Part 7

"That to this effect, the pensioners take the liberty to solicit your High Mightinesses with profound respect, in case it is impossible to grant immediately a sufficient escort to go to the Colony and return, that in that case, as upon other occasions, it has been graciously granted by your High Mightinesses, for the support of trade, the equipment of vessels, societies, &c., to be so good also, as to grant generously in favor of the equipments to make for this Colony, Berbicia, and the interesting establishment of Curaçao, an encouragement equivalent to the design of the considerable disbursements, which they will be obliged to make, to put their vessels in a certain state of defence; and, moreover, for better order and direction, to cause to be escorted, their ships sailing in company, by as many vessels of war as it will be possible to spare for this expedition. In fine, that under the good pleasure of your High Mightinesses, and that these ships well armed may also serve to molest as much as possible the enemy, there may be granted them letters of marque and reprisals, under the customary condition, to the end that they make use of them upon occasion, by the brave officers, which the subscribers dare boast that they will employ in their ships."

This petition has been referred to the respective Deputies of the Colleges of the Admiralty, to make report on it as soon as possible. The Deputies of the merchants having beforehand solicited, in the most pressing manner, the Prince Stadtholder, to support with his powerful recommendation an affair of so great importance.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, June 15th, 1781.

Sir,

The long expected courier has at last arrived at the Hague from St Petersburg. The contents of his despatches are not public, but all hopes of assistance from the armed neutrality seem to be dissipated. The question now is, what is to be done next. Some are for alliances with the house of Bourbon and America, but a thousand fears arise. France, the Emperor, and the Republic, have Provinces so intermixed together in Brabant and Flanders, that it is supposed the Emperor would be much alarmed at an alliance between France and Holland, lest they should soon agree to divide his Provinces between them. The people in these Provinces would, it is supposed, have no objection. They all speak the French language, are of the same religion, and the policy of France in governing conquered Provinces, according to their ancient usages, and with great moderation, has taken away all aversion to a change of masters.

Some people think, that an alliance between France and Holland would occasion a general war. This I think would be an advantage to America, although philanthropy would wish to prevent the further effusion of human blood.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, June 23d, 1781.

Sir,

The answer from St Petersburg, as it is given to the public, is this;

"Her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, declares, That as much as she has been satisfied with the zeal with which their High Mightinesses have accepted her mediation, so much and more has her compassionate heart been affected with the difficulties formed by the Court of London, in referring the reconciliation with the Republic to a subsequent and general negotiation of peace between all the belligerent powers, under the combined mediation of Her Imperial Majesty, and His Majesty, the Roman Emperor. As soon as this negotiation shall take place, her Majesty promises beforehand to the Republic, all the assistance, which depends upon her, to the end, that the Republic may without delay, return into the rank of neutral powers, and thereby enjoy entirely, and without restraint, all the rights and advantages, which her accession to the engagements between Her Imperial Majesty and the Kings, her high allies, ought to assure to her.

"In this expectation, the intention of Her Imperial Majesty is, conjointly with their Majesties, to persuade that Court to that moderation, and those pacific sentiments, which their High Mightinesses, on their part have manifested. The Empress flatters herself, that the times and the events, which may unexpectedly happen, will bring forth circumstances of such a nature, as will put her in a situation to make appear, in a manner the most efficacious, her good will and her affection, of which she sincerely desires to be able to give proof to their High Mightinesses."

This answer gives great scope to speculation and conjecture, but I shall trouble Congress with a very few remarks upon it.

1. In the first place, and without insinuating her opinion concerning the justice or injustice of the war, between Great Britain and the United Provinces, she imputes the ill success of her mediation between them, to the Court of London, and not at all to the Republic.

2. She applauds the moderation and pacific sentiments of their High Mightinesses, and implicitly censures the Court of London, for opposite dispositions.

Thus far the declaration is unfavorable to the English, and a pledge of her Imperial honor, at least not to take any part in their favor.

3. It appears, that the Court of London has proposed a negotiation for peace between all the belligerent powers, under the mediation of the Empress and the Emperor. But, as it is certain the Court of London does not admit the United States of America to be one of the belligerent powers, and as no other power of Europe, except France, as yet admits it to be a power, it is very plain to me, that the British Ministry mean nothing but chicanery, to unman and disarm their enemies with delusive dreams of peace, or to intrigue them, or some of them, into a peace separately from America, and without deciding our question.

4. The declaration says not, that the Empress has accepted this mediation, nor upon what terms she would accept it. Here we are left to conjecture. The Dutch Ambassadors at St Petersburg wrote last winter to the Hague, that the Empress would not accept of this mediation with the Emperor, but upon two preliminary conditions, viz. that the Court of London should acknowledge the independence of America, and accede to the principles of the late marine treaty, concerning the rights of neutrals. To this she may have since added, that Holland should previously be set at peace, and become a neutral power, or she may have altered her sentiments. Here we can only conjecture.

5. It appears, that the Kings of Denmark and Sweden have joined, or are to join, the Empress in a new effort with the Court of London, to persuade it to make peace with Holland. But how vigorous, or decisive this effort is to be, or what will be their conduct, if they should still be unsuccessful, is left only to conjecture.

6. There are hints at future events, and circumstances, which her Majesty foresees, but the rest of the world do not, which may give her occasion to show her good will. Here is nothing declared, nothing promised, yet it leaves room to suppose, that her Majesty and her high allies may have insisted on conditions from the Court of London, which accepted, may give peace to the Republic, or rejected, may oblige Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, to join Holland in the war. But all this is so faint, reserved, and mysterious, that no dependence whatever can be placed upon it. I am sorry to see the idea of a negotiation for a general peace held up, because I am as well persuaded it is only an insidious manoeuvre of the British Ministry, as I am that many powers of Europe, and especially Holland, will be the dupe of it. I confess I should dread a negotiation for a general peace at this time, because I should expect propositions for short truces, _uti possidetis_, and other conditions, which would leave our trade more embarrassed, our union more precarious, and our liberties at greater hazard, than they can be in a continuance of the war, at the same time it would put us to as constant, and almost as great an expense. Nevertheless, if proposals of peace, or of conferences and negotiations to that end, should be proposed to me, which they have not as yet from any quarter, it will be my duty to attend to them with as much patience and delicacy too, as if I believed them sincere.

Americans must wean themselves from the hope of any signal assistance from Europe. If all the negotiations of Congress can keep up the reputation of the United States so far as to prevent any nation from joining England, it will be much. But there are so many difficulties in doing this, and so many deadly blows are aimed at our reputation for honor, faith, integrity, union, fortitude, and power, even by persons who ought to have the highest opinion of them, and the tenderest regard for them, that I confess myself sometimes almost discouraged, and wish myself returning through all the dangers of the enemy to America, where I could not do less, and possibly might do more for the public good.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, June 23d, 1781.

Sir,

The Deputies of the city of Zieriksee have presented to their Noble Mightinesses, the Lords, the States of Zealand, on the 12th of this month, their advice concerning the report of the State, of the 19th of April last, relative to the building of vessels of war, to be done by the College of the Admiralty of this Province, in these words, viz.

"That the venerable Regency having seen, by the Memorial of the gentlemen, the committees of the Admiralty of this Province, annexed to the said report, the serious difficulties which appear to oppose themselves to the resolution of building a larger number of vessels of war and frigates, has thought itself obliged to declare, that it is greatly afflicted at the dangerous situation in which the Republic and this Province are at present, being involved in a ruinous war, and almost entirely destitute of all convenient means, which could be employed for the safety and defence of the country; that this great distress might furnish to the venerable Regency, one of the best occasions to enlarge in reflections, how, by prompt directions and active foresight, in case that the re-establishment of our marine had really been taken to heart, the greatest obstacles alleged in the Memorial in question might have been prevented in time; but, that a repetition of what ought to have been executed in time, would in no degree ameliorate the present situation of affairs; and so much the more, as it is indispensably necessary that the deliberations concerning the further building of ships, should be at length terminated; the venerable Regency, then, for the present, would abstain from making even well founded observations, which, nevertheless, they might allege, both with regard to the contents of the Memorial in question, and to the means of advancing with greater vigor the construction, or to put the marine upon a more respectable footing by another way; they content themselves then, with declaring simply, that they are ready to concur in the completion of the aforesaid point of construction, either by conforming to the disposition of this report, or in any other manner whatsoever, that a general deliberation of all the members of the State may find the most convenient.

"That, nevertheless, the venerable Regency cannot abstain from remarking further here, that at the beginning of this war, they had always been persuaded that the other confederates, whose sentiments concerning the first causes of this war have continually influenced those of Zealand, had taken the precautions necessary to be able to oppose the enemy conveniently, either by the national forces, or by the efficacious assistance of their allies, but that the issue of affairs already shows visibly with how much lukewarmness and levity, notwithstanding the serious exhortations and informations repeatedly made by this Province, we have conducted ourselves both with regard to the one and the other. The venerable Regency now sees the Republic at this moment deprived of all foreign succor, and abandoned to herself against a formidable enemy.

"That, as such a dangerous situation ought naturally to excite in all those who participate in the public government, and really take to heart the true interests of their country, a redoubled zeal to set immediately at work, and in proportion to the danger, all the means of defence imaginable, and to employ them to protect, in the most effectual manner, their country, her commerce and possessions, and to annoy the enemy; the venerable Regency, seeing on the contrary, that the indolence, the inactivity, and even the continual indifference, are only increasing more and more, and that public affairs are administered in a manner, which cannot be reconciled with the danger to which the Republic is exposed, judge, in consequence, that the Lords, the States of this Province, will not be able longer to see, without speaking out, a situation so perilous; but that they ought to examine seriously the true causes and reasons of all this, to the end, that when we have obtained the explanations which we have a right to require, we may take, with the most serious zeal, the resolutions proper to maintain the excellent prerogatives, which we yet possess, and to guard against such misfortunes.

"That the venerable Regency, having learnt with a great deal of satisfaction that similar observations have been made by other members of the body politic, hope that the deliberations concerning an object of this importance will be no longer delayed; but they trust that the affair, for which the advice of the gentlemen of Middleburg carried on the 15th of May to the Assembly of the States has been sent back, will be discussed as soon as possible, and without delay. The venerable Regency declaring, that they shall be always disposed to co-operate in taking every measure proper to obtain an end so salutary."

Thus we see, that two cities of Zealand, Middleburg and Zieriksee, are co-operating with Amsterdam, Haerlem, Dort, Delft, &c. in order to arouse the Republic to action; how many months or years may roll away before they succeed, it is impossible for me to say, because it will depend upon events of war, reports of peace, and the councils of other sovereigns in Europe, as yet inscrutable, but it will depend upon nothing more than the fate of Clinton and Cornwallis in America.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, June 26th, 1781.

Sir,

The Emperor appears to be more intent at present upon taking a fair advantage of the present circumstances, to introduce a flourishing commerce into the Austrian Flanders, than upon making treaties with England, or waging war in its favor. His Imperial, Royal, and Apostolical Majesty, has condescended to take off and break the shackles, which restrained the commerce and the communication of the port of Nieuport, in the interior of the country, and to discharge by his gracious decree, the commerce from the charges and impositions which were raised on the lands bordering upon the said port, under the denomination of Vate, Geld, Hast-Geld, Myle-Geld, &c. The frequentation of the port of Nieuport presents all the facilities which the merchants can require. Thus the city of Nieuport enjoys the most extensive privileges, both for storage and transportation to foreigners.

We find there good magazines, merchants, factors, and commissioners, who will all serve punctually. The communications, both to the interior parts of the country and to foreigners, are free and easy, both by land, by means of the new causeway of Nieuport, which communicates with all the roads, and by water by means of the direct canals of Nieuport, to Bruges, to Ostend, to Ypres, to Dixmuide, to Furnes, and to Dunkirk, and from thence further on. One passes by the canal from Nieuport to Bruges, nearly in the same space of time, that we pass by the canal from Ostend to Bruges. All these canals have daily barks ready, easy and convenient for travellers, merchandises, and effects. The fishery of the sea, both of fresh fish, and of all sorts of herring and cod, is at Nieuport, in the most flourishing state, and enjoys there every privilege and exemption. The distillery of gin in the Dutch way, established at Nieuport, makes excellent gin, the transportation and expedition of which enjoys the greatest facilities. And the government of his Imperial Majesty, in the Low Countries, does not cease to grant all the privileges and facilities, which can tend to the well-being of the inhabitants, and of the commerce of the city and port of Nieuport. I should rejoice at these measures, for the benefit which American commerce would receive from them, provided the Emperor could oblige Americans to take their goods from Germany and not from England; but immense quantities of British manufactures will go to America from Nieuport, Ostend, and Bruges.

This is a subject, which deserves the serious consideration of every American. British manufactures are going in vast quantities to America, from Holland, the Austrian Flanders, France, and Sweden, as well as by the way of New York and Charleston, &c. Whether it is possible to check it, much less to put a stop to it, I know not; and whether it would be good policy to put an end to it, if that were practicable, is made a question by many. If the Germans, the Dutch, the French, and Spaniards, or any other nations, would learn a little commercial policy, and give a credit to Americans, as the British merchants do, and encourage in their own countries manufactures, adapted to the wants and tastes of our countrymen, it is certain that in such a case, it would be our interest and duty to put an end to the trade in British goods, because nothing would weaken and distress the enemy so much, and therefore nothing would contribute more to bring the war to a conclusion. At present manufactures flourish in England, and the duties paid at the custom houses have been increasing these two or three years, merely owing to their recovering more and more of the American trade by neutral bottoms, and by other clandestine channels.

Any American merchant by going over to London, obtains a credit. The language of the London merchants to the American merchants is, "Let us understand one another, and let the governments squabble." But Americans ought to consider, if we can carry on the war forever, our allies cannot, and without their assistance we should find it very difficult to do it.

I wish the taste for British manufactures may not cost us more blood, than the difference between them and others is worth.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, June 26th, 1781.

Sir,

The rubicon is passed. A step has been at last taken by the Regency of Amsterdam, which must decide the fate of the Republic. The city of Amsterdam, finding that their proposition of the 18th of last month was not sufficient to change the conduct of administration, have ventured on another manoeuvre. On the 8th of this month, as soon as the States of Holland were separated, two Burgomasters of Amsterdam, M. Tenminck and M. Rendorp, accompanied with M. Vesser, the Pensionary of the city, demanded an audience of the Prince Stadtholder, who granted it, at his house in the grove. In this audience, they made to the Prince, by word of mouth, a representation, which they repeated in a memorial sent on the 14th, to the Counsellor Pensionary of the Province, the substance of which is as follows. The gentlemen of Amsterdam, said,

"That their proposition of the 18th of May last, founded perhaps upon former examples, did not result from any suspicions with regard to the good dispositions and intentions of his Most Serene Highness, which they had no reason to distrust, although the Regency of the city of Amsterdam had learned with the most profound grief, that evil minded persons had endeavored to insinuate the contrary to his Most Serene Highness; but that their distrust fell solely upon him, whose influence over the mind of his Most Serene Highness was held for the most immediate cause, of the sloth and weakness in the administration of affairs, which as they could not but be extremely prejudicial to the well-being of the public, they had a long time expected, but in vain, that the dangerous circumstances in which the Republic found itself involved, would have, in the end, given rise to serious deliberations upon the means, which we ought to employ in their order and with more vigor; but that these hopes had hitherto been fruitless, and, that as the question now in agitation was concerning the safety of their dear country, of her dear bought liberty, of that of his Most Serene Highness and his house, in one word, of everything which is dear to the inhabitants of the Republic, the Regency of Amsterdam had judged, that they ought not any longer to render themselves guilty by their silence, of a neglect of their duty.

"That, although with regret, they see themselves obliged to take this step, and to represent to his Highness with all due respect, but at the same time with all that frankness and freedom, which the importance of the affair requires, and to declare to him openly, that, according to the general opinion, the Field Maréchal, the Duke Louis of Brunswick Wolfenbuttel, is held for the primary cause of the miserable and defective state in which this country finds itself, in regard to its defence, of all the negligence of duty, which has taken place with respect to this subject, and of all the perverse measures, which have been taken for a long time, with all the fatal consequences which have proceeded from them; and that they could assure his Highness, that the hatred and aversion of the nation for the person and administration of the Duke, were risen to such a height, that there was reason to apprehend from them, events the most melancholy, and the most disagreeable for the public prosperity and the general tranquillity.

"That there was no doubt that the same assertion had been made to his Highness from other quarters; but that in case this had not been, it ought to be attributed solely to the fear of the effects of the resentment of the Duke, while, at the same time, they dared to appeal in this respect, with the firmest confidence, to the testimony of all the members of government, gentlemen of honor and frankness, that his Serene Highness would interrogate upon this subject, after having assured them of the necessary liberty of speaking without reserve, and after having exhorted them to tell him the truth, according to their duty and their conscience.

"That the Regents of Amsterdam, had learned more than once with grief, that the Counsellor Pensionary of the Province had complained, in presence of divers members of the Regency of Holland, of the misunderstanding which took place between him, the Counsellor Pensionary, and the Duke, as also of the influence which the Duke has upon the spirit of his Highness, and by which his efforts for the good of the country had often been rendered fruitless.

"That this discord, and this difference of views and sentiments between the principal Counsellor of his Serene Highness and the first Minister of this Province, might not only have consequences the most prejudicial, but that it furnished also a motive sufficient to make the strongest instances, to the end, to remove the source of this distrust and discord, while that, without the previous re-establishment of confidence and unanimity, there remained no longer any means of saving the Republic.