Chapter 3

Receives no communications from him.--Affairs in America.

Robert R. Livingston to C. W. F. Dumas. Philadelphia, September 12th, 1782, 489

Congress will take his requests into consideration.--State of things in America.

To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, September 27th, 1782, 491

Proceedings in Holland relative to the naval force ordered to join the French fleet.--Complains of the neglect of Congress.

To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, November 15th, 1782, 494

Reasons for the infrequency of his communication.

To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, December 12th, 1782, 496

Riot at the Hague.--Representations of the Prussian Envoy on the dissensions in Holland.

To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, December 17th, 1782, 500

Representations of the Prussian Envoy on a libel against the Princess of Orange.--Reply to the same.--The prisoners arrested on account of the disturbances at the Hague allowed to escape.--Obtains passports for Americans.

To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, January 11th, 1783, 503

Proposed mission of a Minister from the Republic to the United States.

To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, January 20th, 1783, 504

Proceedings in Holland.--Minister to the United States.

Memorial of the Prussian Ambassador. January 20th, 1783, 505

On the opposition to the Prince of Orange.

To John Adams. The Hague, January 24th, 1783, 508

Is requested to consult Mr Adams, whether his powers authorise him to accede to the armed neutrality, and to enter into a similar negotiation with the allied belligerents.

To John Adams. The Hague, January 28th, 1783, 509

Dissatisfaction of the Dutch with the conduct of France.

To John Adams. The Hague, January 30th, 1783, 511

Same subject.

To John Adams. The Hague, February 4th, 1783, 512

Same subject.--Reasons of the Count de Vergennes for hastening the signing of the treaty.

To John Adams. The Hague, Feb. 18th, 1783, 514

Is requested to inquire if the United States will enter into a convention with Holland, guarantying freedom of navigation.--Considerations which authorise the American Ministers to accede to this demand.

To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, March 4th, 1783, 515

Appointment of M. Van Berckel Minister to America.

To John Adams. The Hague, March 4th, 1783, 516

The States adopt a resolution, giving instructions to their Plenipotentiaries in regard to a general peace.

To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, March 5th, 1783, 517

Requesting him to make preparations for M. Van Berckel.

To John Adams. The Hague, March 6th, 1783, 518

Guarantee of the freedom of navigation desired by Holland.

To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, March 27th, 1783, 519

Domestic affairs of Holland.

To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, April 18th, 1783, 522

Same subject.--Is requested to inquire of Mr Dana if he will negotiate a convention on the principles of the armed neutrality with Holland.--The Secretary of the States-General desires to be informed of the titles by which Congress is to be addressed.

Robert R. Livingston to C. W. F. Dumas. Without date, 525

Impropriety of a foreign Envoy engaging in the parties of the country where he resides.

To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, May 8th, 1783, 526

Proceedings in Holland.--Difficulties in settling the articles of peace between Holland and Great Britain.

To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, May 25th, 1783, 528

Recommending Captain Riemersma.

Notes to the States-General. The Hague, June 5th, 1783, 529

Laying before them the treaty and convention between the two Republics.

M. Fagel to C. W. F. Dumas. The Hague, June 19th, 1783, 530

Agrees to exchange ratifications of the treaty and convention.

To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, June 20th, 1783, 530

Proceedings in Holland.

To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, June 23d, 1783, 531

Exchanges ratifications of the treaty and convention between the two Republics.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

WILLIAM CARMICHAEL;

CHARGÉ D'AFFAIRES FROM THE UNITED STATES TO THE COURT OF SPAIN.

William Carmichael was a native of Maryland. At the beginning of the revolution he was in Europe. From London he went over to Paris in the spring of the year 1776, and was there when Silas Deane arrived as a commercial and political agent from the United States. He lived with Mr Deane for some time in Paris, and aided him in his correspondence and the transaction of his affairs. It was suggested by the Prussian Minister, that the King would be pleased with information respecting American commerce, and would receive at Berlin any American who could give such information. Mr Deane proposed the enterprise to Mr Carmichael. He performed the journey in the autumn of 1776, by way of Amsterdam.

From Berlin he returned to Paris, where he lived on intimate terms with the American Commissioners, occasionally executing specific duties at their request, for more than a year, till he sailed for his native country. He arrived at Boston in May, 1778, and soon afterwards received an appointment which had recently been conferred on him by Congress, as Secretary to the Commissioners at the Court of France. It does not appear that he ever accepted this appointment, for on the 19th of November following he took his seat in Congress as a delegate from Maryland.

Mr Carmichael remained in Congress till Mr Jay was elected Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of Spain. He was chosen Secretary of Legation to the same Mission on the 28th of September, 1779, and went to Spain in company with Mr Jay, and remained with him during the whole of that Minister's residence in Madrid. When Mr Jay joined Dr Franklin in Paris, June, 1782, to aid in the negotiations of peace, Mr Carmichael was left as _Chargé d'Affaires_ at the Court of Spain. After the peace he was regularly commissioned in that character by Congress, and recognized as such by the King of Spain.

He continued to reside there in the same capacity during the term of the old Confederation, and for some time after the organization of the new government under Washington. In the year 1793, Mr Short was joined with him in a commission for negotiating at Madrid a treaty between Spain and the United States. Several months were passed in this attempt, but without success. Mr Carmichael returned soon afterwards to the United States.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.

* * * * *

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Amsterdam, November 2d, 1776.

Gentlemen,

Previous to your attention to what follows, it will be necessary for you to know that I have lived with Mr Deane since his first arrival at Paris; that I took that city in my way from London to Nantes, to find a passage to my native country, and with despatches, which Mr Arthur Lee intrusted to my care, for the honorable Congress. Having a relapse of a disorder, which prevented me from travelling, I stopped at Paris, and endeavored to find out, by means of Count d'Estaing and other persons of eminence, the sentiments of the French Court respecting our affairs; and the moment I knew of Mr Deane's arrival, offered him all the services in my power, and, of consequence, we have lived together until the 10th of the present month.

At that time the agent of the King of Prussia, who had often, as Mr Deane has informed you, made proposals of a commercial nature, expressed a desire that some American would go to Berlin, and this he gave us to understand was at the instance of his Sovereign, who wished to have a clear idea of the nature of our commerce, and expressed a curiosity, which he wished to gratify, by a minute detail of our affairs. Mr Deane thinking this an opportunity not to be neglected to interest a Prince, who for several years has been dreaming of making his port of Emden, an Amsterdam, proposed it to me. However unequal to the task, I have cheerfully accepted it; happy to find any opportunity of showing with what a fervent zeal I am devoted to the glorious cause, which, at present, by interesting their humanity as well as policy, gives us so much consequence in the eyes of Europe.

Here I have endeavored to engage merchants to speculate in a direct commerce to America, to find out the sentiments of the people in general respecting us, to know whether, in case of necessity, the United States would be able to negotiate a loan, whether England would be able to obtain further credit, and by this barometer of the ability of Princes, to discover their present situation. On these heads I have written Mr Deane, but having an opportunity by the way of St Eustatia, and thinking none should be neglected of giving information, though mine, perhaps, may not be of importance enough to merit that title, I have taken the liberty of addressing the honorable Committee. Arriving but two days after the accounts had reached this city, of our misfortune on Long Island, I found many, even of the sanguine friends of America dejected, and those of England almost in a frenzy of joy. In this disposition, it is easy to judge, no hopes could be entertained of engaging merchants in a direct trade. I find they have the greatest inclination to serve us, and at the same time themselves, for no people see their interests clearer, but their fears that we shall be subdued, the confident assertions of the friends of England confirming these apprehensions, the prodigious sums they have in the English funds, with this unlucky business at New York, all conspire to prevent direct speculation.

As my letters from Paris introduced me to the first houses here, I have had the best opportunity of knowing their sentiments, and I can venture to say, that with many who are apparently adverse to us, it is interest combating with principle, for insulted, searched, and plundered as the Dutch were the last war, and are at present, there are individuals who by no means want sensibility to feel, though the public wants spirit to resent the injury. The States have, however, in answer to a fresh remonstrance of General Yorke, declared that their ports are open to vessels of all nations, and that their trade to and from their own Colonies shall be unmolested, their subjects complying with the ordinances issued by their High Mightinesses. In fact, their prohibition of exporting warlike stores, extends to all British subjects. I hope it will not be long before all Europe will own us in another character. It is very certain, that without a very material and apparent success of the British arms in America, a loan would be very slowly negotiated for England here. There is nothing hinders them now from selling out of the English funds, but their not knowing what to do with their money; for this country may be called the treasury of Europe, and its stock of specie is more or less, according to the necessity of the different Princes in Europe. It being a time of peace, the call has not been very great of late.

Having mentioned the credit of England, that of France is next to be considered, and I am very sorry to say that has been very low here of late. The dreadful mismanagement of the finances in the late King's reign, and the character of the late Controller General, M. d'Olugny, had reduced it so low, that it was impossible to borrow anything considerable on perpetual funds. Perhaps a Minister of Finance, in whose probity the world have a confidence, may restore their credit. At this moment that is in some measure the case, for the French stocks rise on the appointment of M. Taboreau. That it is possible for France to borrow may be demonstrated; for at the time M. Turgot was removed, he was negotiating a loan here, and was likely to succeed, for sixty millions of guilders. The credit of Spain is extremely good, and that kingdom may have what money it will, and on the best terms. The Emperor's credit is also good, not as Emperor, but from his hereditary dominion. Sweden and Denmark both have good credit. The former, the best; they have money at four per cent; and it is not long since the King of Sweden borrowed three millions of guilders at this interest, to pay off old debts at five per cent. His interest is paid punctually. Prussia has no credit here, but the King's treasury is full by squeezing the last farthing from the people, and now and then he draws a little money from this Republic, by reviving obsolete claims. The credit of the Empress of Russia is very good; for she has punctually paid the interest of twelve millions of guilders, which she borrowed in her war with the Turks, and has lately paid off one million and a half of the principal. These are the strongest circumstances she could have in her favor with a mercantile people. I have this statement of credit from persons employed in negotiating the several loans, and, therefore, can depend upon the truth of the information.

To come next to America, should time and necessity oblige her to look abroad for money. In the present state of affairs, it is not probable that a loan is practicable. But should success so attend our arms, that it should appear evident that we are likely to support our independence, or should either France or Spain acknowledge our independence, in either of these cases I believe we might have money, and when it was seen that we were punctual in our first payments of the interest, we should have as much as we pleased. The nature of the security, or the fund for the payment of interest, I have not been able to imagine. But, observing in a letter to Mr Dearethart, it was the writer's opinion, that the honorable Congress did not wish to circulate too much paper, for fear of depreciating its value, I thought that bills issued similar to those in circulation in the Provinces, and lodged in a public bank in Europe, might be accepted as a pledge or deposit for money borrowed by the United States. I beg pardon for the crudity of the idea, and would not have mentioned it here, but that having hinted at it in general conversation, people thought it might, on a future occasion, be adopted.

You will please to observe, that everything here mentioned came from an individual, who only as such avowed himself interested for his country's fate, and for its benefit sought information. Notwithstanding the rise of stocks, occasioned by our misfortune on Long Island, the Dutch are selling out, and my strongest representations have not been wanting to contribute a mite to this circumstance. The price of our product is great. Rice sells for twentyfive shillings sterling per cwt. and tobacco for eight stivers and four ---- per pound. You have been threatened, that the Ukraine would supply Europe with tobacco. It must be long before that time can arrive. I have seen some of the tobacco here, and the best of it is worse than the worst of our ground leaf. Four hundred thousand pounds have been sent here this year. The Russian Ambassador said at the Baron le Guerre's, Ambassador from Sweden, where I had the honor to dine, that Russia soon would be able to supply the market with that article. In this he spoke more like an Ambassador than as a merchant. I took occasion in reply to observe, that if that was the case, and on many other accounts, it was the interest of her Majesty that all intercourse between Great Britain and America should be broken off, for that then the former would be dependent on Russia for all those articles, which hitherto the latter had supplied her with.

Having expressed a desire of knowing these reasons at large, with the assistance of M. D---- and the approbation of Mr Deane, I purpose giving in a little memoir on the subject, which the Ambassador assures me shall be sent to St Petersburg. Not being so sanguine as to think, that it will prevent Russia from supplying England with troops, should the other demand them, but it may give a secret dilatoriness to their assistance, which may finally operate in our favor.

If it should be determined to send any cargoes of tobacco here, on the public account, it will perhaps be thought proper to convoy them. The frigates destined to that service might retaliate the injuries we have received by the destruction of Falmouth and Norfolk, by destroying the towns and shipping of Greenock and the port of Glasgow, or Ayre and Cambleton. I have been particularly informed of the situation of those places until the present moment. They have no batteries to protect, or soldiers to defend them, or quartered near enough in any numbers to be assembled for that purpose, and not a vessel of war on the whole coast larger than a tender, to receive men for the sea service. Their rendezvous might be the entrance of the northern channel, where, while they waited a junction, in case they should be separated, they might take the outward bound ships, and by the information obtained from them, insure their success. In returning, a party landed on the Isle of Bute, might destroy the house of that favorite. Little objects strike most forcibly little minds. This affair completed, which would alarm Britain and astonish Europe, the ships trading to the Baltic, with cargoes not only that suit, but are necessary for our Provinces, might be their next object. This ought all to be done in the months of March, April, and May. The destruction of the Greenland fishery, might be the last object of the expedition. I am confident, that not having a distrust of such attempts, the success would be more certain. Should there be a necessity of seeking shelter or refreshments, I have it from the Swedish Ambassador here, that we shall find both in their ports. I only hinted to him, that it was possible some of our adventurers might explore those seas in search of plunder.

This is the rough outline of a plan, which the honorable Congress may, should it in any shape be approved, digest into form. I would stake my life on the success of the greatest part of it, if inviolable secrecy is preserved, and the execution is trusted to persons who have not only wealth but glory in view. If prompted by a heated and indignant imagination, this plan should appear dangerous and impracticable, I hope it will be imputed to the desire of retorting our injuries on that country, which has in some measure been the cause, and is at present endeavoring, with the rancor of private animosity, to accumulate our distress. I entreated Mr Deane to propose some part of it to the consideration of Congress sometime ago, and I have the pleasure to find his opinion corresponds with my own on the subject.

The resentment, which it is said the honorable Congress have shown, on the conduct of the King of Portugal towards us, has been attended with a very good effect, and should a manifesto be published by that honorable body, hinting only the necessity of taking similar measures with all those who denied them the common rights of mankind, I am persuaded it would be to our advantage. It was the dread of such a blow to their trade, that was one of the strongest arguments made use of by the merchants of this country, in their petition to the States. I need not mention to you anything respecting what is like to take place in Europe another year, for of that ere this, you, I hope, have information. I will only say, that the greater part contemplates with pleasure the gloomy prospect for England; there is not an Envoy of the most petty State in Italy, but exults at it. The want of intelligence from America, hurts the cause prodigiously in Europe, and the anxiety of those who have its interest at heart, is from that circumstance, inconceivable. I hope I need not offer assurances to convince the honorable Congress of the zeal with which I wish to serve them. To be directed by that honorable body in what manner to do it most effectually, will be the happiest circumstance of my life.

I have the honor to be, &c.

WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.

_P. S._ I cannot seal this letter without recommending Colonel Prevet, should the fortune of war put him into our hands, to all the indulgence, to himself and family, his situation will possibly admit of. Mr Grand, his wife's father, an eminent merchant here, animated with that love of liberty which distinguishes his country, (Switzerland) offers all the services in his power to the public, and a thousand civilities to its individuals. If by the same fortune, Mr Dowdswell, of the first regiment of guards, should fall into our hands, his father's merits and his own reluctance, will give him the same indulgence.

Since I wrote the above, Mr Grand has assured me, that should the honorable Congress determine to negotiate loans in Europe, and would draw bills accepted by the principal merchants in America, payable at two, three, and five years' sight, and send them to their house, they should be discounted by them at five per cent interest. This was the manner in which money was raised for the city of Leipsic during the last war. The gentlemen of the committee will please to observe, that this is to be kept very secret, for no loan can be publicly negotiated here as yet. The firm of this house is Messrs Horneca, Fizeaux & Co. and is one of the most capital in this city. Should any cargoes be consigned here on public account, perhaps it may be thought proper to address them to these gentlemen. I can assure you, gentlemen, and that from my own knowledge, that many bills remitted from America, and supposed to be drawn on account of Congress, have been refused payment by the English Ministry knowing beforehand when they would be presented for payment, and by that means, having an opportunity of bribing, threatening, or flattering the parties on whom they were drawn, either to refuse payment absolutely, or at least noting them for protest, in order to hurt the credit of our merchants in Europe. I do think that the less connexion, for this and other reasons, we have in future with houses whose principal business depends on Great Britain, the better. I beg pardon for giving my opinion thus freely, but it is the effect of my zeal.

W. C.

* * * * *

TO WILLIAM BINGHAM AT MARTINIQUE.

Paris, June 25th to July 6th, 1777.

Sir,