Chapter 32

The letter of General Clinton, when I transmitted it to you, was not suspected to be an imposition. There are some circumstances, which are sufficient to raise a question, but I think none of them are conclusive, and upon the whole I have little doubt of its authenticity. I shall be much mortified if it proves a fiction, not on account of the importance of the letter, but the stain that a practice so disingenuous will bring upon America. When I first left America, such a fiction, with all its ingenuity, would have ruined the reputation of the author of it, if discovered, and I think that both he and the printer would have been punished. With all the freedom of our presses, I really think, that not only the government but the populace would have resented it. I have had opportunities of an extensive acquaintance with the Americans, and I must say, in justice to my countrymen, that I know not a man that I think capable of a forgery at once so able and so base. Truth is indeed respected in America, and so gross an affront to her I hope will not, and I think cannot go unpunished.

Whether it is genuine or not, I have no doubt of the truth of the facts, in general, and I have reasons to believe, that if the secret correspondence of Bernard, Hutchinson, Gage, Howe, and Clinton could all be brought to light, the world would be equally surprised at the whole thread of it. The British administration and their servants have carried towards us from the beginning a system of duplicity, in the conduct of American affairs, that will appear infamous to the public whenever it shall be known.

You have seen Rodney's account of the battle of the 17th of April. The sceptre of the ocean is not to be maintained by such actions as this, and Byron's, and Keppel's. They must make themselves more terrible upon the ocean, to preserve its dominion. Their empire is founded only in fear--no nation loves it. We have no news.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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PROTEST OF THE CITY OF AMSTERDAM.

_Extracted from the Resolutions of the Council of that City of the 29th of June, 1780, and inserted in the Acts of the Provincial Assembly of Holland, at the Hague, July 1st, 1780._

The Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, in the name and on the part of their constituents, in order to justify themselves to posterity, have declared in the Assembly of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses that their Committee is of opinion that it is necessary, without loss of time, to write on the part of their High Mightinesses to M. de Swart, their Resident at the Court of Russia, and charge him to enter into a conference, the sooner the better, with the Commissioners of her Imperial Majesty of Russia, and of other neutral powers in the place of his residence and elsewhere, where it shall be judged suitable, in order to conclude together a convention for the mutual protection of the commerce and navigation of neutral powers, on the basis of the declaration made by her Majesty to the belligerent powers, and of the resolution adopted on this subject by their High Mightinesses, on the 24th of April last, adding to it only, that said M. de Swart shall take for the rule of his conduct the simplicity which her Imperial Majesty of Russia herself has proposed in the explanations which she made on five points at the request of his Swedish Majesty, and which M. de Swart has communicated to their High Mightinesses, to the end, that with such a provisional convention, they would be well pleased to decree together the reciprocal protection of the merchant ships of each other, which, fortified with the requisite papers shall be nevertheless insulted on the sea; so that these merchant vessels being in reach of one or more vessels of war of one of the allied powers, wherever it may be, they may receive, in virtue of such an alliance, any assistance; and that at the same time the contracting powers engage to put to sea, provisionally, all the vessels of war they can, and to give to the officers who shall command them necessary orders and instructions that they may be able to fulfil these general, salutary and simple views.

And that, further, as to arrangements to be made for the future, which may require more particular detail, and which cannot be adjusted with the expedition which the present perilous state of the navigation of the neutral powers in general, and of this Province in particular demands, M. de Swart will reserve all this for a separate article, of which her Imperial Majesty of Russia made mention in the above named explanations, and that he will declare in regard to this that their High Mightinesses have given thereon their final and precise orders, in which they will constitute one or more Plenipotentiaries who will be able to treat of the necessary arrangements on this subject with the neutral powers.

That said constituents, to give greater weight to their present advice, add further to the above, that if this advice was rejected, and if the affair was negotiated on the basis of the previous opinion, exhibited on the 23d of June last, in the Assembly of Holland, the consequence of it will be that the Russian squadron, which, according to orders of her Imperial Majesty of Russia, must have already put to sea, will appear in the seas bordering on this country, without giving any protection to the commerce of this country; while, on the other side, though commerce has been a long time charged with double duties, their High Mightinesses, meantime, grant it no protection, because the Colleges of Admiralty of this country profess themselves unable to do it, or at least to put to sea sufficient convoys to avoid affronts like those which the squadron under the orders of Rear-Admiral de Byland had lately endured.

That from this total failure of protection to the navigation of this country, on the one side, and from the continual insults of which their High Mightinesses every day receive grievous complaints on the other, there must naturally ensue an entire suspension of the commerce of this country; and thence, it is easy to foresee, that this commerce will be diverted and take its course by other European channels, and that the burdensome impositions with which it is charged, in order to obtain means for its protection being continued, will precipitate its ruin.

That in this confusion of affairs, and in the extreme necessity in which they find themselves, to take advantage of an offer of assistance and succor so generously and magnanimously made and proposed by her Imperial Majesty of Russia to this State, on a footing so easy and so little burdensome; the Lords Constituents will leave posterity to judge of the weight of the reasons alleged by some members of the Assembly of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses in the deliberation on this subject, as if the acceptance of said means for the necessary protection of the commerce of this country, and in particular of foreign succor, could be considered a means of drawing on a war on the part of those, against whom it is found necessary to defend ourselves, in making use of said means to all lawful purposes; and as if we ought, for this reason, to decline the said offer of assistance, unless her Imperial Majesty of Russia, beside her said magnanimous plan of re-establishing the liberty of the seas, will also engage with the other neutral powers to guaranty to this nation all its possessions fixed and immovable, both in and out of Europe.

That the Lords Constituents will only remark, that in order that such an attack on the fixed and immovable possessions of the Republic may appear likely, it would be necessary at least, to allege some plausible reasons or pretexts to defend it, in the eyes of all Europe, from the most manifest injustice and violence; whereas it is clear that such hostilities could not have any foundation on a protection of commerce to which their High Mightinesses find themselves absolutely forced by the open violation of the treaty of commerce concluded with England in 1674; that thus the probability of an attack of this sort, seeing the manifest injustice of such an enterprize, must vanish; and this especially, if we consider the great number of enemies that England has drawn upon her, and that it would be madness to increase the number; that such being the case, the said suppositions are of too small weight and too far removed from all probability to refuse the means which are offered of protecting the commerce of the subjects of the State, and that to refuse an aid so powerful while it is not in a condition to protect its commerce by its own unaided forces, will be evidently to renounce all protection possible, while the burdensome imposts under which commerce, in expectation of some protection, has a long time groaned, and still groans, would, against all reason, remain in their rigor.

That in addition to this the Lords Constituents will remark further, that it appears by the successive despatches of M. de Swart to their High Mightinesses on this affair, that he insists strongly on hastening the business, and on sending, the sooner the better, necessary instructions for this purpose, after the example of Sweden, who has already instructed her Minister to conclude the said convention. That this is the more necessary because we know that all sorts of indirect means are set to work to deprive the Republic of the advantage of an alliance so beneficial, and to involve it in a war with France.

From this it is clear that such pernicious views will be accomplished, if not only they put off the completion of the convention, but also, as is but too apparent, if they evade it altogether by making her Imperial Majesty of Russia propositions of guaranty, which not only are entirely foreign to the plan which this Princess has laid before the eyes of Europe, but which her Majesty, in the explanations she has given, has roundly declared she would never listen to.

In fine that the Lords Constituents are of opinion, that it is necessary to satisfy the wishes of her Imperial Majesty of Russia, by making the declaration in question on the part of their High Mightinesses to the belligerent powers, and by assuring her Majesty that as soon as said convention shall be signed, their High Mightinesses will make the said declaration to the Courts of the belligerent powers.

Meantime the committee referred thereon to the better advice of the honorable Council. On which, having deliberated and the voices having been taken, the Burgomasters and Counsellors thanked the committee for the trouble they had taken and agreed to the above advice.

A. VAN HINGELANDT.

* * * * *

JAMES LOVELL TO C. W. F. DUMAS.

Philadelphia, July 10th, 1780.

Sir,

I know not how I can profess all the regard which I feel for you, without appearing, on the one hand, to do it upon slight grounds, or, on the other, to have delayed it too long.

I have been steadily in Congress without once visiting my family in Boston, since January, 1777, and from May, that year, have been a member of the Committee of Foreign Affairs; consequently, I am well informed of your truly republican spirit, your particular affection for these States, and your industry in their service, most of your numerous letters, down to December 30th, 1779, having come to hand.

The honorable gentleman who will deliver this, being also a member of Congress, has a just esteem for you, and promises himself much advantage from an opportunity of conversing with you. Mr Searle is well able to make a due return of the benefits from the fund of his intimacy with American state affairs, his extensive commercial knowledge, and his science of mankind gained by former travels.

I shall shortly write to you again by another respectable gentleman of our assembly, and I will use every means to make him the bearer of what you have so rightfully solicited, as a faithful _first_ correspondent of our Committee, from whom you will, probably, have regular official letters under a new arrangement of a secretaryship, which has been vacant from the days of a confusion excited by an indiscreet and illiberal publication here, on the 5th of December, 1778, and which you have read with grief.

In the meantime, I hope you will receive kindly this individual testimony of cordial friendship, from, Sir, your very humble servant,

JAMES LOVELL.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

The Hague, July 15th, 1780.

Sir,

Since my last of the 21st of May, nothing has passed of much interest in the Assemblies of this Province, to deserve repetition. I send an account of all that passes to Dr Franklin at Paris, almost every post. The fitting out of ships of the Republic for convoy goes on slowly, and the resolutions in this respect, and for the negotiations with Russia, drag equally slow. The English party, led by the English Ambassador, and by another person who leads the majority here, continue to perplex, delay, and cross everything; and he who is at the head of all, follows their impulses. In a word, the English intrigue more here than in all Europe besides. The difficulties they excite in Germany and foment on the subject of the coadjutor of Munster and Cologne, are intended to embarrass this Republic, and hinder it from being successfully occupied in the re-establishment of its navy. It was in agitation to make choice of a Prince of Austria for coadjutor, and, of consequence, for future Elector of Cologne. The King of Prussia is opposed to it; and France also. England, in the name of Hanover, favored the views of the House of Austria. This may kindle a war in Germany.

The protest here annexed of the minority in the Chapter of Munster, is a paper as important as it is well done. I received it in German and translated it, and while I am writing this, a copy of it is making.

I have nothing more to add, except that a body of ten thousand Prussians, quartered in Westphalia, have orders to hold themselves ready to march to Munster on the first signal.

The misfortune of Charleston has animated the courage of the Anglomanes here, and filled our friends with consternation. I do my best to encourage them, and I succeed. In spite of the intrigues of the English, they will gain nothing important here, because there must be unanimity in the resolutions for war or peace.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DUMAS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

The Hague, July 22d, 1780.

Sir,

As everything is here in the inactivity of summer, nothing new has occurred. The States of the Province of Holland do not assemble till the 26th of this month. It is to be wished that we may soon receive news from America, which will raise again the courage of the friends of the United States, to whom the misfortune of Charleston has caused much pain, in proportion as it has reanimated those who favor your enemies. The latter, in the meantime, forge and utter every day rumors injurious to the United States, such as, that they are about to submit. "The Congress," say they, "is disunited and ready to dissolve; the southern Provinces successively yield, and they flatter themselves in England, that those in the north will follow their example." The King himself flatters his Parliament with this idea. I can, for the present, only oppose patience to all this, and keep myself mostly out of sight; for they look on me as a lost man, and one who will be soon abandoned by America herself. Besides, my feeble health, which has not been able to resist this shock and a concurrence of many others, forces me to this inaction for a time.

Two Plenipotentiaries depart hence to regulate at Petersburg with the Empress of Russia, the armed neutrality. The Court of Denmark has followed the example of Russia, in making the same declarations to the other powers. It appears that the affair of Munster will not trouble the peace of Germany. This election must be made the 16th of next month, and, probably, the Archduke will be coadjutor.

_July 24th._ The sudden declaration of Denmark, unforeseen by all the world, much embarrasses those here who hope to see the armed neutrality fail. Amsterdam has protested against sending Plenipotentiaries to Petersburg, to whom embarrassing instructions have been given. She wishes, with reason, that they would be content simply to send full powers to M. de Swart, Resident of the Republic at Petersburg, with orders to conform to the resolution of their High Mightinesses, which is positive and clear on the accession to said armed neutrality. It is expected that Sweden will make, on the first opportunity, a like declaration. Then the opposition will not be able to force the Republic to recede, without making themselves odious.

We hope by the next post, among other things, to receive good news from the combined fleet of the Count de Guichen and Don Solano; as also from M. de Ternay, and from the continent.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DUMAS.

* * * * *

WILLIAM CARMICHAEL TO C. W. F. DUMAS.

Madrid, July 24th, 1780.

Dear Sir,

I confess myself very remiss in not answering your favor of the 21st ultimo sooner. The removal of the Court from Aranjues to this city, and a bilious disorder which has oppressed me more than a month, and which still afflicts me, have in part, been the reason. I have no news to communicate to you, which can console you for our late misfortunes; I can assure you, however, that they do not deject me. _Per aspera ad astra._ Heaven does not intend to exempt us from the adversities, which have befallen other nations, who struggled for their liberty, by giving as almost full and instantaneous enjoyment of it. I have full confidence in the perseverance of our countrymen. They will, I hope, act with more vigor in consequence of their misfortunes. I have received letters from America, dated in the end of April, and the 1st of May, which speak of the loss of Charleston as certain, and which predict other successes of the enemy in the Northern States, but which show no despondency.

I shall pay implicit obedience to the request you make me, with respect to your family, and you may rely upon me, when I tell you that as long as I have any influence, or any friends in the councils of America, they shall not want strenuous advocates, and this letter will always be a memento that would put me to the blush, should I be deficient in a promise, which I think myself even in justice to my country obliged to endeavor to fulfil in the best manner possible. The Spanish, or rather allied fleet, has returned to Cadiz, except a few vessels which cruise near that port. The Count de Estaing is expected at St Ildefonso in about a week, the Count being now at that place. I go there this week.

I see that the _Courier de l'Europe_ mentions that Mr Jay has received his _congé_, &c. &c. Not a word of truth. The English papers sent our commissioners from France frequently, yet a treaty was made by these same _congéd_ commissioners. I have received your cypher safe. Begin when you please your observations on men and things. I shall be much obliged to you, to separate and seal up all the letters you have ever received from me, unless it be this, under a cover for me, which, in case of death, which heaven forbid, you will direct to me, delivered to my orders.

My best compliments to your family, and Messrs de Neufville, and believe me ever, your friend and servant,

WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

The Hague, July 25th, 1780.

Sir,

The 21st of March last I had the honor to write your Excellency a long letter on my own concerns, of which I annex here an extract. I add here, that when I received the first commission of the committee on the part of Congress, dated in December, 1775, in which they honored me with their orders and credentials, I did not solicit to be employed; I did not even think of it. But chosen and named, by this respectable body, in a manner as unexpected as it was definite and authentic, to serve essentially the United States, my ardent thoughts and life were consecrated with zeal to the cause of the United States. Persuaded that it was the cause of humanity, of liberty, and of virtue, I have sacrificed everything to this noble service, during nearly five years, with all possible zeal and fidelity. The Congress also testified to me soon after, that they were well satisfied with my services. I have corresponded assiduously since that time with the Committee of Foreign Affairs, with the Plenipotentiaries of the United States at Paris, and with a number of other servants of America. I have raised up, cemented and nourished in Holland a considerable party in their favor, whereby I have drawn upon myself the hatred of a party more powerful, which wishes to see me perish, and which has already done me all the wrong and all the mischief of which it was capable. I have participated in the adverse fortune of America, in the just confidence that the United States and their Congress will have my interest at heart, as I have constantly and successfully had theirs, and as their magnanimity, their dignity, and their honor require in the eyes of the European public.

I have yet fully this confidence; and it is this which caused me to solicit, more than a year since, in several of my letters to the Committee of Foreign Affairs, a formal confirmation of my agency on the part of Congress, for my safety and quiet. I beg, Sir, that you will second my request and obtain for me a resolution as favorable as my demand is just.

I know that some Americans, whom I honor in other respects, have entertained and propagated the idea, that a commission of the honorable Committee of Foreign Affairs was not so valid as one of Congress. One of them said so to me. I will not, Sir, give myself up to an idea so injurious, as to think, that Congress would refuse to ratify what their Committee has done; and the engagements it has made, but this body is not always composed of the same persons; it has many other affairs; it may forget me, and I may be cruelly supplanted, abandoned, and consequently at the age of sixty years, ruined with my family, without resource and without means. I put, then, my cause into the hands of your Excellency, to endeavor to obtain for me, as promptly as possible, the satisfaction I desire, and to send me the commission I solicit. The service of the United States requires it, and this will not interfere with the powers of Minister Plenipotentiary, who may be sent here; on the contrary, I shall be useful to him, if God spares my life.

One consideration, also, to which I pray Congress to give their attention, is that far from being recompensed for my past labors, the two hundred and twenty five louis d'ors or guineas which I draw yearly for my subsistence and to defray the expenses of journeys, postages, &c. charges, which, from prudence, and considering circumstances, I have never carried to the account, are not sufficient; and I have been obliged constantly to expend my own in addition. Besides my age, the privation not only of a copyist, which the service demanded, but even of a valet, which I have been obliged also to deny myself in order to be able to subsist, for about three years, makes my life extremely sad and painful.

In perfect trust that Congress will consent to give attention to my petition, and to my state, I commend myself with my wife and daughter to their protection.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DUMAS.

* * * * *

JOHN PAUL JONES TO C. W. F. DUMAS.

Ariel, Road of Croix, September 8th, 1780.