Chapter 37

_October 11th._ The officer designated to command the said squadron arrived here the 4th, while the wind coming round, became all at once favorable on the 5th to depart; and he reported to the Prince, who did not communicate the report until the 7th, in secret session, that the squadron was not in a state to go to Brest, for want of provisions, cordage, sails, anchors, clothes for the seamen, and other necessary articles;[46] on which the committee abovenamed presented themselves today to the Prince, to express their surprise and ask an explanation. The Prince professed that he had no account to render but for the past, and none for the present or the future; at least till a new resolution of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses. On their side, the committee conceiving with reason "that the resolution which was committed to them, contained particular instructions to look into the points which it specified, and particularly a general order to report on all subjects relating to the marine, and especially the direction of the present war, as much as should appear to them necessary to dissipate all obscurity," have in consequence made their report to the Assembly.

_October 16th._ Their Noble and Grand Mightinesses having deliberated on the report, all the cities were ready to conform to it except Schiedam, la Brille, and Medemblick, which have taken it _ad referendum_, the final resolution being deferred; but it will be adopted as reported next week, at least by the majority, which is sufficient in this case.

His Excellency Mr Adams departed this morning, the 16th of October, for Paris. In taking leave of the President and Secretary of their High Mightinesses the States-General, he did me the honor to present me as _Chargé d'Affaires_ of the United States; which is an indispensable custom. He had before advised the Grand Pensionary of it, to whom I shall make tomorrow a visit of politeness in consequence.

_October 18th._ A young officer, (De Witte,) convicted of high treason, for having attempted to assist the enemy in an invasion of the coast of Zealand, was about to be tried by the High Council of War, which is wholly dependent on the Prince, when the States of Holland solemnly signified to the Prince that he ought to cause prosecution to be stayed before this tribunal, as incompetent, and carry it up before the Court of Justice of Holland and Zealand. This High Council of War, is, besides, odious to the nation, and regarded as tyrannical and unconstitutional.

I have not spoken in this letter of our treaty of amity and commerce with this Republic, signed finally by both parties the 8th of this month, because Mr Adams will give you this detail better than I can. I shall content myself with saying, that I have every reason to be persuaded that he is satisfied with the zeal, with which I have fulfilled the tasks which he has required of me, in the operations which have preceded this signature, and pray God that the United States may gather from it the most abundant fruits.

_October 22d._ I am anxious to see an answer to the extract I sent to your Excellency, agreeably to the wish and permission of Mr Adams, of a certain letter which he wrote me. For so long as I am not openly recognised and suitably sustained by Congress, my precarious condition here is cruel, in the midst of the Anglomanes, who wish to see me perish ignobly, and in the bosom of a family whose complaints and reproaches I fear more than death. Mr Laurens, in his hasty passage through this country, was perfectly sensible of it. He knows that I serve the United States constantly, without respect of persons. "_You have been slighted_," are his own words; and when I testified to him my regrets for his departure from Europe, he had the goodness to add, that these regrets were contrary to my interest. Permit me, Sir, to commend them to you, and if Mr Laurens has returned to you safely, as I hope, on the arrival of this, will you express to him the sentiments of the most affectionate respect which I retain for him, as well as for all the great men in America, who have served under the sublime principles, which have animated me as well as them; and in which I, as well, as they, will live and die.

I am, with great respect, &c.

DUMAS.

FOOTNOTES:

[46] The 12th of September, the Prince on his return from the Texel, reported positively to their High Mightinesses, that all was there ready, that the vessels were in a condition for sea and for action, and waited only for his orders.

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TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, November 15th, 1782.

Sir,

Yesterday morning, after a conference with his Excellency the Duc de la Vauguyon, I went in a post chaise to Rotterdam and Dort, in order to advise our friends in these two cities of some changes about to be made in the instructions of their Ministers Plenipotentiary at Paris, to deprive the English Minister of all pretext for conferring with those of the other belligerent powers without them. I succeeded to the satisfaction of his Excellency, and our friends were duly informed and disposed, when they received this morning, while I was returning, letters on this subject from the Grand Pensionary. My journey has gained the time which would have been lost, if they had, on re-assembling here taken the thing _ad referendum_.

_November 17th._ I had the pleasure to receive this morning, on behalf of the Ambassador, absent at Amsterdam, the news of the re-admission of M. Van Berckel, First Pensionary of Amsterdam, to the Assembly of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, where he will re-appear on the 20th, radiant as the sun, _disjectis nubibus_.

There has arrived a circular letter from Friesland, to take away from the Prince the direction of affairs. I shall have it, and will add it to the gazettes.

_November 18th._ On my return, Friday evening, I found, Sir, your favors of the 5th and 12th of September, to which I can only answer succinctly, that the present may not be delayed.

I have thought a long time how much it might be advantageous both for Congress and for me, as you observe, Sir, if I could enter into a minute and frequent detail of all that passes here within the sphere of my action. But let Congress remember at last that _qui vult finem, vult media_, being both essential and subsidiary. I labor all day. Often I have scarcely time left to note briefly for myself what is done or said. I am alone. It is necessary to copy the same despatches four times, if one would hope for their arrival. I could have many things to say on all this. But to what good, if Congress does not say it also? I have not put my light under a bushel. I have made it shine constantly before both worlds, for the service of the United States, since they have called me here.

If the truths I transmit come more slowly than the falsehoods of the enemy, which they may serve to contradict, it is because they may forge stories as they please, but not the truth which arrives when it can, and which besides, cannot always be hazarded prematurely, still less be foretold, especially when the enemy might profit by it.

As to peace, we know not here what has been done about it at Paris. My opinion is, that two or three more campaigns will be infinitely more salutary to the American Confederation than a patched-up peace, which shall leave the enemy possessor of Canada, Nova Scotia and Newfoundland; whence he would not cease nor be slow to vex you by all manner of means, perhaps to divide you, which will be worse.

But let us wait what Parliament says at the end of this month. Then we may be able to say of the Congress of Peace, what the poet Rousseau, in his Ode to Fortune, said of a hero becoming man again;

Le masque tombe, George reste, Et le Romain s'évanouit.

And so much the better, I think, for America and for this Republic. I am, with very great respect, Sir,

DUMAS.

_P. S._ I thank you, Sir, for the excellent letter of Mr Payne to the Abbé Raynal. If it is possible I shall publish it in French.

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TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, December 12th, 1782.

Sir,

Some days ago I was about to prepare a new despatch, touching affairs on the carpet here, when an unforeseen event prevented me. It is nothing less than a conspiracy, which might be termed Catilinarian, if there had been an able Catiline in it; but they only had the intention of the Roman, without his sagacity.

We were congratulating ourselves here on the despatches from Paris, which informed the Grand Pensionary, much to the regret of the conspiracy, of the news of the signing of preliminaries between the Ministers of the United States and Great Britain. We were only surprised at the oath of secrecy exacted of the members of the Assembly, before communicating to them the contents of despatches so well suited to reassure and relieve the nation of the fear, which, to excite discontent, it had been industriously endeavored to inspire, that it would be deceived and abandoned by the other powers, when on the 5th and 6th, the festival of St Nicholas, famous in this country, which they seemed disposed to make another St Bartholomew's, the conspiracy broke out and failed. Persons were sent about during these two days, with the Orange cockade in their hats and an address of thanks in their hands, applauding the good management of the marine, and at night about thirty men, paid and intoxicated, made a noisy procession through the streets and squares, to endeavor to raise the populace, who, however, would not sign, nor join the seditions, to make an attack, as they foolishly expected, on every person obnoxious to them. Saturday, 7th, they endeavored, in order to renew the scene the following Monday, to gain the peat carriers, who answered, that the troubles of 1748 had taught them to be more wise for the future. The evening of the same Saturday they hinted secretly to the Pensionaries of Dort and Amsterdam (remaining in the city) that they must not depart on their peril. But they, disregarding the danger, immediately went to require the Grand Pensionary to convoke an extraordinary Assembly on Monday. He obeyed in spite of himself, and despatched couriers during that night.

On Monday morning, the 9th, the Assembly adopted by the large majority of sixteen, against two cities (la Brille and Enkhuisen) and to the confusion of the nobles and the Stadtholder, who were present, a resolution (a true _quousque tandem_) in which the Court and the officers of justice, municipal and provincial, are strongly censured for having looked on without interfering, and in which the Provincial Court of Justice is ordered to prosecute the affair criminally; and the Counsellor Deputies, to provide that for the future like disorders shall not be committed. The same day the Provincial Court of Justice assembled in consequence, and named two Commissioners of its own body, and another fiscal not suspected, to attend to the examination of the conspiracy. The Counsellor Deputies have likewise named a commission, to effect what is enjoined on them. From these two commissions are excluded the old Provincial Fiscal of Justice, who has besides a _quasi_ gout, and the Grand Bailiff of the Hague, who, on the part of the nobles, is of the Council of Deputies, and who prudently declined before rejection, for both are under censure by the resolution.

The Court, alarmed at the consequences which they feared from all this, engaged M. Thulemeyer, Envoy of Prussia, to act for them, who, in continuation of a certain measure, which he took about two months ago by order of his Court, has been this morning to the Deputies of Dort, Haerlem, Amsterdam and Rotterdam, to tell them "that his Majesty has learned with displeasure the dissensions which have place in the Republic, that, _without wishing to meddle, in the domestic affairs of the Republic_,[47] the interest that his Majesty takes equally in the welfare of their High Mightinesses and of the Prince, his kinsman, does not permit him to look with indifference on any diminution of the rights of the Stadtholder; and that he would guaranty that this Prince should not abuse his prerogatives; and he hoped by this step that harmony would be re-established." Amsterdam has answered, "That they were surprised to find the King so misinformed, that for themselves, they did not know that they had ever diminished the rights of the Stadtholder, and that the Stadtholder himself had never complained of it to the States; that this would no doubt have been done, if the fact had been true; that, as for the rest, they would write to their city what the Envoy had said to them, that it might if it should judge proper write directly to the King, to inform him better, and put his Majesty also in a way to know those who had thus imposed on him."

This answer evidently confounded the Envoy. The other cities have answered the same in substance.

_December 13th._ The committee charged with arrangements for sending a Minister of the Republic to the United States, made its report yesterday to the Assembly of the States of Holland, the members of which took it _ad referendum_. This Minister is to have twenty thousand florins per annum, and ten thousand for his outfit.

This morning the committee of five has returned again to the Prince.

The resolution of Zealand, that the prisoner Witte should be delivered to the Provincial Court, is received, and the Prince will yield.

The deliberation on the circular letter of Friesland, interrupted by the disturbance, which in history may be denominated the _Cockade Conspiracy_, to distinguish it from that of the _Gunpowder Plot_, will be resumed next week.

I am, Sir, &c.

DUMAS.

FOOTNOTES:

[47] The expression in italics was added by the Envoy, in his address to the gentlemen of Amsterdam and Rotterdam, because those of Dort asked him, if the King pretended to meddle in the domestic concerns of the Republic? Haerlem was not able to receive him.

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TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, December 17th, 1782.

Sir,

This morning the Minister of Prussia, M. Thulemeyer, has again visited the Deputies of the eighteen cities of Holland, to inform them of a Memorial, which he has presented to their High Mightinesses against a certain libel, in which, among other calumnies, is an insinuation, that the Princess attempted to imitate the conduct of a certain Empress in relation to her husband.

It has been replied to him, "that their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, as well as their High Mightinesses, had long since done everything in their power against libels by severe placards; that the further measures, which seemed to be expected of them, and which, perhaps, were suitable enough in arbitrary governments, could not be adopted in this Republic, of which the liberty of the press is the Palladium; that it is like every other good thing, the use of which is free to all, and the abuse subject to the animadversion of the bailiffs and fiscals; that the Minister knows how lately their Noble and Grand Mightinesses have had reason to complain of the negligence of those officers of justice; that the Princess, the Prince, and the whole House of Orange, more nearly connected with them than with the King, his master, did not need any foreign commendation to make themselves beloved and respected by the nation, and protected by the Sovereign, &c."

_December 21st._ The three ostensible exciters of the _Cockade Conspiracy_, protected by an invisible hand, have escaped from justice and fled to Cranenberg, a village in the Duchy of Cleves. The Court having sent its officers to arrest them at the peril of the complainants, the Regency of Cleves, contrary to the law of nations, has refused to allow the arrest. This morning the States held an extraordinary session to deliberate on the subject, and, notwithstanding the opposition of the nobles, adopted a resolution, requiring the court of justice to make a solemn demand of the fugitives at Cleves, in the name of the Sovereign; on Friday next, a letter will be addressed on this subject directly to the King of Prussia, and Duke of Cleves.

The Grand Bailiff of Utrecht (Count d'Athlone) has lost, with costs of suit, his case against the editor of a weekly newspaper, (_de Post van den Neder-Rhein_) which for about two years has produced a wonderful impression on the nation. This is a brilliant victory of the patriots over their enemies. Some of the expressions, which have given offence were, _la brouette va de travers, qu'il-y-a une main invisible qui gâte tout, &c._

In Friesland, the majority of the eleven cities, which form the fourth Quarter of the Sovereignty, have annulled the influence of the Court on the appointment of their circuits. Thus the resolution of the Province, so disagreeable to the Court, will be unanimous.

_December 24th._ I have just been confidentially informed, on condition of my writing an account of the fact to my friends at Dort and Amsterdam, that this morning the Prince went to declare to their High Mightinesses, that, on the resolution of Zealand, taken on the report of the court of justice, although there was much to be said relative to that report, he was ready, under leave of their High Mightinesses, to transfer the prisoner Witte from the hands of the High Council of War to those of the court of justice. On which the Grand Pensionary first protested with a loud voice, that it was necessary to wait till Friday for the resolution of the Sovereign thereon; and then, in a low voice, he intimated to the President, that it might be done by a majority. The prisoner will, therefore, be transferred to night.

On Wednesday last, a courier despatched from hence to anticipate the demand of the court of justice, arrived at Cleves the same night, caused the gates to be opened, the three conspirators, who were abed, to be called, conducted them hastily out by the other gate, and after going some distance on foot, stowed them away in a carriage, which, according to appearances, carried them to Hanover.

_December 26th._ The accompanying note I sent to M. Van der Hoop, Fiscal of the Admiralty of Amsterdam, in consequence of the request presented at Amsterdam by the agents of an American letter of marque. My demand of a passport for these people, to protect them from being made prisoners when ashore, has been granted. I congratulate myself, that my first public measure has been, like all my other measures, _secundum libertatem_. It has been suggested to me to make another against a certain libel, "_The Magic Lantern_," in which America and her worthy Plenipotentiary here have been roughly handled. I replied, that I would do nothing, which could afford any pretext for violating the liberty of the press; of which the present instance of abuse deserved only contempt.

I am, &c.

DUMAS.

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TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, January 11th, 1783.

Sir,

This morning their Noble and Grand Mightinesses adopted a resolution conformable to the report hereto annexed, relative to the mission of a Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States, with instructions to their Deputies of the Province in the States-General, to press the conclusion of this matter by the States. This evening, between ten and twelve o'clock, one of the gentlemen, coming to take leave of me until Tuesday week, concerted with me the measures it would be proper to take during his absence, to make the choice fall, if the plan succeeds, on a person who will be as agreeable to the United States, as he is esteemed by the patriots of this country. I shall give information of it by letter next Tuesday to Mr Adams.

Yesterday arrived some despatches from the Plenipotentiaries of the Republic at Paris, with the reply of his Britannic Majesty to the preliminaries which had been proposed; this reply is not satisfactory.

I am, Sir, &c.

DUMAS.

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TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, January 20th, 1783.

Sir,

This morning M. Thulemeyer, Envoy of Prussia, presented the Memorial hereto annexed to their High Mightinesses. I shall say nothing about it, because I should have too much to say, and because it is better to see what they will say whom it concerns.

Tomorrow the Chamberlain, Baron de Heide, will set out for Paris, sent by the Prince, to give his Most Christian Majesty a good opinion of his patriotism, his measures, and his disposition.

The cities of Guelderland and Overyssel continue, after the example of those of Friesland, to raise their heads one after another.

_February 22nd._ I have yet to give you an account of a secret and important negotiation and correspondence, between the gentlemen here and our Ministers at Paris, which has been carried on by my intervention for more than a month. But besides that it will take much time to copy all these letters, the subject will not allow me to risk the copies at sea, until the vessels can navigate with more safety. The article relating to the liberty of the seas is the subject of discussion; this matter they wish to see definitively arranged previously to the general peace, and with good reason.

I congratulate the United States on the signature of the preliminaries between the United States, France, and Spain on one side, and England on the other. God grant that the peace may follow soon, and a permanent peace; which cannot be without solidly establishing the principles of the armed neutrality between these powers and the Republic.

I am, &c.

DUMAS.

_P. S._ Next Friday this Province will propose the Baron de Dedem, Lord of Peckendam, &c. as Minister Plenipotentiary of the Republic near the United States. The other party is canvassing warmly, but secretly against him. All appearances, however, are in favor of this good patriot, and I recommend him beforehand as such to your Excellency. He is a cousin-german of M. de Capelle du Pol, formerly a correspondent of your uncle, the Governor of the Jersies.

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MEMORIAL OF THE PRUSSIAN AMBASSADOR.

January 20th, 1783.

High and Mighty Lords,

The King had flattered himself, that the amicable representations and intimations, which the undersigned has made, by the express order of his Majesty, to several distinguished members of the States-General of the United Provinces, on the subject of the present unhappy excitement, which manifests itself at present in Holland, would produce the desired effect, conformably to the positive assurances he had received on this point. But his Majesty has learned with as much displeasure as surprise, that these domestic troubles, instead of being quieted are constantly increasing, and that it is even meditated to deprive the Prince Stadtholder of the command of the army and navy, and thus to strip him of his chief prerogatives of hereditary Captain-General and High Admiral. The King cannot believe that this is the general sentiment and desire of the nation, and of the rulers of the State. His Majesty on the contrary is persuaded, that it is only the private wish of a few individuals, who are inimical to the Most Serene House of Nassau, from personal hatred or private views, without regard to the true welfare and common interest of the State.