Part 27

"Upon which, having deliberated, and remarked, that the Lords, the States of Holland and West Friesland, by their resolution, carried the 29th of March to the States-General, have also consented to the admission of the said Mr Adams, in quality of Minister of the Congress of North America, it has been thought fit, and resolved, that the Gentlemen, the Deputies of this Province in the States-General, should be authorised, as their Noble Highnesses authorise them by the present, to conform themselves, in the name of this Province, to the resolution of the Lords, the States of Holland and West Friesland, and of Friesland, and to consent, by consequence, that Mr Adams be acknowledged and admitted as Minister of the United States of North America, their Noble Mightinesses being at the same time of opinion, that it would be necessary to acquaint her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, and the other neutral powers, with the resolution to be taken by their High Mightinesses, upon this subject, in communicating to them (as much as shall be necessary) the reasons, which have induced their High Mightinesses to it, and in giving them the strongest assurances, that the intention of their High Mightinesses is by no means to prolong thereby the war, which they would have willingly prevented and terminated long since; but that, on the contrary, their High Mightinesses wish nothing with more ardor, than a prompt re-establishment of peace, and that they shall be always ready, on their part, to co-operate in it, in all possible ways, and with a suitable readiness, so far as that shall be any way compatible with their honor and their dignity. And to this end, an extract of this shall be carried by missive to the Gentlemen, the Deputies at the Generality."

GUELDERLAND.

Extract from the _Précis_ of the ordinary Diet, held in the city of Nimeguen in the month of April, 1782. Wednesday, 17th of April, 1782.

"The requisition of Mr Adams to present his letters of credence to their High Mightinesses, in the name of the United States of North America having been brought to the Assembly and read, as well as an ulterior address made upon this subject, with the demand of a categorical answer by the said Mr Adams, more amply mentioned in the registers of their High Mightinesses, of the date of the 4th of May, 1781, and the 9th of January, 1782, moreover, the resolutions of the Lords, the States of the six other Provinces, carried successively to the Assembly of their High Mightinesses, and all tending to admit Mr Adams, in quality of Envoy of the United States of North America, to this Republic; upon which their Noble Mightinesses, after deliberation, have resolved to authorise the Deputies of this Province, as they authorise them by the present, to conform themselves in the name of this Province, to the resolution of the Lords, the States of Holland and West Friesland, and to consent, by consequence, that Mr Adams may be acknowledged and admitted, in quality of Envoy of the United States of North America, to this Republic. In consequence, an extract of the present shall be sent to the said Deputies, to make, as soon as possible, the requisite overture of it to the Assembly of their High Mightinesses.

J. INDE BETOUW."

This resolution of Guelderland was no sooner remitted, on the 19th, to their High Mightinesses, than they took immediately a resolution conformable to the unanimous wish of the Seven Provinces, conceived in the following terms;

"Extract from the register of the resolutions of their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces. Friday, April 19th, 1782.

"Deliberated by resumption upon the address and the ulterior address, made by Mr Adams, the 4th of May, 1781, and the 9th of January of the current year, to the President of the Assembly of their High Mightinesses, to present to their High Mightinesses his letters of credence, in the name of the United States of North America, and by which ulterior address the said Mr Adams has demanded a categorical answer, to the end to be able to acquaint his constituents thereof; it has been thought fit and resolved, that Mr Adams shall be admitted and acknowledged in quality of Envoy of the United States of North America to their High Mightinesses, as he is admitted and acknowledged by the present."

W. BOREEL.

"Compared with the aforesaid register.

H. FAGEL."

THE FORMAL RESOLUTION OF THEIR HIGH MIGHTINESSES.

Extract from the register of the resolutions of their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces. Monday, April 22d, 1782.

"M. Boreel, who presided in the Assembly the last week, has reported to their High Mightinesses and notified them, that Mr John Adams, Envoy of the United States of America, had been with him last Saturday, and had presented to him a letter from the Assembly of Congress, written at Philadelphia, the 1st of January, 1781, containing a credence for the said Mr Adams, to the end to reside in quality of its Minister Plenipotentiary near their High Mightinesses. Upon which having deliberated, it has been thought fit and resolved, to declare by the present, that the said Mr Adams is agreeable to their High Mightinesses; that he shall be acknowledged in quality of Minister Plenipotentiary, and that there shall be granted to him an audience, or assigned Commissioners, when he shall demand it. Information of the above shall be given to the said Mr Adams by the agent, Van der Burch de Spieringshoek.

W. VAN CITTERS.

"Compared with the aforesaid register.

H. FAGEL."

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, April 22d, 1782.

Sir,

On the 22d day of April I was introduced, by the Chamberlain, to His Most Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange.

Knowing that his Highness spoke English, I asked his permission to speak to him in that language, to which he answered, smiling, "if you please, Sir." Although French is the language of the Court, he seemed to be pleased, and to receive as a compliment my request to speak to him in English.

I told him I was happy to have the honor of presenting the respects of the United States of America, and a letter of credence from them to his Most Serene Highness, and to assure him of the profound veneration in which the House of Orange had been held in America, even from its first settlement, and that I should be happier still to be the instrument of further cementing the new connexions between two nations, professing the same religion, animated by the same spirit of liberty, and having reciprocal interests both political and commercial, so extensive and important; and that in the faithful and diligent discharge of the duties of my mission, I flattered myself with hopes of the approbation of His Most Serene Highness.

His Highness received the letter of credence, which he opened and read. The answer that he made to me was in a voice so low and so indistinctly pronounced, that I comprehended only the conclusion of it, which was, that "he had made no difficulty against my reception." He then fell into familiar conversation with me, and asked me many questions about indifferent things, as is the custom of Princes and Princesses upon such occasions. How long I had been in Europe? How long I had been in this country? Whether I had purchased a house at the Hague? Whether I had not lived some time at Leyden? How long I had lived at Amsterdam? How I liked this country? &c.

This conference passed in the Prince's chamber of audience with his Highness alone. I had waited some time in the antichamber, as the Duc de la Vauguyon was in conference with the Prince. The Duke, on his return through the antichamber, meeting me unexpectedly, presented me his hand with an air of cordiality, which was remarked by every courtier, and had a very good effect.

The Prince has since said to the Duc de la Vauguyon, that he was obliged to me for not having pressed him upon the affair of my reception in the beginning. He had reason; for if I had, and he had said or done anything offensive to the United States or disagreeable to me, it would now be remembered much to the disadvantage of the Court.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, April 23d, 1782.

Sir,

On the 23d of April I had the honor of a conference with M. Van Citters, President of their High Mightinesses, to whom I presented the following Memorial.

"High and Mighty Lords;--The underwritten, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, has the honor to inform your High Mightinesses, that he is charged by the instructions of his sovereign to propose to the States-General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, a treaty of amity and commerce between the two Republics, founded upon the principle of equal and reciprocal advantage, and compatible with the engagements already entered into by the United States with their allies, as also with such other treaties, which they design to form with other powers. The undersigned has therefore the honor to propose, that your High Mightinesses would nominate some person or persons with full power, to confer and treat with him on this important subject.

JOHN ADAMS."

Their High Mightinesses, on the same day, appointed a grand committee to treat, to whom I was introduced with great formality by two noblemen, and before whom I laid a project of a treaty,[7] which I had drawn up conformable to the instructions of Congress. I prayed the gentlemen to examine it, and propose to me their objections, if they should have any, and to propose any further articles, which they should think proper. It has been examined, translated, printed, and sent to the members of the sovereignty.

The greatest part of my time, for several days, has been taken up in receiving and paying of visits, from all the members and officers of government, and of the Court, to the amount of one hundred and fifty or more.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, April 23d, 1782.

Sir,

I ought not to omit to inform Congress, that on the 23d of April, the French Ambassador made an entertainment for the whole Corps Diplomatique, in honor of the United States, at which he introduced their Minister to all the foreign Ministers at this Court.

There is nothing, I suppose, in the whole voluminous ceremonial, nor in all the idle farce of etiquette, which should hinder a Minister from making a good dinner in good company, and therefore I believe they were all present, and I assure you I was myself as happy as I should have been, if I had been publicly acknowledged a Minister by every one of them; and the Duc de la Vauguyon more than compensated for all the stiffness of some others, by paying more attention to the new brother than to all the old fraternity.

Etiquette, when it becomes too glaring by affectation, imposes no longer either upon the populace or upon the courtiers, but becomes ridiculous to all. This will soon be the case everywhere with respect to American Ministers. To see a Minister of such a State as ---- and ---- assume a distant mysterious air towards a Minister of the United States, because his Court has not yet acknowledged their independence, when his nation is not half equal to America in any one attribute of sovereignty, is a spectacle of ridicule to any man who sees it.

I have had the honor of making and receiving visits in a private character from the Spanish Minister here, whose behavior has been polite enough. He was pleased to make me some very high compliments upon our success here, which he considers as the most important and decisive stroke which could have been struck in Europe.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

FOOTNOTE:

[7] The plan of a treaty sent to Mr Adams by Congress, may be found in the _Secret Journals of Congress_, Vol. II. p. 378.

* * * * *

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, May 2d, 1782.

Sir,

I am honored with your favor of the 20th of April, and Mr Laurens's son proposes to carry the letter to his father forthwith. The instructions by the courier from Versailles came safe, as all other despatches by that channel no doubt will do. The correspondence by Mr Hartley I received by Captain Smedley, and will take the first good opportunity by a private hand to return it, as well as that with the Earl of Shelburne.

Mr Laurens and Mr Jay will, I hope, be able to meet at Paris, but when it will be in my power to go, I know not. Your present negotiation about peace falls in very well to aid a proposition, which I am instructed to make, as soon as the Court of Versailles shall judge proper, of a triple or quadruple alliance. This matter, the treaty of commerce, which is now under deliberation, and the loan, will render it improper for me to quit this station, unless in case of necessity. If there is a real disposition to permit Canada to accede to the American association, I should think there could be no great difficulty in adjusting all things between England and America, provided our allies also are contented. In a former letter, I hinted that I thought an express acknowledgment of our independence might now be insisted on; but I did not mean, that we should insist upon such an article in the treaty. If they make a treaty of peace with the United States of America, this is acknowledgment enough for me.

The affair of a loan gives me much anxiety and fatigue. It is true, I may open a loan for five millions, but I confess I have no hopes of obtaining so much. The money is not to be had. Cash is not infinite in this country. Their profits by trade have been ruined for two or three years; and there are loans open for France, Spain, England, Russia, Sweden, Denmark, and several other powers as well as their own national, provincial, and collegiate loans. The undertakers are already loaded with burthens greater than they can bear, and all the brokers in the Republic are so engaged, that there is scarcely a ducat to be lent, but what is promised. This is the true cause why we shall not succeed; yet they will seek a hundred other pretences. It is considered such an honor and such an introduction to American trade to be the house, that the eagerness to obtain the title of American banker, is prodigious. Various houses have pretensions, which they set up very high; and let me choose which I will, I am sure of a cry and clamor. I have taken some measures to endeavor to calm the heat, and give general satisfaction, but have as yet small hopes of success. I would strike with any house that would ensure the money, but none will undertake it, now it is offered, although several were very ready to affirm that they could, when it began to be talked of. Upon inquiry, they do not find the money easy to obtain, which I could have told them before. It is to me, personally, indifferent which is the house, and the only question is, which will be able to do best for the interests of the United States. This question, however simple, is not easy to answer. But I think it clear, after very painful and laborious inquiries for a year and a half, that no house whatever will be able to do much. Enthusiasm, at some time and in some countries, may do a great deal; but there has as yet been no enthusiasm in this country for America, strong enough to untie many purses. Another year if the war should continue, perhaps we may do better.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, May 16th, 1782.

Sir,

On the 12th of this month, I removed into the _Hôtel des Etats-Unis de l'Amérique_, situated upon the canal, called the Fleweele Burgwal, at the Hague, where I hope the air will relieve my health in some degree from that weak state, to which the tainted atmosphere of Amsterdam has reduced it.

The American cause has gained a signal triumph in this country. It has not persuaded an ancient rival and an avowed natural hereditary enemy to take a part against Great Britain; but it has torn from her bosom an intimate affectionate friend, and a faithful ally, of a hundred years continuance. It has not persuaded an absolute monarchy to follow the dictates of its own glory and interest, and the unanimous wish of the people, by favoring it; but, availing itself only of the still small voice of reason, urging general motives and national interests, without money, without intrigue, without imposing pomp, or more imposing fame, it has prevailed against the utmost efforts of intrigue and corruption, against the almost universal inclination of persons in government, against a formidable band of capitalists and the most powerful mercantile houses in the Republic, interested in English funds, and too deeply leagued in English affairs.

Although these obstacles are overcome so far, as to have obtained an acknowledgment of our independence, yet it is easy to see, that they are not annihilated, and, therefore, we cannot expect to receive such cordial and zealous assistance, as we might receive, if the government and the people had but one heart.

I wish it were in my power to give Congress, upon this occasion, assurances of a loan of money, but I cannot. I have taken every measure in my power to accomplish it, but I have met with so many difficulties, that I almost despair of obtaining anything. I have found the avidity of friends as great an obstacle as the ill will of enemies, I can represent my situation in this affair of a loan, by no other figure than that of a man in the midst of the ocean negotiating for his life among a shoal of sharks. I am sorry to use expressions, which must appear severe to you; but the truth demands them.

The title of American banker, for the sake of the distinction of it, the profit of it, and the introduction to American trade, is solicited with an eagerness beyond description. In order to obtain it, a house will give out great words, and boast of what it can do; but not one will contract to furnish any considerable sum of money; and I certainly know, let them deceive themselves as they will, and deceive as many others as they may by their confident affirmations, that none of them can obtain any considerable sum. The factions that are raised here about it between the French interest, the Republican interest, the Stadtholderian interests, and the Anglomane interest, have been conducted with an indecent ardor, thwarting, contradicting, calumniating each other, until it is easy to foresee the effect will be to prevent us from obtaining even the small sums, that otherwise might have been found. But the true and decisive secret is, there is very little money to be had. The profits of their trade have been annihilated by the English for several years. There is, therefore, no money but the interest of their capitalists, and all this is promised for months and years beforehand, to book-keepers, brokers, and undertakers, who have in hand loans open for France, Spain, England, Russia, Sweden, Denmark, for the States-General, the States of Holland, the States of Friesland, the East and West India Companies, &c. &c. &c.

But the circumstance, which will be fatal to my hopes at this time, is this; there is just now unexpectedly opened a loan of nine millions for the India Company, under the warranty of the States, in which they have raised the interest one per cent above the ordinary rate. I had obtained an agreement of the undertakers for two millions; but before it was completed, this loan appeared, which frightened the undertakers, so as to induce them to fly off. I must, therefore, entreat Congress to make no dependence upon me for money.

There is one subject more, upon which I beg leave to submit a few hints to Congress. It is that of M. Dumas, whose character is so well known to Congress, that I need say nothing of it. He is a man of letters, and of good character; but he is not rich, and his allowance is too small at present for him to live with decency. He has been so long known here to have been in American affairs, although in no public character, that I know of, but that of an agent or correspondent appointed by Dr Franklin, or perhaps by a committee of Congress, that, now our character is acknowledged, it will have an ill effect, if M. Dumas remains in the situation he has been in. To prevent it, in some measure, I have taken him and his family into this house; but I think it is the interest and duty of America, to send him a commission as Secretary to this Legation, and Chargé des Affaires, with a salary of five hundred a year sterling, while a Minister is here, and at the rate of a thousand a year, while there is none.

There is another gentleman, whose indefatigable application to the affairs of the United States, and whose faithful friendship for me in sickness and in health, demand of me, by the strongest claims of justice and of gratitude, that I should mention him to Congress, and recommend him to their favor. This gentleman is Mr Thaxter, whose merit, in my opinion, is greater than I dare express.

Edmund Jennings, of Brussels, has honored me with his correspondence, and been often serviceable to the United States, as well as friendly to me. His manners and disposition are very amiable, and his talents equal to any service, and I cannot but wish that it might be agreeable to the views of Congress to give him some mark of their esteem.

How shall I mention another gentleman, whose name, perhaps, Congress never heard, but who, in my opinion, has done more decided and essential service to the American cause and reputation within these last eighteen months, than any other man in Europe.

It is M. A. M. Cerisier, beyond all contradiction one of the greatest historians and political characters in Europe, author of the _Tableau de l'Histoire des Provinces Unies des Pays Bas_, of the _Politique Hollandois_, and many other writings in high esteem. By birth a Frenchman, educated in the University of Paris, but possessed of the most genuine principles and sentiments of liberty, and exceedingly devoted by principle and affection to the American cause. Having read some of his writings, and heard much of his fame, I sought and obtained an acquaintance with him, and have furnished him with intelligence and information in American affairs, and have introduced him to the acquaintance of all the Americans who have come to this country, from whom he has picked up a great deal of true information about our affairs, and, perhaps, some mistakes. His pen has erected a monument to the American cause, more glorious and more durable than brass or marble. His writings have been read like oracles, and his sentiments weekly echoed and re-echoed in gazettes and pamphlets, both in French and Dutch, for fifteen months. The greatest fault I know in him, is his too zealous friendship for me, which has led him to flatter me with expressions which will do him no honor, however sincerely and disinterestedly they might flow from his heart.