Part 17

Whereas a union of the force of the several powers engaged in the war against Great Britain may have a happy tendency to bring the said war to a speedy and favorable issue; and it being the desire of these United States to form an alliance between them and the United Provinces of the Netherlands; know ye, therefore, that we, confiding in the integrity, prudence, and ability of the Honorable John Adams, have nominated, constituted, and appointed, and by these presents do nominate, constitute, and appoint him, the said John Adams, our Minister Plenipotentiary, giving him full powers, general and special, to act in that quality, to confer, treat, agree, and conclude, with the person or persons vested with equal powers, by His Most Christian Majesty, and their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, of and concerning a Treaty of Alliance between His Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and the United States of America; and whatever shall be so agreed and concluded for us, and in our name, to sign, and thereupon to make such treaty, convention, and agreements as he shall judge conformable to the ends we have in view; hereby promising, in good faith, that we will accept, ratify, and execute, whatever shall be agreed, concluded, and signed by him our said Minister.

In witness whereof we have caused these presents to be signed by our President, and sealed with his seal.

Done at Philadelphia, this sixteenth day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eightyone; and in the sixth year of our independence, by the United States in Congress assembled.

THOMAS M'KEAN, _President_.

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TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON,

Amsterdam, November 25th, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose to your Excellency a copy of the fresh instructions of Congress of the 16th of August last, which I received by the post on the 23d instant. I have also received a further commission from Congress, with full powers to confer, treat, agree, and conclude, with the person or persons vested, with equal powers by His Most Christian Majesty, and their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, of and concerning a Treaty of Alliance between His Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and the United States of America.

This measure was apparently concerted between the Congress and the French Minister residing near them, and seems to be very happily adapted to the present times and circumstances.

I beg leave to assure your Excellency, that I shall be at all times ready to attend you, at the Hague, or elsewhere, to confer with you, in the most entire confidence, respecting this negotiation, and shall take no material step in it, without your approbation and advice.

There are three ways of proposing this business to their High Mightinesses; 1st, your Excellency may alone propose it in the name of His Most Christian Majesty; 2dly, it may be proposed jointly by the Minister of his Majesty, and the Minister of the United States; or 3dly, it may be proposed by the Minister of the United States alone, and as a consequence of his former proposal of a Treaty of Commerce. I beg leave to submit these three measures, to your Excellency's consideration, and shall very cheerfully comply with any, which you may most approve.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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TO JOHN JAY, AMERICAN MINISTER AT MADRID.

Amsterdam, November 26th, 1781.

Sir,

By the last post, I received from L'Orient a set of fresh instructions from Congress, dated the 16th of August, and with the more pleasure, as I am enjoined to open a correspondence with your Excellency upon the subject of them.

I presume you have a copy by the same vessel; but as it is possible it may have been omitted, I shall venture to enclose a copy, and hope it may pass unopened. I have communicated it to the French Ambassador here, who says it is "_très bien vû; très bien combiné_." I shall take no step in it, without his knowledge and approbation. I shall hope for your Excellency's communications as soon as convenient.

The Dutch have an inclination to ally themselves to France and America, but they have many whimsical fears, and are much embarrassed with party quarrels. In time, I hope, they will agree better with one another, and see their true interests more clearly. This measure of Congress is very well timed.

I congratulate you on the glorious news of the surrender of Cornwallis. Some are of opinion it will produce a Congress at Vienna; but I cannot be of that sentiment. The English must have many more humiliations before they will agree to meet us upon equal terms, or upon any terms, that we can approve.

What is the true principle of the policy of Spain, in delaying so long to declare themselves explicitly? Her delay has a bad effect here.

Mr Dana has been gone northward these four months, but I have no letters from him. Whether the post is unfaithful, or whether he chooses to be talked about as little as possible at present, which I rather suspect, I do not know.

My respects to Mr Carmichael, and to your family, if you please.

With great esteem, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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TO B. FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, November 26th, 1781.

Sir,

I presume you have a copy from Congress of their instructions to me of the 16th of August; but, as it is possible it may be otherwise, I have enclosed one. I have communicated them to the Duc de la Vauguyon. I shall do nothing in the business without communicating it beforehand to him, with the most entire confidence, and receiving his approbation and advice. He informs me, that he has not yet received any instructions from his Court respecting it.

These instructions have arrived at a very proper time to counteract another insidious trick of the British Ministry, in agreeing to the mediation of Russia for a separate peace with Holland.

With unfeigned joy I congratulate your Excellency on the glorious news of the surrender of Cornwallis to the arms of the allies. How easy a thing would it be to bring this war to a happy conclusion, if Spain and Holland would adopt the system of France, and co-operate in it with the same honor and sincerity. There is nothing wanting but a constant naval superiority in the West Indies, and on the coast of the United States, to obtain triumphs upon triumphs over the English, in all quarters of the globe. The allies now carry on the war in America with an infinite advantage over the English, whose infatuation, nevertheless, will continue to make them exhaust themselves there, to the neglect of all their possessions in other parts of the world.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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TO JOHN JAY.

Amsterdam, November 28th, 1781.

Sir,

I had the honor to write to you on the 26th instant by the post, a conveyance which I am determined to try until I am certainly informed of its infidelity; in which case I will ask the favor of the French or Spanish Ambassador, to enclose my despatches.

I received, by the last post, a duplicate of despatches from Congress, the originals of which I received some time ago. I presume you have received the same from Congress, or from Passy; but, if otherwise, I will enclose in a future letter a commission and instructions for assisting at the conferences for peace, at Vienna or elsewhere, whenever they may take place. In this commission, Congress have added Mr Franklin, President Laurens, your Excellency, and Mr Jefferson; a measure which has taken off my mind a vast load, which, if I had ever at any time expected I should be called to sustain alone, would have been too heavy for my forces.

The capture of Cornwallis and his army is the most masterly measure, both in the conception and execution, which has been taken this war. When France and Spain shall consider the certain triumphant success, which will ever attend them while they maintain a naval superiority in the West Indies and on the coast of North America, it is to be hoped, they will never depart from that policy. Many here are of opinion, that this event will bring peace; but I am not of that mind, although it is very true that there are distractions in the British Cabinet, a formidable faction against Lord G. Germain, and, it is said, the Bedford party are determined to move for peace.

Our late triumphs have had an effect here. I have received several visits of congratulation, in consequence of them, from persons of consequence, from whom I did not expect them. But they are invisible fairies, who disconcert in the night all the operations of the patriots in the day.

There will, probably, be a proposal soon of a triple alliance between France, America, and Holland. If Spain would join, and make it quadruple, it would be so much the better.

General Green's last action in South Carolina, in consequence of which, that State and Georgia have both re-established their governments, is quite as glorious for the American arms as the capture of Cornwallis. The action was supported even by the militia, with a noble constancy. The victory on our side was complete, and the English lost twelve hundred men.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 4th, 1781.

Sir,

I have received those instructions, with which I was honored by Congress on the 16th of August, and communicated them forthwith to the French Ambassador, to their High Mightinesses, and to the American Ministers at Versailles and Madrid.[5] The Duc de la Vauguyon was of opinion, that they were very well considered and very well timed, to counteract another trait of British policy, in agreeing to the mediation of Russia for a separate peace with Holland. The British Ministry mean only to aid the stocks, and lull the Dutch.

There is no longer any talk of a Congress at Vienna. The late news of General Washington's triumphs in Virginia, and of the friendly and effectual aid of the Counts de Rochambeau and de Grasse, have made a great impression here, and all over Europe. I shall punctually observe my instructions, and consult in perfect confidence with the Duc de la Vauguyon, in the execution of my late commission. A quadruple alliance, for the duration of the war, would, probably, soon bring it to a conclusion; but the Dutch are so indolent, so divided, so animated with party spirit, and above all so entirely in the power of their Chief, that it is very certain that they will take the proposition _ad referendum_ immediately, and then deliberate upon it a long time.

This nation is not blind; it is bound and cannot get loose. There is great reason to fear, that they will be held inactive, until they are wholly ruined. Cornwallis' fate, however, has somewhat emboldened them, and I have received unexpected visits of congratulation from several persons of note; and there are appearances of a growing interest in favor of an alliance with France and America. If I were now to make the proposition, I think it would have a great effect. I must, however, wait for the approbation of the Duke, and he, perhaps, for instructions from Versailles, and, indeed, a little delay will perhaps do no harm, but give opportunity to prepare the way. The general cry at this time in pamphlets and public papers, is for an immediate connexion with France and America.

The consent of Zealand is expected immediately to the loan of five millions for his Most Christian Majesty. My loan rests as it was, at a few thousand guilders, which, by the advice of Dr Franklin, I reserve for the relief of our countrymen, who escape from prison in England in distress. I have ordered a hundred pounds for President Laurens in the Tower, at the earnest solicitation of his daughter, who is in France, and of some of his friends in England; but for further supplies have referred them to Dr Franklin. I some time since had an intimation that the British Ministry were endeavoring to form secret contracts with traitorous Americans to supply the masts for the royal navy. According to my information, the British navigation in all parts of the world is at present distressed for masts, especially those of the largest size. Congress will take such measures as to their wisdom shall appear proper to prevent Americans from this wicked and infamous commerce, I wrote to Dr Franklin upon the subject, who communicated my letter, as I requested, at Court, and his Excellency supposes that the Count de Vergennes will write to Congress, or to the Chevalier de la Luzerne upon the subject.

The Continental goods left here by Commodore Gillon, are detained for freight and damages, and very unjustly as I conceive. I am doing all in my power to obtain possession of them, and send them to America, or dispose of them here, at as little loss as possible, according to the desire and advice of Dr Franklin. It is not necessary to trouble Congress to read a volume of letters upon the subject of these goods. All that can be done by me, has been and shall be done to save the public interest. This piece of business has been managed as ill as any that has ever been done for Congress in Europe, whether it is owing to misfortune, want of skill, or anything more disagreeable.

The Court of Russia does not at present appear to be acting that noble part, which their former conduct gave cause to expect. Mr Dana is at Petersburg, but he prudently avoids writing. If he sees no prospect of advantage in staying there, he will be very silent, I believe, and not stay very long.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

FOOTNOTE:

[5] For these instructions, and Mr Adams' new commission to form a treaty of alliance with the United Provinces, see the _Secret Journals of Congress_, Vol. II pp. 470, 472.

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THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Translation.

The Hague, December 7th, 1781.

Sir,

I have received the letter you did me the honor to write me, and the copy of the resolutions of Congress, of the 16th of August last. I flatter myself, that you will not doubt of my zeal to concert with you the ulterior measures, which they may require, as soon as the King has authorised me. But until his Majesty has transmitted to me his orders on this point, I can only repeat to you the assurances of my zeal for everything interesting to the common cause of France and North America, and the peculiar satisfaction I shall derive from my connexions with you in all circumstances.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE LA VAUGUYON.

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TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 13th, 1781.

Sir,

The answer of my Lord Stormont to M. Simolin is as follows.

"The alliance, which has subsisted so many years between Great Britain and the States-General, has always been considered by his Majesty as a connexion founded on the most natural relations, and which was not only conformable to the interests of the two nations, but as essential to their mutual well-being. The King has done everything on his part to maintain these connexions and to strengthen them; and if the conduct of their High Mightinesses had been answerable to that of his Majesty, they would have subsisted at this hour in all their force. But from the commencement of the present troubles, the single return with which the Republic has requited the constant friendship of the King, has been the renunciation of the principles of an alliance, the primary object of which was the mutual defence of the two nations; an obstinate refusal to fulfil the most sacred obligations; a daily violation of the most solemn treaties; an assistance given to those very enemies against whom the King had a right to demand succor; an asylum granted to American pirates in the ports of Holland, in public violation of the clearest stipulations; and to fill up the measure, a denial of justice and of satisfaction for the affront offered to the dignity of the King by a secret league with his rebel subjects.

"All these accumulated grievances have not permitted the King to act any other part, than that which he has taken with the most sensible reluctance. When we laid before the public the motives which had rendered this rupture inevitable, the King attributed the conduct of the Republic to its true cause, viz. the unfortunate influence of a faction, which sacrificed the interest of the nation to private views; but the King at the same time manifested the sincerest desire to be able to draw back the Republic to a system of strict union, efficacious alliance and reciprocal protection, which has so greatly contributed to the well-being and to the glory of the two nations.

"When the Empress of Russia offered her good offices to effectuate a reconciliation by a particular peace, the King testified his gratitude for this fresh proof of a friendship, which is to him so precious, and avoided to expose the mediation of her Majesty to the danger of a fruitless negotiation; he explained the reasons which convinced him, that in the then prevailing disposition of the Republic, governed by a faction, any reconciliation during the war with France, would be but a reconciliation in appearance, and would give to the party which rule in the Republic, an opportunity to re-assume the part of a secret auxiliary of all the King's enemies, under the mask of a feigned alliance with Great Britain. But if there are certain indications of an alteration in this disposition; if the powerful intervention of her Imperial Majesty can accomplish this change, and reclaim the Republic to principles, which the wisest part of the nation has never abandoned; his Majesty will be ready to treat of a separate peace with their High Mightinesses; and he hopes that the Empress of all the Russias may be the sole mediatrix of this peace. She was the first to offer her good offices; and an intervention so efficacious and so powerful as her's, cannot gain in weight and influence by the accession of the most respectable allies. The friendship of the Empress towards the two nations, the interest which her empire has in their reciprocal welfare, her known impartiality, and her elevated views, are so many securities for the manner in which she will conduct this salutary work, and in a negotiation, which has for its end the termination of a war, caused by the violation of treaties, and an affront offered to the Crown of a King, his Majesty refers himself with equal satisfaction and confidence to the mediation of a Sovereign, who holds sacred the faith of treaties, who knows so well the value of the dignity of Sovereigns, and who has maintained her own, during her glorious reign, with so much firmness and grandeur."

Thus the mediation of Russia is accepted, and that of Sweden and Denmark refused. The instructions of Congress and their new commission of last August are arrived in most happy time, to counteract this insidious manoeuvre, and I hope the Duc de la Vauguyon will receive his instructions on the same subject before it be too late.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 14th, 1781.

Sir,

The first public body, which has proposed a connexion with the United States, is the Quarter of Oostergo, in the Province of Friesland. The proposition is in these words;

"Every impartial patriot has a long time perceived, that in the direction of affairs relative to this war with England, there has been manifested an inconceivable lukewarmness and sloth; but they discover themselves still more at this moment, by the little inclination which in general the Regencies of the Belgic Provinces testify to commence a treaty of commerce and friendship with the new Republic of the Thirteen United States of North America; and to contract engagements, at least during the continuance of this common war with the Crowns of France and Spain. Nevertheless, the necessity of these measures appears clearly, since according to our judgments, nothing was more natural, nor more conformable to sound policy, founded upon the laws of nature the most precise, than that this Republic immediately after the formal declaration of war by the English, (not being yet able to do anything by military exploits, not being in a state of defence sufficiently respectable to dare at sea to oppose one fleet or squadron to our perfidious enemy,) should have commenced by acknowledging, by a public declaration, the independence of North America.

"This would have been from that time the greatest step to the humiliation of England, and our own re-establishment, and by this measure, the Republic would have proved her firm resolution to act with vigor. Every one of our inhabitants, all Europe, who have their eyes fixed upon us, the whole world expected, with just reason, this measure from the Republic. It is true, that before the formal declaration of war by England, one might perhaps have alleged some plausible reasons to justify in some degree the backwardness in this great and interesting affair. But, as at present Great Britain is no longer our secret, but our declared enemy, which dissolves all the connexions between the two nations; and as it is the duty not only of all the Regencies, but also of all the citizens of this Republic to reduce by all imaginable annoyances this enemy, so unjust to reason, and to force him if possible, to conclude an honorable peace; why should we hesitate any longer to strike, by this measure so reasonable, the most sensible blow to the common enemy? Will not this delay occasion a suspicion, that we prefer the interest of our enemy, to that of our country? North America, so sensibly offended by the refusal of her offer; France and Spain, in the midst of a war supported with activity, must they not regard us as the secret friends and favorers of their and our common enemy? Have they not reason to conclude from it, that our inaction ought to be less attributed to our weakness, than to our affection for England? Will not this opinion destroy all confidence in our nation heretofore so renowned in this respect? And our allies, at this time natural, must they not imagine, that it is better to have in us declared enemies, than pretended friends; and shall we not be involved in a ruinous war, which we might have rendered advantageous, if it had been well directed?

"While, on the other hand, it is evident that by a new connexion with the States of North America, by engagements at least during this war with France and Spain, we shall obtain not only the confidence of these formidable powers instead of their distrust, but by this means we shall, moreover, place our Colonies in safety against every insult; we shall have a well-grounded hope of recovering with the aid of the allied powers, our lost possessions, if the English should make themselves masters of them, and our commerce, at present neglected and so shamefully pillaged, would reassume a new vigor, considering that in such case as it is manifestly proved by solid reasons, this Republic would derive from this commerce the most signal advantages. But since our interest excites us forcibly to act in concert with the enemies of our enemy; since the Thirteen United States of North America invited us to it long ago; since France appears inclined to concert her military operations with ours, although this power has infinitely less interest to ally itself with us, whose weakness manifests itself in so palpable a manner than we are to form an alliance the most respectable in the universe; it is indubitably the duty of every regency to promote it with all its forces, and with all the celerity imaginable.