Chapter 21

We are threatened from England with a very powerful force to come next year against us. We are making all the provision in our power here to prevent that force, and we hope we shall be able to defend ourselves. But as the events of war are always uncertain, possibly, after another campaign, we may find it necessary to ask aid of some foreign power. It gives us great pleasure to learn from you, that "all Europe wishes us the best success in the maintenance of our liberty." But we wish to know whether any one of them, from principles of humanity, is disposed magnanimously to step in for the relief of an oppressed people, or whether if, as it seems likely to happen, we should be obliged to break off all connexion with Britain, and declare ourselves an independent people, there is any State or Power in Europe, who would be willing to enter into an alliance with us for the benefit of our commerce, which amounted, before the war, to near seven millions sterling per annum, and must continually increase, as our people increase most rapidly. Confiding, my dear friend, in your good will to us and our cause, and in your sagacity and abilities for business, the Committee of Congress, appointed for the purpose of establishing and conducting a correspondence with our friends in Europe, of which Committee I have the honor to be a member, have directed me to request of you, that as you are situated at the Hague, where Ambassadors from all the Courts reside, you would make use of the opportunity, which that situation affords you, of discovering, if possible, the disposition of the several Courts with respect to such assistance or alliance, if we should apply for the one or propose for the other. As it may possibly be necessary, in particular instances, that you should, for this purpose, confer directly with some great Ministers, and show them this letter as your credential, we only recommend it to your discretion, that you proceed therein with such caution, as to keep the same from the knowledge of the English Ambassador, and prevent any public appearance, at present, of your being employed in any such business, as thereby, we imagine, many inconveniences may be avoided, and your means of rendering us service increased.

That you may be better able to answer some questions, which will probably be put to you concerning our present situation, we inform you, that the whole continent is very firmly united, the party for the measures of the British Ministry being very small, and much dispersed; that we have had on foot the last campaign an army of near twentyfive thousand men, wherewith we have been able, not only to block up the King's army in Boston, but to spare considerable detachments for the invasion of Canada, where we have met with great success, as the printed papers sent herewith will inform you, and have now reason to expect that whole Province may be soon in our possession; that we purpose greatly to increase our force for the ensuing year, and thereby, we hope, with the assistance of well disciplined militia, to be able to defend our coast, notwithstanding its great extent; that we have already a small squadron of armed vessels to protect our coasting trade, which have had some success in taking several of the enemy's cruisers and some of their transport vessels and store-ships. This little naval force we are about to augment, and expect it may be more considerable in the next summer.

We have hitherto applied to no foreign power. We are using the utmost industry in endeavoring to make saltpetre, and with daily increasing success. Our artificers are also everywhere busy in fabricating small arms, casting cannon, &c. Yet both arms and ammunition are much wanted. Any merchants, who would venture to send ships laden with those articles, might make great profit; such is the demand in every Colony, and such generous prices are, and will be given, of which, and of the manner of conducting such a voyage, the bearer, Mr Story, can more fully inform you. And whoever brings in those articles is allowed to carry off the value in provisions to our West Indies, where they will fetch a very high price, the general exportation from North America being stopped. This you will see more particularly in a printed resolution of the Congress.

We are in great want of good engineers, and wish you could engage and send us two able ones in time for the next campaign, one acquainted with field service, sieges, &c. and the other with fortifying sea-ports. They will, if well recommended, be made very welcome, and have honorable appointments, besides the expenses of their voyage hither, in which Mr Story can also advise them. As what we now request of you, besides taking up your time, may put you to some expense, we send you, for the present, enclosed, a bill for one hundred pounds sterling, to defray such expenses, and desire you to be assured that your services will be considered and honorably rewarded by the Congress.

We desire, also, that you would take the trouble of receiving from Arthur Lee, agent for the Congress in England, such letters as may be sent by him to your care, and of forwarding them to us with your despatches. When you have occasion to write to him to inform him of anything, which it may be of importance that our friends there should be acquainted with, please to send your letters to him under cover, directed to Mr Alderman Lee, merchant, on Tower Hill, London, and do not send it by post, but by some trusty shipper, or other prudent person, who will deliver it with his own hand. And when you send to us, if you have not a direct safe opportunity, we recommend sending by way of St Eustatia, to the care of Messrs Robert & Cornelius Stevens, merchants there, who will forward your despatches to me.

With sincere and great esteem and respect, I am, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

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B. FRANKLIN TO C. W. F. DUMAS.

Philadelphia, March 22d, 1776.

Dear Sir,

I wrote to you lately by Mr Story, and since by another conveyance. This line will be delivered to you by Mr Deane, who goes over on business of the Congress, and with whom you may freely converse on the affairs committed to you in behalf of that body. I recommend him warmly to your civilities. Messrs Vaillant & Pochard continue close at their new business, and are already able to subsist by it; as they grow more expert, they will be able to make more money.

Mr Deane will inform you of everything here, and I need not add more, than that I am, with esteem and respect, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

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TO B. FRANKLIN, CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Utrecht, April 30th, 1776.

Sir,

I received on the 6th instant at the Hague, from Mr Thomas Story, the despatches of the 19th December, 1775, of which he was the bearer.

I am deeply penetrated by the honor done me, and the confidence reposed in me by the committee appointed by the General Congress to maintain the correspondence between the American United Provinces and Europe, and of which you, Sir, are one of the worthy members. I shall die content if the remainder of my life can be devoted to the service of so glorious and just a cause. I accept, therefore, joyfully the commission you have bestowed, and whatever you may think fit to give me in future, and I promise a hearty good will and an untiring zeal. I hope my ability will justify the favorable opinion you entertain of me. This promise on my part is in fact an oath of allegiance, which I spontaneously take to Congress; receive it as such.

When I remarked in my last letter to you, "that all Europe wishes you the most happy issue in your defence of your liberty," I meant the unprejudiced, equitable, humane, European public; in a word, the citizens of universal society, men in general. You must except from this number the holders of English funds, and those Courts of Europe who have an understanding with England; these, far from assisting you, will sacrifice you to their interests or their fears. The allies, which under such circumstances are suitable for you, are France and Spain; for it is their interest that you should be free and independent of England, whose enormous maritime power fills them with apprehensions. I have, therefore, opened myself to the French Minister, and a copy and translation of your requests and letters of credence to me have been for a fortnight in his hands. In the conversation I had with this Minister I observed, that the wishes of his nation are for you. He said, that there was one difficulty in affording aid to the Colonies; if they should be reconciled with England, they would assist her against the power which had aided them, and would imitate the dog in the fable. I had no reply to make to this, except that in this case reasonable beings were concerned, that if they saw the object was not to deprive them of the liberty for which they were contending, but to assure it to them, they would not be so ungrateful as to join against their benefactors, those who wished to destroy that liberty. Finally, he desired to know from me positively, what I would ask for the Colonies of his Court. I answered, that you wished to be informed, 1. If the King of France would, from motives of humanity and magnanimity, interpose his mediation on behalf of an oppressed people and effect a reconciliation, which should preserve to them all the liberties they formerly enjoyed. 2. In case such a reconciliation could not be effected, would the nations, subjects of the house of Bourbon, be willing to accede to an alliance with the Colonies, with the advantages of an immense commerce? He was pleased with the former proposition to offer to his young king the glory of conferring peace on the subjects of others as well as on his own. The other proposition is not disagreeable to him, were it not for the dreadful war which would ensue in Europe. I then delivered to him, together with your letter, a memorial, showing how important it was for France not to allow the subjugation of the Colonies. The whole was sent to his Court about a fortnight since, and if the answer should be delayed it will be of no disadvantage. Meanwhile, we have gained this advantage, that an opening is made, which must dispose France in your favor, and engage her to tolerate and secretly to encourage even any assistance your vessels can derive from France, Spain, and the Indies. I have, therefore, in the extract, copied exactly what you pointed out to me as the most necessary, as engineers, arms, munitions, &c.

I have done all this with the most profound secrecy. The person of whom I have spoken to you required it from me, and promised it in return, so that no one in this country, excepting him and me, knows anything of it. It is more advantageous to you and safer for me, that I should not be known as your agent.

Mr Story, not daring to take two letters with him to England, one for Arthur Lee, the other for Mrs Hannah Philippa Lee, left them in safe keeping with me, and he did well. I learn by two letters, which I have received from Mr A. Lee, of the 20th and 23d of April, that on Mr Story's landing in England, they took from him a letter, which I had sent by him for Mr Lee; fortunately it was not signed with any true name, and could give no information to your adversaries. They have, therefore, committed this additional violence to no purpose. I have sent those letters to a friend at Rotterdam, according to the request of Mr Lee, and that friend informs me under date of May 3d, that he has forwarded the packet by a captain of a sloop, one of his old friends, who promised him to deliver them himself to the address which I put upon them by Mr Lee's directions. The sudden departure of the vessels will prevent me from informing you whether they have been safely delivered. I shall do it by some future opportunity. I joined to the packet a cypher for Mr Lee, like that I sent to you, but grounded on different words, so that we shall be able to communicate with each other in perfect safety. I informed him also, that I had the honor of writing you frequently, so that he can send his letters through me, if he has no better way.

I know an engineer over thirty years of age, able, experienced, and very well qualified not only in his branch, but in the whole art of war; in a word, a fine officer, but very inadequately rewarded. I shall not be able to speak with him for several weeks, when I will propose to him the service of the Colonies. But as he is a widower, without means, and has several children, it will probably be necessary if he accepts, to make him some advances to enable him to go over. I will give you an account in due time of the conversation I shall have with him.

I have endorsed today your bill of exchange of £100 sterling to the order of M. Rey, bookseller at Amsterdam. Good reasons prevented me from doing it sooner and at any other place than Amsterdam. May the conscientious use which I shall make of this fund entirely satisfy your wishes, and the confidence with which you have honored me. I am persuaded of the generosity of Congress, and I pray heaven that I may deserve by my services to be the object of it, when God shall have blessed their labors for the welfare and prosperity of the Colonies, either by a firm and sincere reconciliation, or by the success of your righteous and just arms. In reality, I hope much more than I fear on this point. The wisdom of Congress, so constantly manifested, the perfect union and harmony which prevail there, encourage me more and more. By this rare, happy, and admirable union, much more surely than by all the alliances in the world, you are, and you will finally be superior to your enemies, however formidable they may appear. _Concordiâ res parvæ crescunt, discordiâ maximæ dilabuntur_; may this great truth and the sublime words of Themistocles to Eurybiades, who raised a weapon against him in the Council, "_Strike but hear_," be constantly present to your minds and hearts as well as to those of your constituents. What power will then be able to withstand yours? Ascribe the freedom of this address to the enthusiasm with which I am animated for your union, the noblest edifice that liberty has ever reared. In it centres all that the political world contains attractive for me.

I thank you, Sir, for your fatherly kindness to the two French gentlemen. They are young, and ought not therefore to entertain even the idea of being an instant a burden to any one, and a useless load to society.

I am very glad that the _Statement of the Points in Dispute between Great Britain and the Colonies_ has been approved, so far as to cause it to be printed for the instruction of your friends, the Canadians. This is the only effect of that paper, for the printer not having sold enough of his journals to be at any other expense than the impression, has ceased to pay the author of those pieces. I have obtained his address for the purpose of engaging him to assist me in refuting the Jew, Pinto, whose venal pen has been employed in the most insolent manner against the Americans. A certain person, whom you know, regrets having allowed himself to be dazzled by his financial system, so far as to approve it without reserve in a letter, or advertisement, at the head of the treatise on "Circulation;" for although there are some good things in it here and there, yet that person has long since bean enlightened, in regard to many false brilliants, which the Jew passed on for genuine.

As for the _Idea on Government and Royalty_, I learn with pleasure, that it has been agreeable, and that the time will perhaps come when it will receive more attention. This idea renders me more happy and proud, than if I had written the Iliad; for I think with Phædrus, _nisi utile est quod fucimus, stulta est gloria_. It is a seed, which I thought myself bound to sow in your country, the only place in the known world where it could spring up. I consider that idea more and more practicable and true, and of all political systems the most completely proof against all objections. It requires only to be developed. God grant that we may soon be able to do it in peace and at leisure. I shall then beg you, Sir, with the estimable and learned author of the _Pennsylvania Farmer_, to correspond with me on this subject, and to prove it, if not to our contemporaries, at least to posterity.

I thank you, Sir, for the Journal of Congress from the 10th of May to the 1st of August, 1775, which you have had the kindness to send me; be good enough to complete it by sending what precedes and follows; for we have here nothing authentic relating to your affairs. All that we know of you, we get from the gazettes, imperfectly, by scraps, in a vague and uncertain manner, a mixture of truth and falsehood.

_May 9th._ I have just received the following letter without signature. "You will perhaps be tempted to come to the fair at the Hague. I shall have the honor to renew the expressions of my sincere esteem. I shall be at your orders every day at noon or sooner, if you will write me from your lodgings to let me know what hour will be most convenient for you. We shall be able to moralise some moments upon subjects, which we have already discussed. I have but little to say to you, which I shall do with a sincerity and candor, which I trust you will approve." I shall make this visit Saturday night, so as to return here Sunday night or Monday, not being able to do it otherwise. I shall send this letter today to Amsterdam, as they tell me the vessels will else sail without it. I shall therefore give you an account of the conversation in another letter, either by the same vessel or by some other. I am sorry to be obliged to leave you in suspense on a subject so interesting.

Receive, Sir, for all the members of Congress in general, and for yourself, Mr Dickinson and Mr Jay in particular, the sincere assurances of my profound respect.

DUMAS.[20]

FOOTNOTES:

[20] M. Dumas commonly wrote his despatches in French, but sometimes in English. It has not been thought necessary to designate between those translated, and those written originally in English. Although he wrote the language with a good deal of accuracy, yet foreign idioms and other defects will occasionally be perceived. In some instances the editor has taken the liberty to make free corrections of the author's style, and to omit a good deal of irrelevant matter.

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TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Utrecht, May 14th, 1776.

Gentlemen,

I wrote the 9th to the person who wrote me the letter of the 6th, of which I have given you a copy, that if what he had to say to me was pressing, I would go and return in two succeeding nights, to be with him Sunday the 12th, which is between the two; but if the interview could admit a week's delay, I should be able to make the journey more conveniently. He answered the next day, 10th of May, as follows.

"I have received, Sir, the letter you did me the honor to write. I obey instantly the order you have given to answer you as to the day when I shall be able to have the pleasure of seeing you. As what I shall have the honor of saying to you is not pressing, you may put off, till Saturday next, eight days hence, that is to say the 18th of this month, the visit with which you flatter me. Nay, I take the liberty to anticipate you in the offer of expenses in all cases where your good offices will be useful to me. Flattered, honored as I am with the acquaintance I have made with you, I should be very sorry to be a burden to you, and to abuse your kindness.

"I have the honor to be, very respectfully, Sir, at your command."

Do not think, Gentlemen, that a childish vanity leads me to recite to you this letter, and to take to myself sincerely the compliments which are addressed to me.

_May 21st._ I am at length returned from my journey, with which I have been much satisfied, because I think you will have reason to be so. After we had conversed some time on the great and very late news of the evacuation of Boston by your enemies, as a new mark of the wisdom of your operations, our friend, (whose name I have promised not to reveal,) said, the King of England does not forget himself, nevertheless, as you see; and he showed me in a gazette a prohibitory edict very severe, of the Empress Queen of Hungary, against all exportation of arms and munitions from her States for America. I had already seen it, and I told him so. But what you do not know, said he, is that the King has demanded this of the Empress by a letter written with his own hand. I gave him to understand, that I hoped his Court would not be so partial. You shall know, he replied, for you will comprehend it. As to your first demand, the mediation of the King cannot take place whilst the Colonies are subjects of the King of England, who, besides, would not accept it. As to your second demand, the King is a true knight, his word is sacred. He has given it to the English to live in peace with them. He will hold to it. While France is not at war with the English, he will not ally himself against them with the Colonies, and will not furnish aids to the latter. But on the other hand, for the same reason, the Americans have the same protection and liberty as all other English to resort to France, to export thence merchandise, arms, and munitions of war, without however forming magazines of them in France, which is not permitted by any nation. Besides, added he, the Colonies have no need that either France or Spain should enter into this war. Commerce alone will furnish to the Americans all that they want to defend themselves.

I am of his opinion. I think even that it will be more advantageous to you and to France also, that she should not be hasty to declare openly for you. Once more, gentlemen, your union, your constant love of liberty, your fortitude in turning from all that looks like luxury and in despising it, your hatred of tyranny and despotism, which are the sad fruits of luxury; in fine, all your republican virtues will render you superior to your enemies, and invincible even without allies. These, however, will not be wanting, be assured, for it cannot be thought, that with what is passing in your part of the world, ours can long remain at peace. The time will come when your friends will show themselves, and when your alliance will not only be accepted but sought. Meanwhile you have struck a great and wise blow in driving your enemies from Boston. They publish, that they have evacuated the place, with profound political motives; the public laughs at this pretence.

I forgot to mention to you, that the person in question offered to reimburse to me the expenses of my journey; and that I answered they were already paid. On which he requested me to tell him at least in what he could do me a favor. I answered, that he was doing me such in rendering great services to the Americans. Finally, he desired me to correspond from time to time with him. I engaged to do it, and shall not fail. Thus it depends only on you, Gentlemen, to render this correspondence more and more interesting. On my part I will be vigilant to profit by all events that can make any change in Europe. Those which happen in America will require, without doubt, that you give me frequently new instructions and orders provided always with letters of credence, or at least with one that will serve for the time, as you judge proper. I know to whom to address myself to ask for intelligence at the Court of France, and to have an answer in a few days.

_June 6th._ Here you have a copy of a letter from London, dated May 21st. You know well from whom it is.[21] I have sent to him under the envelope the two letters which Mr Story had left with me, and I added a cypher, which he has already used with success.