Part 12

And I rely upon it, this is the intention of the two Imperial Courts; because otherwise, they would have proposed the Congress upon the basis of the two British preliminaries, a rupture of the treaty with France, and a return of the Americans to their submission to Great Britain; and because I cannot suppose it possible, that the Imperial Courts could believe the Americans capable of such infinite baseness, as to appear upon the stage of the universe, acknowledge themselves guilty of rebellion, and supplicate for grace; nor can I suppose they meant to fix a brand of disgrace upon the Americans in the sight of all nations, or to pronounce judgment against them; one or all of which suppositions must be made, before it can be believed, that these Courts did not mean to protect the American Representative in the enjoyment of the privileges attached to the character he must assume; and because, otherwise, all their propositions would be to no effect, for no Congress at Vienna can make either the one or the other of the two proposed peaces, without the United States. But upon looking over again the words of the first article, there seems to be room for dispute, of which a British Minister, in the present state of his country, would be capable of taking advantage. The terms used seems to be justly exceptionable. There are no "American Colonies" at war with Great Britain. The power at war is the United States of America. No American Colonies have any Representative in Europe, unless Nova Scotia or Quebec, or some of the West India Islands, may have an agent in London. The word Colony, in its usual acceptation, implies a metropolis, a mother country, a superior political Governor, ideas which the United States have long since renounced forever.

I am therefore clear in my opinion, that a more explicit declaration ought to be insisted on, and that no American Representative ought to appear, without an express assurance, that while the Congress lasts, and in going to it, and returning from it, he shall be considered as a Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America, and entitled to all the prerogatives of such a Minister from a sovereign power. The Congress might be to him and to his country but a snare, unless the substance of this is _bona fide_ intended, and if it is intended, there can be no sufficient reason for declining to express it in words.

If there is a Power upon earth, that imagines that America will ever appear at a Congress, before a Minister of Great Britain, or any other power in the character of repenting subjects, soliciting an amnesty, or a warranty of an amnesty, that Power is infinitely deceived. There are few Americans who would hold their lives upon such terms. I know of none who would not rather choose to appear upon a scaffold in their own country, or in Great Britain. All such odious ideas ought to be laid aside by the British Ministry, before they propose mediations. The bare mention of such a thing to the United States by Great Britain would be considered only as another repetition of injury and insult. The proposal of a rupture of the treaty is little less to France. But it is possible, that in the future course of this negotiation, there may be a proposal of a Congress of Ministers of the several mediating and belligerent powers, exclusive of the United States, to deliberate on the question, in what character the United States are to be considered, whether a Representative of the people of North America can be admitted, and what shall be his title and privileges.

All that I can say to this case at present is this. The United States have assumed their equal station among the nations. They have assumed a sovereignty, which they acknowledge to hold only from God and their own swords. They can be represented only as a sovereign; and, therefore, although they might not be able to prevent it, they can never consent that any of these things shall be made questions. To give their consent, would be to make the surrender of their sovereignty their own act.

France has acknowledged all these things, and bound her honor and faith to the support of them, and, therefore, although she might not be able to prevent it, she can never consent that they should be disputed. Her consent would make the surrender of the American sovereignty her act. And what end can it answer to dispute them, unless it be to extend the flames of war? If Great Britain had a color of reason for pretending, that France's acknowledgment of American independence was a hostility against her, the United States would have a stronger reason to say, that a denial of their sovereignty was a declaration of war against them. And as France is bound to support their sovereignty, she would have reason to say, that a denial of it is a hostility against her. If any power of Europe has an inclination to join England, and declare war against France and the United States, there is no need of a previous Congress to enable her to do it with more solemnity, or to furnish her with plausible pretexts. But on the other hand, if the powers of Europe are persuaded of the justice of the American pretensions, and think it their duty to humanity to endeavor to bring about peace, they may easily propose, that the character of the United States shall be acknowledged, and their Minister admitted.

I cannot but persuade myself, that the two Imperial Courts are convinced of the justice of the American cause, of the stability of the American sovereignty, and of the propriety and necessity of an acknowledgment of it by all the powers of Europe. This, I think, may be fairly and conclusively inferred from the propositions themselves. Was there ever an example of a Congress of the powers of Europe to exhort, to influence, to overawe the rebellious subjects of any one of them into obedience? Is not every sovereign adequate to the government, punishment, or pardon of its own criminal subjects? Would it not be a precedent mischievous to mankind, and tending to universal despotism, if a sovereign, which has been proved to be unequal to the reformation or chastisement of the pretended crimes of its own subjects, should be countenanced in calling in the aid of all or any of the other powers of Europe to assist them? It is quite sufficient, that England has already been permitted to hire twenty thousand German troops, and to have the number annually recruited for seven years, in addition to her own whole force; it is quite sufficient, that she has been permitted to seduce innumerable tribes of savages, in addition to both, to assist her in propagating her system of tyranny, and committing her butcheries in America, without being able to succeed.

After all this, which is notorious to all Europe, it is impossible to believe, that the Imperial Courts mean to give their influence in any degree towards bringing America to submission to Great Britain. It seems to me, therefore, most certain, that the Imperial Courts perceive, that American independence must be acknowledged; and if this is so, I think there can be no objection against ascertaining the character of the American Minister before any Congress meets, so that he may take his place in it as soon as it opens.

But if any sentiments of delicacy should induce those Courts to think it necessary to wait for Great Britain to set the example of such acknowledgment, one would think it necessary to wait until that power shall discover some symptoms of an inclination that way. A Congress would have no tendency, that I know of, to give her such a disposition; on the contrary, a Congress in which Great Britain should be represented, and France and the United States not, would only give her an opportunity of forming parties, propagating prejudices and partial notions, and blowing up the coals of war.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, July 21st, 1781.

Sir,

Since my letter of the 19th, another point has occurred to me, upon which it seems necessary, that I should say something to your Excellency, before my departure for Holland, which will be on Monday morning.

An idea has, I perceive, been suggested of the several States of America choosing agents separately to attend the Congress at Vienna, in order to make peace with Great Britain; so that there would be thirteen instead of one. The constitution of the United States, or their confederation, which has been solemnly adopted and ratified by each of them, has been officially and authentically notified to their Majesties, the Kings of France and Spain, and to their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, and communicated to all the Courts and nations of the world, as far as all the gazettes of Europe are able to spread it; so that it is now as well and universally known as any constitution of government in Europe. By this constitution, all power and authority of negotiating with foreign powers is expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled. It would, therefore, be a public disrespect and contempt offered to the constitution of the nation, if any power should make any application whatever to the Governors, or Legislature of the separate States. In this respect, the American Constitution is very different from the Batavian. If the two Imperial Courts should address their articles to the States separately, no Governor or President of any one of those Commonwealths could even communicate it to the Legislature. No President of a Senate could lay it before the body over which he presides. No Speaker of a House of Representatives could read it to the House. It would be an error, and a misdemeanor in any one of these officers to receive and communicate any such letter. All that he could do would be, after breaking the seal and reading it, to send it back. He could not even legally transmit it to Congress. If such an application, therefore, should be made and sent back, it would consume much time to no purpose, and perhaps have other worse effects.

There is no method for the Courts of Europe to convey anything to the people of America but through the Congress of the United States, nor any way of negotiating with them but by means of that body. I must, therefore, entreat your Excellency, that the idea of summoning Ministers from the thirteen States may not be countenanced at all.

I know very well, that if each State had in the confederation reserved to itself a right of negotiating with foreign powers, and such an application should have been made to them separately upon this occasion, they would all of them separately refer it to Congress, because the people universally know and are well agreed, that all connexions with foreign countries must, in their circumstances, be made under one direction.

But all these things were very minutely considered in framing the confederation, by which the people of each State have taken away from themselves even the right of deliberating and debating upon these affairs, unless they should be referred to them by Congress for their advice, or unless they should think proper to instruct their delegates in Congress of their own accord.

This matter may not appear to your Excellency in so important a light as it does to me, and the thought of such an application to the United States may not have been seriously entertained; but as it has been mentioned, although only in a way of transient speculation, I thought I could not excuse myself from saying something upon it, because I know it would be considered in so unfavorable a light in America; that I am persuaded Congress would think themselves bound to remonstrate against it in the most solemn manner.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, July 21st, 1781.

Sir,

From the Hague, there is an article of the following tenor.

"As to the affair of the Field Maréchal, the Duke of Brunswick, which makes an object of deliberation in the Assemblies of the Provinces, one sees in public a copy of the opinion of the Quarter of Westergo, (one of the four Chambers which form the States of Friesland,) in which it is joined by four Manors or Intendancies of the Quarter of Sevenwonde, which have protested against the opinion of the plurality of their Chamber; this opinion is of the following tenor."

"The Quarter having examined with all due attention the memorial, presented by the Duke to their High Mightinesses, is of opinion, that the paragraphs of the memorial, remitted to his Highness in the name of the Burgomasters of Amsterdam, of which the said Lord the Duke complains, contain not the least thing by which the Lord the Duke may be considered to have been any way hurt in his character; but rather, that the paragraphs or complaints contained in the said Memorial, exhibit an accusation against the Duke in his quality of Counsellor of his Highness, and that they express the sentiments of the people, which the gentlemen, the Burgomasters of Amsterdam, have infused into the breast of our well beloved hereditary Stadtholder; by means of which, they have manifested an evident proof of their sincere attachment to his Highness and to his illustrious House. The Quarter is therefore of opinion, that in case the Lord Duke thinks himself aggrieved by the Burgomasters of Amsterdam, he ought to address himself to their ordinary and competent judge, seeing that this Assembly of their High Mightinesses is not a competent judge in this matter; and that, therefore, it is proper to charge the gentlemen, the Deputies in the Assembly of the States-General, not to enter into any deliberations upon this matter."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, August 3d, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose copies of some papers, which passed between the Count de Vergennes and me, lately at Paris. The conjecture, that the British Court would insist upon their two preliminaries, is become more probable by the publication of the King's speech at the prorogation of Parliament.

"The zeal and ardor, which you have shown for the honor of my Crown," says the King, "your firm and steady support of a just cause, and the great efforts you have made to enable me to surmount all the difficulties of this extensive and complicated war, must convince the world, that the ancient spirit of the British nation is not abated or diminished.

"While I lament the continuance of the present troubles, and the extension of the war, I have the conscious satisfaction to reflect, that the constant aim of all my counsels has been to bring back my deluded subjects in America to the happiness and liberty they formerly enjoyed, and to see the tranquillity of Europe restored.

"To defend the dominions, and to maintain the rights of this country, was on my part the sole cause, and is the object of the war. Peace is the earnest wish of my heart, but I have too firm a reliance on the spirit and resources of the nation, the powerful assistance of my Parliament, and _the protection of a just and all ruling Providence_, to accept it upon any other terms or conditions than such as may consist with the honor and dignity of my Crown, and the permanent interest and security of my people."

We all know very well what his meaning is when he mentions "the honor and dignity of his Crown, and the permanent interest and security of his people." Could the Minister who composed this speech expect that anybody would believe him when he said, that the constant aim of all his counsels had been to bring back the Americans to the happiness and liberty they formerly enjoyed?

The whole of this speech is in a strain, which leaves no room to doubt that the cabinet of St James is yet resolved to persevere in the war to the last extremity, and to insist still upon the return of America to British obedience, and upon the rupture of the treaty with France, as preliminaries to the Congress at Vienna. Thus the two Imperial Courts will find themselves trifled with by the British. It is not to be supposed that either will be the voluntary bubble of such trickish policy. The Empress of Russia is supposed to be as sagacious as she is spirited; yet she seems to have given some attention to the pacific professions of the English. If she could see herself intentionally deceived, she will not probably be very patient.

The Emperor, in his late journey through Holland, made himself the object of the esteem and admiration of all; affable and familiar, as a great sovereign can ever allow himself to be with dignity, he gave to many persons unequivocal intimations of his sentiments upon public affairs. Patriotism seemed to be the object which he wished to distinguish. Whoever espoused with zeal the honor and interest of his own country, was sure of some mark of his approbation; whoever appeared to countenance another country in preference to his own, found some symptom of his dislike; even the ladies, French or Dutch, who had any of the English modes in their dress, received from his Majesty some intimation of his disapprobation of their taste. Everybody here, since his departure, is confident of his entire detestation of the principles on which the English have conducted this war, and of his determination to take no part in it, in their favor. His sentiments concerning America are inferred from a very singular anecdote, which is so well attested, that it may not be improper to mention to Congress.

His Majesty condescended, in a certain company, to inquire after the Minister of the United States of America to their High Mightinesses, said he was acquainted with his name and character, and should be glad to see him; a lady in company, asked his Majesty if he would drink tea with him at her house? He replied in the affirmative, in the character of the Count of Falkenstein. A lady in company undertook to form the party; but upon inquiry, the American was at Paris. It is supposed with good reason, that there could be nothing personal in this curiosity, and therefore that it was intended as a political signification of a certain degree of complaisance towards America.

Thus it is, that the words, gestures, and countenances of sovereigns are watched, and political inferences drawn from them; but there is too much uncertainty in this science, to depend much upon it. It seems, however, that the Emperor made himself so popular here, as to excite some appearance of jealousy in Prussia. For my own part, I think that the greatest political stroke which the two Imperial Courts could make, would be upon receiving the answer from England adhering to her preliminaries, immediately to declare the United States independent. It would be to their immortal honor; it would be in the character of each of these, extraordinary geniuses; it would be a blessing to mankind; it would even be friendship to England.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

B. FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Passy, August 6th, 1781.

Sir,

I sometime since gave orders, as you desired, to Mr Grand to furnish you with a credit in Holland for the remainder of your salary to November next. But I am now told that your account having been mixed with Mr Dana's, he finds it difficult to know the sum due to you. Be pleased therefore to state your account for two years, giving credit for the sums you have received, that an order may be made for the balance. Upon this occasion, it is right to acquaint you that I do not think we can depend on receiving any more money here, applicable to the support of the Congress Ministers.

What aids are hereafter granted, will probably be transmitted by the government directly to America. It will, therefore, be proper to inform Congress, that care may be taken to furnish their servants by remittances from thence.

I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, August 6th, 1781.

Sir,

In the Utrecht Gazette of this morning is an article from Petersburg, of the 13th of July, in these words.

"Saturday last, the government despatched a courier for London. He carries, it is assured, instructions to M. Simolin, our Minister to the King of England, to make to his Britannic Majesty, conjointly with the Ministers of Sweden and Denmark, certain representations concerning the war, which he has thought fit to declare against the Republic of the United Provinces.

"The Minister of England, at our Court, received a courier from London, the day before yesterday, with the answer of the British Ministry to the preliminary articles of a Treaty of Peace to be concluded between the belligerent powers of Europe under the high mediation of her Majesty, the Empress, our Sovereign, and of his Majesty, the Emperor, King of Hungary and Bohemia; but nothing has transpired of the contents of this answer."

"It is said, that the Grand Duke and the Grand Dutchess of Russia, will set off from hence for the Courts of Europe, which their Imperial Highnesses propose to visit, about the end of August or the beginning of September."

A man, who is master of the history of England for the last twenty years, would be at no loss to conjecture the answer to the preliminary articles of the two Imperial Courts. Indeed the King's speech has already answered them before all the world. The King has not probably given one answer to Parliament, and his Ministers another to the mediating Courts.

Thus all Europe is to be bubbled by a species of chicanery, that has been the derision of America for a number of years. In time, the Courts of Europe will learn the nature of these British tricks by experience, and receive them with the contempt or the indignation they deserve.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, August 6th, 1781.

Sir,

In several of the London newspapers of July the 26th, appeared the following paragraph.

"An order has been sent from Lord Hillsborough's office for bringing Curson and Gouverneur, (whom we sometime ago mentioned to have been confined by command of Sir George Rodney, and General Vaughan, for having carried on a traitorous correspondence with the enemy at St Eustatia,) to town, to be confined in Newgate, to take their trial for the crime of high treason. The whole circumstances of their case, and all their correspondence has been submitted to the inspection of the Attorney and Solicitor-General, and they consider the offence in so serious a light, that a direct refusal has been given to a petition from Mr Curson to be indulged with the privilege of giving bail for appearance, on account of the ill-health, which he has experienced on board the Vengeance, where he and his colleague have been for some months confined, and which is now lying at Spithead. It has been discovered, from an inspection of their papers, that Mr Adams, the celebrated negotiator to Holland, was the man, with whom they held their illicit correspondence, and it is said, that the appearance of proof against them, has turned out much stronger than was originally supposed."