Part 19

ACCESSION OF AUSTRIA TO THE ARMED NEUTRALITY.

"The Emperor having been invited by her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, to accede to the principles of neutrality, which have been laid down in her declaration of the 28th of February, 1780, transmitted to the belligerent powers, his Majesty has accepted of this invitation, so much the more willingly, as he is convinced of the justice and equity of these principles. In consequence, their Imperial Majesties have resolved between themselves, and caused to be exchanged at St Petersburg, acts of accession on one part, and of acceptation on the other, of which the subscriber, Envoy Extraordinary, has the honor to transmit copies, by order of his Court, to their High Mightinesses, requesting them to accept of this communication, as a fresh testimony which the Emperor is pleased to give them of his affection, and of his most perfect confidence.

"His Imperial Majesty hopes that this step will be considered as a new proof of his sincere and unalterable intentions to observe the strictest neutrality, and the most exact impartiality towards the belligerent powers. And as he has not ceased to give proofs of it through the whole course of this war, he flatters himself he shall be able to find in it sufficient pledges of that attention and regard, which he has a right to require in return on their part for the rights and liberties of neutral nations.

"Done at the Hague, this 11th day of December, 1781.

THE BARON DE KEISCHACH."

The act of accession, presented with the foregoing note, is of the following tenor.

"Joseph the Second, by the grace of God, &c. having been invited amicably by her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, to concur with her in the consolidation of the principles of the neutrality upon the sea, tending to the maintenance of the liberty of the maritime commerce, and of the navigation of neutral powers, which she has laid down in her declaration of the 28th of February, 1780, presented on her part to the belligerent powers, which principles imply in substance,

"1. That neutral vessels may navigate freely from port to port, and upon the coasts of the nations at war;

"2. That effects belonging to the subjects of powers at war be free upon neutral vessels, excepting merchandises of contraband;

"3. That no merchandises be considered as such, but those enumerated in the tenth and eleventh articles of the Treaty of Commerce, concluded between Russia and Great Britain the 28th of June, 1766;

"4. That to determine what characterises a port blocked, this denomination is only to be given to that, where, by the disposition of the power, which attacks it, with vessels sufficiently near, there is an evident danger of entering;

"5. Finally, that these principles serve as rules in proceedings and judgments concerning the legality of prizes.

"And her said Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, having proposed to us, to this effect, to manifest by a formal act of accession, not only our full adhesion to these same principles, but also our immediate concurrence in the measures to assure the execution of them, that we would adopt on our part, by contracting reciprocally with her said Majesty, the engagements and stipulations, following, viz.

"I. That on one part and on the other, we will continue to observe the most exact neutrality, and will carry into the most rigorous execution the prohibitions declared against the commerce of contraband of their respective subjects, with any of the powers already at war, or which may enter into the war in the sequel;

"II. That if, in spite of all the cares employed to this effect, the merchant vessels of one of the two powers should be taken, or insulted, by any vessels whatsoever of the belligerent powers, the complaints of the injured power shall be supported in the most efficacious manner by the other; and that, if they refuse to render justice upon these complaints, they shall concert immediately upon the most proper manner of procuring it by just reprisals;

"III. That if it should happen, that one or the other of the two powers, or both together, on occasion, or in resentment of this present agreement, should be disturbed, molested, or attacked, in such case they shall make common cause between themselves for their mutual defence, and labor in concert to procure themselves a full and entire satisfaction, both for the insult offered to their flag, and for the losses caused to their subjects;

"IV. That these stipulations shall be considered on one part, and on the other, as permanent, and as making a rule, whenever it shall come in question to determine the rights of neutrality;

"V. That the two powers shall communicate amicably their present mutual concert to all the powers who are actually at war.

"We, willing, by an effect of the sincere friendship, which happily unites us to her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, as well as for the well-being of Europe in general, and of our countries and subjects in particular, to contribute on our part to the execution of views, of principles, and measures, as salutary as they are conformable to the most evident notions of the law of nations, have resolved to accede to them, as we do formally accede to them, in virtue of the present act, promising and engaging solemnly, as her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias engages herself to us, to observe, execute, and warrant all the foregoing points and stipulations. In faith of which, we have signed these presents with our own hand, and have hereto affixed our seal.

"Given at Vienna, the 9th of October, 1781.

JOSEPH."

The Prince de Gallitzin has notified the acceptation of Russia nearly in the same words. By the fifth article the two Imperial Courts ought to notify this to Congress, for it is most certain that the United States are one of the powers actually at war. Whether they will or no, time must discover; but by the articles, to serve as a basis of peace at the proposed Congress at Vienna, these two Courts have certainly acknowledged the American Colonies to be a power at war, and a power sufficiently free to appear at Vienna, and make peace with Great Britain.

The confederation for the liberty of navigation of neutral nations, is now one of the most formidable that ever was formed in the world. The only question is, whether it is not too complicated and various to be managed to effect. The conduct of the Empress of Russia towards this Republic, and especially in offering her mediation for a separate peace between England and Holland, has excited some jealousies of her sincerity or her constancy. But I think it will appear in the end, that she intends that Holland shall enjoy the full benefit of this confederation, which will effectually deprive England of that sovereignty of the sea, which she so presumptuously claims and boasts. But if it should appear, which I do not expect, that the Empress should advise the Dutch to give up the right of carrying naval stores, after the example of Denmark, her glory will suffer no small diminution, and I presume that Holland, humble as she is, will not submit to it, but make immediately common cause with the enemies of her enemy.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Translation.

Versailles, December 30th, 1781.

Sir,

You desired that on my arrival at Versailles, I should communicate to the Count de Vergennes your disposition to adopt the measure you have been advised to pursue by several well disposed members of the States of Holland, and that I should at the same time make known to him your determination not to take that step without his approbation.

The Minister directs me to inform you, that he sees no objection to the visit, which you wish to make to the President of the Assembly of the States-General, to the Ministers of the Republic, and to the deputies of the principal cities of the Province of Holland, provided that, without leaving with either of them any official writing, you limit yourself to the inquiry, whether the memorial, which you transmitted to them several months since has been made the subject of deliberation by their High Mightinesses, and what answer you may communicate to the Congress of the United States of North America.

I do not know the precise time of my return to the Hague, but see no reason to suppose that my absence will be longer than I expected.

Receive, Sir, my renewed assurance of the profound respect with which I have the honor to be, &c.

DE LA VAUGUYON.

* * * * *

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, January 9th, 1782.

Dear Sir,

I write merely to put you on your guard against any falsehood the enemy may think it necessary to publish about the time of opening their budget. All is well here. There has been no action to the southward. Many of the tories in North Carolina, enraged at being deserted, have joined our army, and, as is said, executed some of their leaders. The enemy have drawn all their troops into Charleston, and our advanced parties are as low down as Haddell's point.

I congratulate you upon the brilliant expedition of the Marquis de Bouillé. It does him the highest honor, and his subsequent conduct forms such a contrast to that of the English, as must, I should suppose, have great influence upon the minds of the people with you, and forward your negotiations. The one fighting to oppress and enslave a free people, the other to establish their rights; the one attempting to tyrannize over the ocean, and fetter the commerce of the world, the other resisting that tyranny, and rendering trade as free as nature made it; the one insulting, plundering, and abusing an old friend, an ally, in the midst of profound peace, the other extending in war mercy to their bitterest enemies, and marching to conquest with domestic peace in their train; the one burning defenceless towns and peaceful villages, where they have been hospitably entertained, the other guarding from violence with scrupulous attention the firesides of their inveterate foes; the one murdering in cold blood, or more cruelly by want and misery in prison ships, those who speak the same language, profess the same religion, and spring from the same ancestors; the other forgetting difference of religion, language, and hereditary enmity, spare the vanquished, administer to their wants, offer consolation in their distress, and prove more by their conduct than by their professions, that they are armed in the cause of humanity.

The one, without regard to truth or decency, boasts of victories never gained, and ostentatiously exaggerates the little advantages, which superior numbers have sometimes given, while the other leaves the debility of their enemy to express the brilliancy of their actions. The one--but I should never have done if I were to mark the points in which the British differ from a brave, humane, and polished nation. The recapture of St Eustatia in all its circumstances, and the disgraceful defence of Yorktown, prove that they are no longer the people we once thought them; if ever they were brave and generous, they have lost those virtues with the spirit of freedom. Adieu, my Dear Sir, may your exertions in the cause of your country be attended with all the success they merit.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, January 14th, 1782.

Sir,

Having received the advice of several gentlemen, members of the States, and also of the opinion of the Duc de la Vauguyon and the Count de Vergennes, I went to the Hague on Tuesday, the 8th day of this month, and the next morning at ten, waited on the President of their High Mightinesses, M. Van der Sandheuvel of Dort, a city of Holland, to whom I made a verbal requisition in the following words.

"The 4th of May last I had the honor of a conference with the President of their High Mightinesses, in which I informed him that I had received a commission from the United States of America, with full powers and instructions to propose and conclude a treaty of amity and commerce between the United States of America and the United Province of the Netherlands. I had the honor in the same conference to demand an audience of their High Mightinesses, for the purpose of presenting my credentials and full powers. The President assured me, that he would report everything that I had told him, to their High Mightinesses, so that the matter might be transmitted to the several members of the sovereignty, to be submitted to their deliberation and decision. I have not yet been honored with an answer, and for this reason I have the honor of addressing myself to you, Sir, to demand from you as I do demand, a categorical answer, which I may transmit to my sovereign."

The President assured me, that he would not fail to make report to their High Mightinesses. After this, I sent a servant to the Grand Pensionary Bleiswick, to know at what hour I should have the honor of a conversation with him. The answer returned to me, with the compliments of the Grand Pensionary, was, that he was sick, unable to attend the Assembly of the States, and to receive any visits at home from anybody; but if my business was of a public nature, I might communicate it to his Secretary, which would be as well as to himself. Upon this, I requested M. Dumas to call upon the Secretary, and communicate my intentions to him, which he did.

I went next morning at ten, to the Secretary of their High Mightinesses, M. Fagel, and communicated to him the step I had taken the day before, who told me that he had already been informed of it, for that the President, according to his promise, had made his report to their High Mightinesses; that it was true, that the Baron de Lynden de Hemmen had made his report to their High Mightinesses, on the 4th of last May, of my proposition to him, and that it had been forthwith taken _ad referendum_ by all the Provinces, but that no member of the sovereignty had yet returned any answer at all, either in the affirmative or negative; that my proposition of yesterday had in like manner been taken _ad referendum_ by all the Provinces, and that it was necessary to wait to see what answer they would give.

The Secretary, who is perfectly well with the Court, as his ancestors and family have been for a long course of years, and who is as complaisant to England as any man in this country, received me with perfect politeness, and, when I took leave, insisted upon accompanying me through all the anti-chambers and long entries quite to my chariot door in the street, where he waited until we entered and drove off.

After this, I went to the House of Dort, the Pensionary of which city, M. Gyselaer, received me with confidence and affection; told me, that all he could say to me in his public character was, that he thanked me for the communication I had made to him, and would communicate it to the deputation and to the Regency of his city, and that he hoped I should have as friendly an answer as I desired, for that he personally saw me with great pleasure, and very readily acknowledged my character, and that of my country.

I went next, at the hour agreed on, to the House of Haerlem, where I was received by the whole deputation, consisting of two Burgomasters, two Schepins, and a Pensionary. Here passed a scene, which really affected my sensibility, and gave me great pleasure. The five gentlemen were all aged and venerable magistrates, who received me with an affection and cordiality, which discovered, in their air and countenance, the sincerity and satisfaction they felt in the word of their Pensionary when he told me, that they were only Deputies; that by the constitution of Haerlem, like all the others in the Republic, the sovereignty resided in their constituents, the Regency; that they thanked me for the communication I had made to them, that they would communicate it to the Regency of their city, and that for themselves, they heartily wished it success; for that the United States, as sufferers for, and defenders of the great cause of liberty, might depend upon the esteem, affection, and friendship, of the city of Haerlem, and that they heartily wished a connexion between the two Republics, and they congratulated us on the capture of Lord Cornwallis, to which we returned to them a congratulation for the recapture of St Eustatia, and took our leave.

At the House of Leyden, we were received by the Pensionary, who told us he had the orders of his Burgomasters to receive me, to thank me for the communication, and to promise to communicate it to their Regency.

At the House of Rotterdam, we were received by the whole deputation, consisting of two Burgomasters, two Schepins, or Judges, and the Pensionary. We received thanks for the communication, and a promise to lay it before the Regency.

At the House of Gouda and the Brille, the same reception and the same answer. At another House, where the Deputies of five small cities lived together, the same answer. At the House, where the Deputies of Alcmaer and Enkhuisen reside, we were received by the whole deputations, obtained the same answers, with the addition of professions of esteem and wishes, that in time there might be a closer connexion between the two nations.

Thus I had been introduced to the Ministers of the Republic, and to the Deputies of all the cities of Holland, except Amsterdam. In my messages to the deputations, I had followed the order of the cities, according to the rank they held in the confederation. I had sent to the House of Amsterdam in its course. The messenger, the first time, found only one of the Burgomasters at home, M. Rendorp, who returned for answer, that the gentlemen were not then together, but that they would send me word at what time they would receive me; but no answer came for a day or two. I sent again. The messenger found only the same Burgomaster, who returned the same answer. On Friday morning, having no answer, I sent a third time. The answer from the same Burgomaster was, that the gentlemen were then setting off for Amsterdam, being obliged to return upon business, and could not then see me, but would send me word. Upon this, I concluded to return to Amsterdam too, and to make the communication there in writing to the Regency; but reflecting that this step would occasion much speculation and many reflections upon Amsterdam, I desired M. Dumas to wait on M. Vischer, the Pensionary, who remained in town, and consult with him. The result was, that I made my visit to the House of Amsterdam, and made the communication to M. Vischer, who received me like a worthy Minister of the great city.

It may not be amiss to conclude this letter by observing, that every city is considered as an independent Republic. The Burgomasters have the administration of the executive, like little kings. There is in the great council, consisting of the Burgomasters and Counsellors, a limited legislative authority. The Schepins are the judges. The Deputies are appointed by the Regency, which consists of the Burgomasters, Counsellors, and Schepins; and in the large cities, the Deputies consist of two Burgomasters, two Schepins or Counsellors, and one Pensionary. The Pensionary is the Secretary of State, or the Minister of the city. The Pensionaries are generally the speakers upon all occasions, even in the Assembly of the States of the Province.

These operations at the Hague have been received by the public with great appearance of approbation and pleasure, and the gazettes and pamphlets universally cry against the mediation of Russia, and for an immediate alliance with France and America. But the leaders of the Republic, those of them I mean who are well intentioned, wish to have the two negotiations, that for peace under the mediation of Russia, and that for an alliance with France, Spain, and America, laid before the States and the public together, not so much with an expectation of accomplishing speedily an alliance with Bourbon and America, as with a hope of checking the English party, and preventing them from accepting a peace with England, or the mediation of Russia to that end, upon dangerous or dishonorable terms. If it was in any other country, I should conclude from all appearances, that an alliance with America and France, at least would be finished in a few weeks; but I have been long enough here to know the nation better. The constitution of government is so complicated and whimsical a thing, and the temper and character of the nation so peculiar, that this is considered everywhere as the most difficult embassy in Europe. But at present it is more so than ever; the nation is more divided than usual, and they are afraid of everybody, afraid of France, afraid of America, England, Russia, and the Northern powers, and above all of the Emperor, who is taking measures, that will infallibly ruin the commerce of this country, if they do not soon change their conduct.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, January 15th, 1782.

Sir,

The following note was presented to the Secretary Fagel by the Prince Gallitzin, and by the Secretary to the Assembly of their High Mightinesses, the 10th of this month.

"Her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, having reflected upon the loss of time, which is occasioned by a correspondence relative to complaints formed by the subjects of neutral powers, her allies, concerning the vexations and violations which they may suffer sometimes in their commercial navigation, has perceived that it will be essential to provide the Ministers of the allied powers with instructions sufficient for all cases of this nature. To this effect, her Imperial Majesty has thought fit to propose also to their High Mightinesses, the necessity and utility of general orders and instructions upon this object, with which they ought to provide their Ministers residing near the belligerent powers. Her Imperial Majesty is even of opinion that it will be indispensably necessary to detail the instructions in question in a manner so ample, that the Ministers may never be reduced to wait for ulterior orders; but on the contrary, that in all cases of this nature, they may be authorised to sustain each other efficaciously in their complaints and operations in making a common cause, and in interesting themselves without hesitation in the first complaints of the respective subjects of their Sovereigns, who claim their assistance.

"Her Imperial Majesty has already exerted herself to despatch to her Ministers residing at the belligerent Courts, the necessary instructions to this effect. Certainly none of them will fail to contribute to the good of the common cause, conformably to mutual engagements, and to that which her Imperial Majesty has caused to be proposed to her other allies."

I have transmitted this, as well as all other State papers, relative to the maritime confederation, because I hope it will be finally established, as it appears to be for the good of mankind in general, and of the United States in particular. The Dutch are so attached to it, that I think they will not give it up, and if the Empress has it sincerely at heart, she will not consent that the Dutch should relinquish it.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, January 16th, 1782.

Sir,

The following verbal insinuation made by the Baron de Noleken, Envoy of Sweden at London, to my Lord Stormont, the 31st of August, 1781, is of importance to show the intentions of the maritime confederacy.