Part 30

"The uniform conduct of the King towards the Republic, the friendship which has so long subsisted between the two nations, the right of sovereigns, and the faith of engagements the most solemn, will, without doubt, determine the answer of your High Mightinesses to the Memorial, which the subscriber presented some time ago, by the express order of his Court. It would be to mistake the wisdom and the justice of your High Mightinesses to suppose, that you could balance one moment to give the satisfaction demanded by his Majesty. As the resolutions of your High Mightinesses, of the 27th of November, were the result of a deliberation, which regarded only the interior of your government, and it was not then in question to answer the said Memorial, the only remark which we shall make upon those resolutions is, that the principles which dictated them, prove evidently the justice of the demand made by the King. In deliberating upon this Memorial, to which the subscriber hereby requires, in the name of his Court, an answer immediate and satisfactory in all respects, your High Mightinesses will recollect, without doubt, that the affair is of the last importance; that the question is concerning a complaint made by an offended sovereign; that the offence, of which he demands an exemplary punishment and complete satisfaction, is a violation of the Batavian constitution, whereof the King is the warranty, an infraction of the public faith, an outrage against the dignity of his Crown. The King has never imagined that your High Mightinesses would have approved of a treaty with his rebel subjects. This would have been on your part a commencement of hostilities, and a declaration of war. But the offence has been committed by the magistrates of a city, which makes a considerable part of the State, and it is the duty of the sovereign power to punish and repair it. His Majesty, by the complaints made by his Ambassador, has put the punishment and the reparation into the hands of your High Mightinesses, and it will not be but in the last extremity, that is to say, in the case of a denial of justice on your part, or of silence, which must be interpreted as a refusal, that the King will take this charge upon himself.

"Done at the Hague, the 12th of December, 1780."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 21st, 1780.

Sir,

The sentiments and affections of a people may be learned from many little circumstances, which few people attend to. The poets and orators are generally considered as the surest repositories of popular ideas, both in ancient and modern nations. The clergy may be classed among the latter, and it is very certain, that most public preachers accommodate both their sermons and their prayers, in some degree, to the general taste of their hearers, and avoid everything which will unnecessarily give them offence.

At Rotterdam, there are several English churches. The Presbyterian church, which would be the least likely, one should think, to be bigotted by England, I attended. The parson in his prayer, after petitioning heaven for the States of Holland and West Friesland, the States-General and Council of State, and for the Prince of Orange, their hereditary Stadtholder, and Governor, &c. added a petition for England, for the King, Queen, and royal family, for their health, long life, and prosperity, and added, that he might triumph over all his enemies in the four quarters of the world.

At Amsterdam, I have attended both the Episcopal and Presbyterian churches, and heard similar supplications to heaven in both. At Utrecht, I attended the Presbyterian church, and there heard a prayer for the English, with much more fervor and in greater detail. The parson was quite transported with his zeal, and prayed that the rebellion, which has so long prevailed, might be suppressed, and hide its head in shame. At Leyden there is another English church. The parson, I am told, is a tory, but prudently omits such kind of prayers.

This is quite a work of supererogation in the reverend zealots, and is, therefore, a stronger proof that such sentiments are popular. The English, who are very numerous in all these cities, are universally in favor of the British Ministry. But there are so many Dutch families who worship in these churches, that the parsons would not give them offence, if such prayers were offensive. This is the more remarkable, as the religion of North America is much more like that of this Republic, than like that of England. But such prayers recommend the parson to the Prince of Orange, and to the English party, and no other party or person has influence or courage enough to take offence at them.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 25th, 1780.

Sir,

It is very difficult to discover with certainty the secret spring, which actuates the Courts of Europe; but whatever I can find, with any degree of probability, I shall transmit to Congress at one time or another.

The Prince of Orange is himself of the royal family of England; his mother was a daughter of King George the Second, and this relation is no doubt one among the several motives, which attach the Stadtholder to England. His Princess is a niece of the King of Prussia, and it is believed is not perfectly agreed with His Most Serene Highness, in his enthusiasm for the English Court. The King of Prussia has a great esteem and affection for his niece, with whom he frequently corresponds. In some of his letters he is supposed to have expressed his sentiments freely upon the Prince's conduct, intimating, that his Highness would take too much upon himself, and make himself too responsible, if he persevered in a resolute opposition to the armed neutrality. The Empress of Russia, who possesses a masterly understanding, and a decided inclination for America, is thought too, to have expressed some uneasiness at the Prince's political system. The King of Sweden, who was lately at the Hague, is reported to have had free conversation with the Prince upon the same subject. All these intimations together, are believed to have made His Most Serene Highness hesitate a little, and consider whether he was not acting too dangerous a part, in exerting all his influence in the Republic, to induce it to take a part in opposition to the general sense and inclination of the people, and to all the maritime powers of Europe.

The English Court is undoubtedly informed of all this. They dread the accession of the Dutch to the armed neutrality, more than all the other branches of that confederation, because of the rivalry in commerce, and because the Dutch will assist the Royal Marines of France and Spain, more than all the others. The present conduct of the English indicates a design to go to war with the Dutch, on pretence of an insult to their Crown, committed two years ago, by a treaty with America, in hopes, that they will not be supported in this quarrel by the confederated neutral powers. But they will be mistaken. The artifice is too gross. The confederated powers will easily see, that the real cause of offence is the accession to the armed neutrality, and the conduct of Amsterdam, in projecting a treaty with America, only a pretence.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 25th, 1780.

Sir,

The dispute between Great Britain and the United Provinces is now wrought up to a crisis. Things must take a new turn in the course of a few days, but whether they will end in a war, or in the retraction of one party or the other, time alone can determine.

I have before transmitted to Congress the two Memorials of Sir Joseph Yorke, against M. Van Berckel, and the Burgomasters of Amsterdam. The language of both is conformable to that domineering spirit, which has actuated the Councils of St James, from the beginning of this reign, and they have committed the honor and dignity of the King, and engaged the pride of the nation so far, that there is no room left for a retreat, without the most humiliating mortification. On the other hand, there is authentic information, that the States proceeding in their usual forms, have determined to refer the conduct of Amsterdam to a committee of lawyers, who are to consider and report, whether the Burgomasters have done anything, which they had not by law and the Constitution authority to do. It is universally known and agreed, that the report must and will be in favor of the Burgomasters. This report will be accepted and confirmed by the States, and transmitted to all the neutral Courts, in order to show them, that neither the Republic in general nor the city of Amsterdam in particular, have done anything against the spirit of the armed neutrality. The States have also determined to make an answer to the British Ambassador's Memorials, and to demand satisfaction of the King his master, for the indignity offered to their sovereignty, in those memorials. In this resolution, the States have been perfectly unanimous, the Body of Nobles, for the first time, having agreed with the Generality. The question then is, which power will recede. I am confidently assured, that the States will not; and indeed if they should, they may as well submit to the King, and surrender their independence at once. I am not, however, very clear what they will do. I doubt whether they have firmness to look a war in the face. Will the English recede, if the Dutch do not? If they should, it would be contrary to the maxims, which have invariably governed them during this reign. It will humble the insolent overbearing pride of the nation; it will expose the Ministry to the scoffs and scorn of opposition; it will elevate the courage of the Dutch, the neutral powers, and the House of Bourbon, not to mention the great effect it will have in America, upon the whigs and tories, objects which the British Court never loses sight of.

This Republic is certainly, and has been for several weeks, in a very violent struggle. It has every symptom of an agony, that usually precedes a great revolution. The streets of the city swarm with libels of party against party. Some masterly pamphlets have been written in favor of the Burgomasters. Thousands of extravagant and incredible reports are made and propagated. Many new songs appear among the populace, one particularly adapted for the amusement of the sailors, and calculated to inspire them with proper sentiments of resentment against the English. A woman, who sung it in the streets, the day before yesterday, sold six hundred of them in an hour, and in one spot. These are symptoms of war. But it is not easy to conquer the national prejudices of a hundred years' standing, nor to avoid the influence of the Stadtholder, which is much more formidable. In this fermentation, the people can think of nothing else, and I need not add, that I have no chance of getting a ducat of money, but I think Congress will see the necessity of having here in these critical times more ample powers.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 25th, 1780.

Sir,

Affairs are still in suspense. This day being Christmas, and yesterday a Sunday, there was no public Exchange held on either. But business, and especially stockjobbing, goes on without ceasing, being done at the coffee-houses on Sundays, and holy-days, when it cannot be held upon 'Change.

The English mail, which had been interrupted by contrary winds for three posts, arrived on Saturday. The English gazettes of the 19th announced, that Sir Joseph Yorke was recalled, and a Dutch war was inevitable. Private letters informed, that the Count de Welderen was about leaving the British Court, and that an embargo was laid on all Dutch ships in Great Britain; that the stocks had fallen two per cent, and that a war was inevitable. The stock-jobbers, Englishmen, and others at the coffee-houses, had melancholy countenances, and uncommon anxiety. News was also propagated from the Hague, that Sir Joseph Yorke was gone. Others said he had received his orders to go. As there was no Exchange, the public judgment is not made up, whether there will be war or not. Some gentlemen of knowledge and experience think all this a farce, concerted at the Hague, between Sir Joseph and his friends there, and the Ministry in England, in order to spread an alarm, intimidate the States into an answer, which may be accepted with a color of honor, &c. or to do something worse, that is, rouse a spirit among the mobility against the Burgomasters of Amsterdam. I cannot, however, but be of opinion, that there is more in this, and that the Ministry will carry their rage to great extremities. They have gone too far to look back, without emboldening their enemies, confounding their friends, and exposing themselves to the contempt and ridicule of both. A few hours, however, will throw more light upon this important subject. The plot must unravel immediately.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 26th, 1780.

Sir,

The public papers of this morning inform me, that Sir Joseph Yorke left the Hague on the morning of the 24th, without taking leave of anybody, and bent his way to London by the way of Antwerp and Ostend.

Sometime in the month of April last, a certain British Ambassador, who had an inclination to take a few of the pleasures of Paris in his way to Germany, said in that city, where I received the information in the time of it, "to be sure the Americans will carry their point, and establish their independence, for there will infallibly be a war between England and Holland before Christmas."

If the war is considered to commence from the departure of the Ambassador, Sir Joseph went off exactly in time to accomplish the prophecy. Since the departure of Sir Joseph has been generally known, the city has been in a fermentation. The English Ministry are cursed here as heartily as anywhere in general. Things are said by our friends to be in a very good situation, but I never know what to believe. The English are very bold I think; they are very enthusiastic, they are sure of the assistance of Providence, as sure of success against all their enemies as the old lady was of relief from want, and making her fortune by drawing a prize in the lottery. "But have you bought a ticket, mamma?" said her daughter. "No, my child," replied the old lady, "I have no ticket, but Providence is Almighty, and therefore I am sure of the highest prize, ticket or no ticket."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 28th, 1780.

Sir,

The Dutch say, that the English are acting the part of the sailor, who having quarrelled with three others, as stout as himself, and got his bones broken and eyes beat out in the squabble, challenged four more to fight him at the same time, that he might have it in his power to make up with all seven _with honor_.

If the English are not actuated by the same blind and vindictive passions, which have governed them so many years, it is impossible to see through their policy. I think it is impossible they should be ignorant of the articles of confederation of the neutral powers. These articles as I am informed, warrant to all the neutral powers their treaties with England, and stipulate that if either is attacked after the 20th of November last, it shall be made a common cause.

If the English should issue letters of marque against the Dutch, the States-General will not immediately issue letters of marque in return, but will represent the facts to the Congress at Petersburg, and demand the benefit of the treaty of armed neutrality, and all the powers who are parties to that confederation will join in demanding of England restitution, and in case of refusal, will jointly issue letters of marque and reprisal.

The political machine that is now in motion, is so vast, and comprehends so many nations, whose interests are not easy to adjust, that it is perhaps impossible for the human understanding to foresee what events may occur to disturb it. But at present there is no unfavorable appearance from any quarter. We are in hourly expectation of interesting news from the English, French, and Spanish fleets, from Petersburg, from London and the Hague, and especially from North America. Every wheel and spring in the whole political system of Europe would have its motions rapidly accelerated by certain news from America, of any decisive advantage obtained over Cornwallis, in South Carolina; so true it is, that America is the very centre and axis of the whole.

The death of the Empress Queen it is generally thought will make no alteration in the system of Europe. Yet it is possible after some time there may be changes, none, however, which can be hurtful to us.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 30th, 1780.

Sir,

The Province of Zealand having been opposed to the other Provinces in so many instances, and having lately protested against the resolution of the States-General, which begin to be thought spirited, it may be useful to explain to Congress the causes which influence that Province to a conduct which is generally thought to be opposite to the true interest of the Republic in general.

In the States of Zealand there are only five voices, three of which are absolutely in the discretion of the Prince of Orange, who has one voice as Stadtholder of the Province, another as Marquis of Veere, and a third as First Noble. The Stadtholder is therefore absolute in this Province, which accounts at once for its conduct upon every occasion. The friends, however, of the Prince, of England, and of Zealand, are not willing that the world should believe that the Prince's power in this Province, and his attachment to England are the sole causes of its conduct upon every occasion, and therefore they enlarge upon several topics, as apologies and excuses for a behavior, which cannot wholly be justified. The arguments in justification or excuse of Zealand are drawn from four principal sources. First, the situation of the islands, which compose the Province. Secondly, the interests of its particular commerce. Thirdly, the weakness of its interior forces. Fourthly, the state of its finances.

1. The territory of Zealand consists of five or six islands, two of which are moderately large, and the rest very small. These islands are formed in the mouth of the (Escaut) Scheldt, by the sea, or by the different branches of the Scheldt itself. In case of a sudden invasion, these islands separated from the Province of Holland by an arm of the sea, are too unconnected to receive any immediate assistance. Such an invasion is so much the more easy for the English, as Zealand is very near them. They may invade this Province even before a suspicion should be conceived that the project had been formed. Who shall oppose their enterprise? Shall it be the French, who are now friendly? Dunkirk, it is true, is near enough, but what forces are there at Dunkirk? The only naval force there, consists of a few privateers, who could neither oppose an armament escorted by British men-of-war, nor venture to transport troops to oppose it, even supposing the invasion was not made by surprise. Shall the Zealanders themselves make a resistance to the English? But separated from one another by waters, which would necessarily retard their junction, the island of Walcheren, the principal of all, would be in possession of the enemy before they could put themselves in a posture to repel force by force. It is, moreover, not only possible but easy to make a descent upon Zealand by so many places, that the Zealanders with their own forces alone could not defend effectually all the passages. Eight thousand English, or even a smaller number would force the Zealanders everywhere, because there is nowhere a fortress capable of holding out twelve hours. The ports of Flushing and Veere are the only ones which have any defence; but they are very far from the state in which they ought to be, to stop an enemy determined upon pillage, animated by revenge, and whom the pleasure of doing mischief instigates forcibly. It is conceded that if the English descended in Zealand, they would be constrained to abandon it very soon; that they might and would be driven from it in a few days; that the figure which they would make would be neither glorious nor honorable, and that their temerity would cost them dear; but the disorder caused by an invasion remains after the expulsion of the invaders. The people invaded are always the victims of the evils which they have suffered, and these evils, always considerable to the individuals, are seldom compensated entirely. When an incendiary has burned my house, whether he is punished or not, my house is consumed and lost to me. The exactions, the pillage, and all the abominations which follow the _coups de main_ of an unbridled soldiery, would be cruelly felt by the unfortunate Zealanders, even after the perpetrators should be driven out, or sacrificed to the public resentment.

2. The peculiar commerce of Zealand. This Province has no other than that small commerce, which is known by the name of the coasting trade. This kind of trade is considerable in the Provinces of Holland, North Holland, and Friesland. The number of vessels employed in these three Provinces in this kind of trade is inconceivable, and the greatest part of them is destined for the service of France. All which France receives from foreigners, and all which it furnishes to foreigners, is carried in these Holland vessels, and if there was no other than the freight for the masters and owners of these vessels, this profit would still be of the greatest consideration. Thus it is not surprising that the Province of Holland has taken such strong measures in favor of France. Its particular commerce would naturally determine it this way. On the contrary, Zealand employs the small number of her merchant ships in a commerce with England, a commerce so much the more lucrative, as it is almost entirely contraband or smuggled.