appeared at the same time to desire the Emperor of Austria to take part therein; and this Monarch has in fact proposed his co-mediation to the belligerent powers in Europe.

The King could not but congratulate himself on seeing so important a negotiation in the hands of two mediators, whose understanding and justice are equal. Nevertheless, his Majesty, actuated by his affections for the United States, returned for answer, that it was not in his power to accept the offers made to him, and that the consent of his allies was necessary. The King wishes to have this consent before he formally accepts the proposed mediation. But it is possible that circumstances joined to the confidence he has in the mediators, and the justice of his cause, and that of the United States, his allies, may determine him to enter upon a negotiation before the answer of Congress can reach him.

But in either case, it is of great importance, that this Assembly should give their Plenipotentiary instructions proper to announce their disposition to peace, and their moderation, and to convince the powers of Europe, that the independence of the Thirteen United States, and the engagements they have contracted with the King, are the sole motives, which determine them to continue the war; and that whenever they shall have full and satisfactory assurances on these two capital points, they will be ready to conclude a peace. The manner of conducting the negotiation, the extent of the powers of the American Plenipotentiary, the use to be made of them, and the confidence that ought to be reposed in the French Plenipotentiaries and the King's Ministers, are points, which should be fully discussed with a committee.

And the underwritten Minister entreats, that Congress would be pleased to name a committee with whom he will have the honor to treat. He thinks that this Assembly will be sensible, that the King could not give a greater mark of his affection for the Thirteen United States, or of his attachment to the principles of the alliance, than by determining not to enter upon a negotiation before they were ready to take part therein, although in other respects, his confidence in the mediators, and the relation he stands in to one of them, were sufficient motives to induce him to accept their offers. Congress are too sensible of the uncertainty of negotiations of this sort not to know, that the moment of opening them is that precisely when the efforts against the enemy ought to be redoubled; and that nothing can facilitate the operation of the negotiators so much as the success of the arms of the allies; that a check would be productive of disagreeable consequences to both, and that the enemy would rise in their pretensions, their haughtiness, and obstinacy, in proportion to the languor and slackness of the confederates.

The undersigned will have the honor to communicate to the committee some circumstances relative to the sending Mr Cumberland to Madrid; to the use, which Mr Adams thought he was authorised to make of his Plenipotentiary powers; to the mission of Mr Dana; to the association of the neutral powers; and to the present state of affairs in the south. Congress will find new motives for relying on the good will of the King, and on the interest he takes in favor of the United States in general, and of each one of them in particular.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

REPORT OF A CONFERENCE WITH THE FRENCH MINISTER.

In Congress, May 28th, 1781.

The committee appointed to confer with the Minister of France, report,

That the Minister communicated some parts of a despatch, which he had received from the Count de Vergennes, dated the 9th of March, 1781. That the resolves of Congress, which had been adopted on the association of the neutral powers, were found very wise by the Council of the King, and that it was thought they might be of service in the course of the negotiation. The French Ministry did not doubt but they would be very agreeable to the Empress of Russia. But they were not of the same opinion with respect to the appointment of Mr Dana, as a Minister to the Court of Petersburg. The reason is, that Catharine the Second has made it a point until now to profess the greatest impartiality between the belligerent powers. The conduct she pursues on this occasion is a consequence of the expectation she has, that peace maybe re-established by her mediation; therefore, she could by no means take any step, which might show on her side the least propension in favor of the Americans, and expose her to the suspicion of partiality towards America, and of course exclude her from the mediation. The appointment of Mr Dana, therefore, appears to be at least premature, and the opinion of the Council is, that this deputy ought not to make any use of his powers at this moment. In case he applies to the Count de Vergennes for advice, he shall be desired to delay making any use of his powers. The Count observes, it would be disagreeable to Congress that their Plenipotentiary should meet with a refusal, that their dignity would be offended, and that such a satisfaction ought not to be given to the Court of London, especially when negotiations of a greater moment are about to commence. However, the French Minister had orders to assure the committee, that his Court would use all their endeavors in proper time, to facilitate the admissions of the Plenipotentiary of Congress.

The Minister communicated to the committee several observations respecting the conduct of Mr Adams; and in doing justice to his patriotic character, he gave notice to the committee, of several circumstances, which proved it necessary that Congress should draw a line of conduct to that Minister, of which he might not be allowed to lose sight. The Minister dwelt especially on a circumstance already known to Congress, namely, the use which Mr Adams thought he had a right to make of his powers to treat with Great Britain. The Minister concluded on this subject, that if Congress put any confidence in the King's friendship and benevolence; if they were persuaded of his inviolable attachment to the principle of the alliance, and of his firm resolution constantly to support the cause of the United States, they would be impressed with the necessity of prescribing to their Plenipotentiary a perfect and open confidence in the French Ministers, and a thorough reliance on the King, and would direct him to take no step without the approbation of his Majesty; and after giving him, in his instructions, the principal and most important outlines for his conduct, they would order him, with respect to the manner of carrying them into execution, to receive his directions from the Count de Vergennes, or from the person who might be charged with the negotiation in the name of the King.

The Minister observed, that this matter is the more important, because, being allied with the United States, it is the business of the King to support their cause with those powers with whom Congress have no connexion, and can have none, until their independence is in a fair train to be acknowledged. That the King would make it a point of prudence and justice to support the Minister of Congress; but in case this Minister, by aiming at impossible things, forming exorbitant demands, which disinterested mediators might think ill-founded, or perhaps by misconstruing his instructions, should put the French negotiators under the necessity of proceeding in the course of the negotiation without a constant connexion with him, this would give rise to an unbecoming contradiction between France and the Thirteen United States, which could not but be of very bad effect in the course of the negotiation.

In making these observations, the Minister remarked, that it was always to be taken for granted, that the most perfect independency is to be the foundation of the instructions to be given to Mr Adams, and that without this there would be no treaty at all. The Count de Vergennes observes, that it is of great importance that the instructions aforesaid be given as soon as possible to Mr Adams. And the Minister desired the committee to press Congress to have this done with all possible despatch.

He communicated to the committee the following particulars, as a proof that this matter admits of no delay, and that it is probable the negotiation will very soon be opened. He told the committee that the English Ministry, in the false supposition that they might prevail on the Court of Madrid to sign a separate peace, had begun a secret negotiation with that Court, by the means of Mr Cumberland, but without any success. That the Court of Spain had constantly founded her answer on her engagements with his Most Christian Majesty. That on the other side, the King of France had declared to the King, his cousin, that the independence of the United States, either in fact, or acknowledged by a solemn treaty, should be the only foundation of the negotiations of the Court of France with that of London. That the British Court not seeming to be disposed to grant the independency, it appeared the negotiation of Mr Cumberland was superfluous. However, this English emissary continued, and still continues, his residence at Madrid, although he cannot have any expectation of obtaining the object of his commission. That this direct negotiation was known to all Europe, and that it seemed to render every mediation useless. That, however, the Empress of Russia, excited by motives of friendship to the belligerent powers, and in consequence of the share, which the association of the neutral powers had given her in the general emergency, has invited the king of France and the Court of London to require her mediation. That the Court of London has accepted the invitation with a kind of eagerness, and at the same time desired the Emperor of Germany to take a part in it. That the answer of the King of France to the overtures of the Court of Petersburg was, that he should be glad to restore peace by the mediation of Catharine, but that it was not in his power immediately to accept her offers, as he had allies whose consent was necessary for that purpose.

To the same application made by the Court of Petersburg to that of Madrid, this Court answered, that having entered into a direct negotiation with the Court of London, by the means of Mr Cumberland, it thought proper to wait the issue of it before it had recourse to a mediation. The Emperor, as has already been observed, having been desired by the Court of London to take part in the mediation, immediately informed the King of France, as well as his Catholic Majesty, of this circumstance, offering his co-mediation to both the allied Monarchs. To this, the King of France gave the same answer, which he had given to the Empress of Russia. As to the King of Spain, he again expressed his surprise at the English Ministry's requesting a mediation, after having entered into a direct negotiation; and he declared, that unless this negotiation should be broken off by the English themselves, it would be impossible for him to listen to a mediation, which, in any other circumstance, would be infinitely agreeable to him.

These answers, though of a dilatory nature, may be looked upon as an eventual acceptation of the mediation. The Minister observed, that it will be, in effect, difficult to avoid it. That a refusal will not be consistent with the dignity of the two powers, that had offered their interposition. That the King is obliged, from friendship and good policy, to treat them with attention. He further observed, that the demands of the King of France will be so just and so moderate, that they might be proposed to any tribunal whatever. That the only reason the King could have to suspend a formal acceptation is, that, at the time the offer was made, he was not acquainted with the intentions of his allies, namely, Spain and the United States.

The Minister observed to the committee, that in his opinion this conduct must afford Congress a new proof of the perseverance of the King in the principles of the alliance, and of his scrupulous attention to observe his obligations; he added, that, however, it is not without inconveniency, that this dilatory plan has been adopted. The distance between the allied powers of France and the United States, has obliged the Court of Versailles to adopt that plan, though liable to inconveniences, in order to conform to the engagements made by the treaties, to determine nothing into a negotiation without the participation of Congress. Besides, several States being invaded by the enemy, the French Council thought it inconvenient to begin a negotiation under these unfavorable circumstances. And being in hopes that the diversions made by the King's arms, will prevent the British from making very great exertions against the Thirteen United States, the French Ministry expected, that during the course of the present campaign they might be enabled to present the situation of their allies in a more favorable light to the Congress, that might assemble for peace. These delays, however, cannot with propriety take place for any long time, and it was the opinion of the French Ministry, that it would be contrary to decency, prudence, and the laws of sound policy, again to refuse listening to the propositions of peace made by friendly powers; for which reason, the Chevalier de la Luzerne was directed to lay all these facts confidentially before Congress.

The Minister informed the committee, that it was necessary, that the King should know the intentions of the United States with regard to the proposed mediation, and that his Majesty should be authorised by Congress to give notice of their dispositions to all the powers, who would take part in the negotiation for a pacification. The Minister delivered his own opinion, that he saw no inconveniency arising from the Congress imitating the example of the King, by showing themselves disposed to accept peace from the hands of the Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia. He added, that Congress should rely on the justice and wisdom of those two Sovereigns; and at the same time, he renewed the assurances, that his Majesty will defend the cause of the United States as zealously as the interests of his own Crown.

He informed the committee, that according to all accounts, the British Ministry were removing as far as possible, in this negotiation, every idea of acknowledging the independence of what they call their Thirteen Colonies; and he said, that Congress would judge by themselves, that the Court of London would debate with the greatest energy and obstinacy the articles relating to America. He availed himself of this reflection to impress the committee with the necessity Congress are under, of securing in their favor the benevolence and good will of the mediating powers, by presenting their demands with the greatest moderation and reserve, save independence, which will not admit of any modification. He further observed, that it was possible the difficulty of making a definitive peace might engage the mediators to propose a truce; and that it was necessary, therefore, to authorise eventually the Plenipotentiary of the United States to declare their intention thereon.

He further observed, that whatever might be the resolution of Congress, they would do well to recommend to their Plenipotentiary to adopt a line of conduct, that would deprive the British of every hope of causing divisions between the allies, and to assume a conciliating character, as much as can be consistent with the dignity of his constituents, and to show such a confidence in the Plenipotentiary of his Most Christian Majesty, as is due to a power so much interested to support the dignity and honor of a nation, whose independence they have acknowledged.

The Minister told the committee, that whatever might be the resolution of Congress, respecting a peace or a truce, it was necessary to carry on the war with the utmost vigor. He urged reasons too well known to Congress to be related.

He desired the committee to inform Congress, that in case the offer of mediation from the two Imperial Courts should become so serious and so pressing, as to oblige the King to give a decisive answer, his Majesty would accept of it conditionally for himself and for the United States. The taking this resolution would have no inconvenience, as the Court of France knew no reasons, which could prevent them from following the example of the King, by trusting their interests in the hands of just and wise mediators, and the refusal being liable to very dangerous consequences. The Minister concluded the conference by observing, that a great object was to secure the United States from the proposition of _uti possidetis_; that the surest way to obtain that end was to reduce the English to confess, that they are not able to conquer them. That present circumstances require great exertions from the consideration, and that it was plain that every success gained by the army of Congress would infinitely facilitate the negotiations of their Plenipotentiaries.[44]

FOOTNOTE:

[44] _June 6th._ "Resolved, That the Minister Plenipotentiary, be authorised and instructed to concur, in behalf of these United States, with his Most Christian Majesty, in accepting the mediation proposed by the Empress of Russia and the Emperor of Germany; but to accede to no treaty of peace, which shall not be such, as may effectually secure the independence and sovereignty of the Thirteen States, according to the form and effect of the treaties subsisting between the said States and his Most Christian Majesty, and in which the said treaties shall not be left in their full force and validity."

* * * * *

CONGRESS TO THE KING OF FRANCE.

The United States in Congress assembled, to their Great Faithful and Beloved Friend and Ally, Lewis the Sixteenth, King of France and Navarre.

Great, Faithful, and Beloved Friend and Ally,

We have received your Majesty's letter of the 10th of March. The measures adopted by your Majesty in consequence of the representation made of the situation of our finances, the repeated testimonies of your Majesty's unalterable determination to render the cause of the United States triumphant, and also the affection, which your Majesty has been pleased to express for the United States in general, and for each State in particular, demand from us the strongest sentiments of gratitude.

The important communications made by your Majesty's Plenipotentiary have been considered by us with the greatest attention. The result of our deliberations will be made known to your Majesty by our Minister Plenipotentiary at your Court, and will evince the entire confidence we have in your Majesty's friendship and perseverance in the principles, which have directed your conduct in maintaining the interest of the United States to this time.

We pray God, that he will keep your Majesty, our great, faithful, and beloved friend and ally, in his holy protection.

Done at Philadelphia, the 13th day of June, in the year of our Lord, 1781, and in the fifth year of our independence.

By the United States in Congress assembled.

Your Faithful Friends and Allies.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, _President_. CHARLES THOMSON, _Secretary_.

* * * * *

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, June 1st, 1781

Sir,

I have received the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor to write on the 23d of the past month, and that of the Count de Rochambeau, with which it was accompanied.