Part 16

"The States of Holland and of West Friesland, to all those who shall see these presents, or hear them read, Greeting. As it is come to our knowledge, that notwithstanding the placards and ordinances, from one time to another, issued against the impression and dissemination of seditious and slanderous writings, there has been lately dispersed in various places of this Province, a certain very seditious and slanderous libel, entitled _Aan het Volk van Nederland_, (To the People of the Low Countries) in which the supreme government of this country, his Most Serene Highness, our Lord the Prince Hereditary Stadtholder, as well as his illustrious predecessors, to whom under God, we are indebted for the foundation and maintenance of our Republic, as well as of its liberty, are calumniated in the most scandalous and enormous manner, and in which the good people are invited to an insurrection and to seditious commotions.

"For these causes, being desirous to make provision in this case, without derogating from our former placards against lampoons, and other defamatory and scandalous writings, issued from time to time, and in particular from our renovation of the 18th of January, 1691, and our placard of the 17th of March, 1754, we have thought fit for the discovery of the author or authors of the said seditious and slanderous libel, entitled _Aan het Volk van Nederland_, and of his or their accomplices, to promise a reward of a thousand ryders of gold, (fourteen thousand florins) to him who shall give the necessary indications by which the author, writer, or printer of the said libel, or all those who may have had a part in it in any other manner, may fall into the hands of justice, and may be convicted of the fact; and in case that the informer was an accomplice in it, we declare by these presents, that we will pardon him for whatever upon this occasion he may have done amiss against his sovereign; moreover, he shall also enjoy the reward in question, and his name shall not be pointed out, but kept secret.

"Forbidding, consequently, in the most solemn manner by these presents, every one of what estate, quality or condition soever he may be, to reprint in any manner the said seditious and slanderous libel, to distribute, scatter, or spread it, upon pain of the confiscation of the copies, and a fine of six thousand florins, besides at least, an everlasting banishment from the Province of Holland and West Friesland, which fine shall go, one third to the officer who shall make the seizure; another third to the informer; and the remaining third to the use of the poor of the place where the seizure shall be made. And whereas, some persons, to keep their unlawful practices concealed, may be tempted to pretend, that the libel in question had been addressed to them under a simple cover, they know not by whom, nor from what place, we ordain and decree, that all printers, booksellers, and moreover all and every one, to whom the said seditious and slanderous libel, entitled _Aan het Volk van Nederland_, may be sent, whether to be sold, given as a present, distributed, lent or read, shall be held to carry it forthwith; and deliver it to the officer or the magistrate of the place of their residence, or of the place where they may receive it, under penalty of being held for disseminators of it, and as such punished in the manner before pointed out. Ordaining most expressly to our Attorney-General, and to all our other officers, to execute strictly and exactly the present placard, according to the form and contents of it, without dissimulation or connivance, under pain of being deprived of their employments. And to the end, that no one may pretend cause of ignorance, but that every one may know how he ought to conduct himself in this regard, we order that these presents be published, and posted up everywhere, where it belongs, and where it is customary to do it.

"Done at the Hague, under the small seal of the country, the 19th of October, 1781. By order of the States.

C. CLOTTERBOOKE."

Such are the severe measures, which this government think themselves bound to take to suppress this libel. They will have, however, a contrary effect, and will make a pamphlet, which otherwise perhaps would have been known in a small circle, familiar to all Europe. The press cannot be restrained; all attempts of that kind in France and Holland are every day found to be ineffectual.

I consider the disputes in the city of Geneva as arising from the progress of democratical principles in Europe. I consider this libel as a demonstration that there is a party here, and a very numerous one, too, who are proselytes to democratical principles. Who and what has given rise to the assuming pride of the people, as it is called in Europe, in every part of which they have been so thoroughly abased? The American revolution. The precepts, the reasonings, and example of the United States of America, disseminated by the press through every part of the world, have convinced the understanding, and have touched the heart. When I say democratical principles, I do not mean that the world is about adopting simple democracies, for these are impracticable, but multitudes are convinced that the people should have a voice, a share, and be made an integral part; and that the government should be such a mixture, and such a combination of the powers of one, the few and the many, as is best calculated to check and control each other, and oblige all to co-operate in this one democratical principle, that the end of all government is the happiness of the people; and in this other, that the greatest happiness of the greatest number is the point to be obtained. These principles are now so widely spread, that despotisms, monarchies, and aristocracies must conform to them in some degree in practice, or hazard a total revolution in religion and government throughout all Europe. The longer the American war lasts, the more the spirit of American government will spread in Europe, because the attention of the world will be fixed there, while the war lasts. I have often wondered that the Sovereigns of Europe have not seen the danger to their authority, which arises from a continuance of this war. It is their interest to get it finished, that their subjects may no longer be employed in speculating about the principles of government.

The people of the Seven United Provinces appear to me of such a character, that they would make wild steerage at the first admission to any share in government; and whether any intimations of a desire of change at this time will not divide and weaken the nation, is a problem. I believe rather it will have a good effect, by convincing the government that they must exert themselves for the good of the people, to prevent them from exerting themselves in innovations.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, November 1st, 1781.

Sir,

It is still as problematical as ever, what is the political system of this Republic, and indeed whether it has any system at all. They talk much, and deliberate long, but execute nothing. By the violence with which they speak and write of each other, a stranger would think them ripe for a civil war. In the Assembly of the States of Guelderland, held to consider the requisition of the King of France of a negotiation of five millions of florins, under the warranty of the Republic, the debates were sustained with great warmth. Some were for an alliance with France. The Baron de Nagel, Senechal of Zutphen, evaded the putting of the question, and said among other things, "that he had rather acknowledge the independence of the Americans, than contract an alliance with France."

The Baron Van der Cappellen de Marsch, was for an alliance with France and America too. He observed, "that nothing being more natural, than to act in concert with the enemies of our enemy, it was an object of serious deliberation to see if the interest of the Republic did not require to accept, without further tergiversation, the invitations and offers of the Americans; that no condescension for England could hinder us at present from uniting ourselves against a common enemy, with a nation so brave and so virtuous, a nation, which, after our example, owes its liberty to its valor, and even at this moment, is employed in defending itself from the tyranny of the enemy of the two nations; that, consequently, nothing could restrain us from acknowledging the independence of this new Republic; that our conduct differed very much from that held by our ancestors, who allied themselves to the Portuguese, as soon as they shook off the yoke of the Spaniards; that there was no doubt that the said alliances with the enemies of our enemy would soon restrain his fury, and operate a general peace advantageous for us."

As this is the first opinion given openly, which has been published, in favor of acknowledging American independence, it deserves to be recorded, but it will be long, very long, before the Republic will be unanimously of this opinion.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, November 20th, 1781.

Sir,

Since my last of the 23d of October, nothing material has happened here, unless it be the return of Digby to New York, where he has relanded great part of his troops, and, as is said, proceeded to the West Indies with the fleet, though this is not fully ascertained. Nor have we any authentic account, that the Count de Grasse sailed from the Chesapeake on the 4th instant.

It gives me pleasure, however, to mention an incident to you, which shows how much the yeomanry of this country have improved in military discipline, and must defeat every hope that Britain entertains of conquering a country so defended. It has been the custom of the enemy to move a large body of troops every fall, from Canada to Ticonderoga, while a light corps, with a number of Indians, entered the State from the westward, and destroyed the frontier settlements, burning the houses and barns, and scalping the old men, women, and children. Last year, they effected the destruction of Scoharie, and most of the settlements on the Mohawk River, before the militia could assemble to oppose them. This year, a small body of State troops, drafted from the militia for three months, about sixty New Hampshire levies, part of the militia of the country, and forty Oneida Indians, to the number of four hundred and eighty in all, under the command of Colonel Willet, hastily collected, upon the report of the enemy's coming from the westward to oppose them, while the rest of the militia, and some Continental troops marched upon Hudson's River, (the enemy having about two thousand men at Ticonderoga.) Willet met the enemy, who consisted of a picked corps of British troops, to the amount of six hundred and six, besides a number of Indians and tories; he fought and defeated them twice with his militia, killed their leader, Major Ross, and young Butler, as is said, made a number of prisoners, and pursued them three days, till he had driven them into the thickest part of the wilderness, whence fatigue and want of provision will prevent many of them from returning. Those at Ticonderoga have remained inactive ever since.

It must be a mortifying circumstance to the proudest people in the world, to find themselves foiled, not only by the American regular troops, but by the rough undisciplined militia of the country.

Admiral Zoutman's combat must also, I should imagine, have some effect in humbling their pride, and, what is of more consequence, in raising the spirits of the Dutch.

We find from your letters, as well as from other accounts of the United Provinces, that they are divided into powerful parties for and against the war, and we are sorry to see some of the most distinguished names among what you call the Anglomanes. But your letters leave us in the dark relative to the principles and views of each party, which is no small inconvenience to us, as we know not how to adapt our measures to them. It is so important to the due execution of your mission, to penetrate the views of all parties, without seeming to be connected with either, that I have no doubt you have insinuated yourself into the good graces and confidence of the leaders, and that you can furnish the information we require; you may be persuaded no ill use will be made of any you give, and that it is expected from you.

We learn from M. Dumas, that you have presented your credentials to the States-General; we are astonished, that you have not written on so important a subject, and developed the principle, that induced you to declare your public character before the States were disposed to acknowledge it. There is no doubt from your known prudence and knowledge of the world, that some peculiarity in your situation, or that of the politics and parties in the United Provinces, furnished you with the reasons, that overbalanced the objections to the measure, which arise from the humiliating light in which it places us. Congress would, I believe, wish to have them explained, and particularly your reason for printing your Memorial. I may form improper ideas of the government, interest, and policy of the United Provinces, but I frankly confess, that I have no hope, that they will recognise us as an independent State, and embarrass themselves in making their wished for peace, with our affairs. What inducements can we hold out to them? They know, that our own interest will lead us to trade with them, and we do not propose to purchase their alliance, by giving them any exclusive advantage in commerce.

Your business, therefore, I think lies in a very narrow compass; it is to conciliate the affection of the people, to place our cause in the most advantageous light, to remove the prejudices, that Britain may endeavor to excite, to discover the views of the different parties, to watch every motion, that leads to peace between England and the United Provinces, and to get the surest aid of government in procuring a loan, which is almost the only thing wanting, to render our affairs respectable at home and abroad. To these objects I am satisfied you pay the strictest attention, because I am satisfied no man has more the interest of his country at heart, or is better acquainted with its wants. As our objects in Holland must be very similar to those of France, I should suppose it would be prudent for you to keep up the closest connexion with her Minister; to advise with him on great leading objects, and to counteract his opinion only upon the most mature deliberation.

You were informed, before I came into office, that Mr Jay and Mr Franklin are joined in commission with you, and have received copies of the instructions, that Congress have given their commissioners; this whole business being terminated before I came down, I make no observations upon it, lest I should not enter fully into the views of Congress, and by that means help to mislead you in so important a subject. I enclose you a resolution, discharging the commission for _establishing a Commercial Treaty with Britain_. This also being a business of long standing, I for the same reason, transmit it without any observations thereon.

I would recommend it to you, to be, in your language and conduct, a private gentleman. This will give you many advantages in making connexions, that will be lost on your insisting upon the assumption of a public character, and the rather, as this sentiment prevails generally among the members of Congress, though, for reasons of delicacy with respect to you, I have not chosen to ask the sense of Congress, to whom it is my sincere wish, as well as my leading object, in the free letters I wrote you, to enable you to render your measures acceptable. A number of your letters, written last winter and spring, have this moment come to hand.

This letter will be sent to Europe by the Marquis de Lafayette, who has obtained leave of absence during the winter season. He wishes to correspond with you, and as from his connexion, his understanding, and attachment to this country he may be serviceable to you, I would wish you to write as freely to him, as you conceive those considerations may render prudent.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

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TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON, AMBASSADOR OF FRANCE AT THE HAGUE.

Amsterdam, November 24th, 1781.

Mr Adams presents his most respectful compliments to his Excellency the Duc de la Vauguyon, and begs leave to acquaint him, that by the last night's post he received from Congress some important despatches, which it is his duty to communicate to the Ambassador of France. Mr Adams requests his Excellency to inform him, what hour will be most convenient for him to wait on him at the Arms of Amsterdam. Meantime, he most sincerely congratulates his Excellency on the glorious news from America by the Duc de Lauzun, of the surrender of Lord Cornwallis with his whole army, to the arms of the allies.

This card I sent by my secretary Mr Thaxter. The Duke returned for answer, that he would call upon me at my house, between twelve and one, to congratulate me on the news from America. Accordingly about one, he came and spent with me about an hour and a half.

I communicated to him my fresh instructions, and agreed to send him a copy of them tomorrow or next day, by the post waggon (_chariot-de-poste_.) He said he had not received any instructions from Versailles, upon the subject; but might receive some by next Tuesday's post. He asked me, what step I proposed to take in consequence of these instructions? I answered none, but with his participation and approbation; that I would be always ready to attend him at the Hague, or elsewhere, for the purpose of the most candid and confidential consultations, &c. He said that he thought that the subject was very well seen (_très bien vû_) and the measure very well concerted, (_très bien combiné_) and that it would have a good effect at this time, to counteract the artifice of the British Ministry, in agreeing to the mediation of Russia, for a separate peace with this Republic.

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RESOLVES OF CONGRESS, COMPRISING THE INSTRUCTIONS TO JOHN ADAMS.

In Congress, August 16th, 1781.

On the Report of the Committee, to whom was recommitted their report on the communications from the Honorable the Minister of France, and who are instructed to report instructions to the Honorable John Adams, respecting a Treaty of Alliance with the United Provinces of the Netherlands,

_Resolved_, That the Minister Plenipotentiary of these United States at the Court of Versailles, be directed to inform His Most Christian Majesty, that the tender of his endeavors to accomplish a coalition between the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and these States, has been received by Congress, as a fresh proof of his solicitude for their interests. That previous to the communication of this His Most Christian Majesty's friendly purpose, Congress, impressed with the importance of such a connexion, had confided to Mr John Adams full powers to enter, on the part of the United States, into a Treaty of Amity and Commerce with the United Provinces, with a special instruction to conform himself therein to the treaties subsisting between His Most Christian Majesty and the United States. That Congress do, with pleasure, accept His Most Christian Majesty's interposition, and will transmit further powers to their Minister at the Hague, to form a Treaty of Alliance between His Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces, and the United States, having for its object, and limited in its duration to, the present war with Great Britain. That he will be enjoined to confer, on all occasions, in the most confidential manner, with His Most Christian Majesty's Minister, at the Hague; and that provisional authority will also be sent to admit his Catholic Majesty as a party.

_Resolved_, That the Minister Plenipotentiary of these United States at the Hague, be, and he is hereby instructed to propose a Treaty of Alliance between His Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and the United States of America, having for its object, and limited in its duration to, the present war with Great Britain, and conformed to the treaties subsisting between His Most Christian Majesty and the United States.

That the indispensable conditions of the Alliance be, that their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, shall expressly recognise the sovereignty and independence of the United States of America, absolute and unlimited, as well in matters of government as of commerce. That the war with Great Britain shall be made a common cause, each party exerting itself according to its discretion in the most effectual hostility against the common enemy; and that no party shall conclude either truce or peace with Great Britain, without the formal consent of the whole first obtained; nor lay down their arms, until the sovereignty and independence of these United States shall be formally or tacitly assured by Great Britain, in a Treaty, which shall terminate the war.

That the said Minister be, and he hereby is further instructed, to unite the two Republics by no stipulations of offence, nor guaranty any possessions of the United Provinces. To inform himself, from the Minister of these United States at the Court of Spain, of the progress of his negotiations at the said Court; and if an alliance shall have been entered into between his Catholic Majesty and these United States, to invite his Catholic Majesty into the Alliance herein intended; if no such alliance shall have been formed, to receive his Catholic Majesty, should he manifest a disposition to become a party to the alliance herein intended, according to the instructions given to the said Minister at the Court of Spain.

That in all other matters, not repugnant to these instructions, the said Minister at the Hague do use his best discretion.

_Resolved_, That the Minister Plenipotentiary of these United States at the Hague, be, and he hereby is instructed to confer in the most confidential manner with His Most Christian Majesty's Minister there.

_Ordered_, That the foregoing resolutions be communicated to our Ministers at the Courts of Versailles and Madrid, that they may furnish every information and aid in their power to our Minister at the Hague, in the accomplishment of this business.

_Resolved_, That the following commission be issued to Mr John Adams, for the purpose aforesaid.

The United States in Congress assembled, to all who shall see these presents, send, greeting.