Part 28

"Some of the foreign Ministers who reside at the Hague, are also accredited with the Prince Stadtholder. The prerogatives of the Prince Stadtholder of the Republic are at present sufficiently fixed; but they are not precisely the same in all the Provinces. The appointments and revenues of the Stadtholder and Captain-General, to consider them even in proportion, cannot be put in parallel with those of a King of England. Nevertheless, it is reckoned that the revenues of the Stadtholdership of the Seven United Provinces, of the country of Drenthe and the Territory of the Generality, comprehending the twentyfive thousand florins which the Prince enjoys annually as First Member of the Council of State, and the dividends of the company of the East Indies, amount to three hundred thousand florins a year. The Stadtholder pays neither imposts nor taxes, excepting those which they call in Holland _Odinarés Verponding_, which is raised in this Province upon the lands and upon the houses, &c. The body guards and the aid-de-camp of his Most Serene Highness are entertained at the expense of the union. Holland alone pays the company of a hundred Swiss, and makes good the hire of the houses, which the Prince Stadtholder and some of the principal officers of his house occupy at the Hague, who enjoy also a freedom from excises. On some occasions, the Counsellors Deputies of Holland and West Friesland, dispose, upon the proposition of the Stadtholder, or of the Counsellor Pensionary in his behalf, of certain sums necessary for the service of the State; and upon an act of this Council, they pass them in account at the Receiver-General of the Province.

"As Captain-General of the union, his Highness has a hundred thousand florins of appointments a year, besides twentyfour thousand from Friesland, and twelve thousand from Groningen, in quality of Captain-General of these two Provinces. In time of war, the State grants extraordinary sums to the Captain-General, for the expense of each campaign.

"The Prince Stadtholder, as the eminent head of the Republic, is revered, honored, and respected by all the world. The Princes of Orange, by the great revenues of their patrimonies, both of their principalities and of their signorial lands in France, Germany, and Burgundy, and in divers places of the United Provinces, have frequently been a great support to the State. William the First, the father of his country, who always preferred the prosperity of the Republic to his own and that of his house, raised twice, and led an army, in a great part at his own expense, as we may see by the public declaration, which the States-General made of it, in the inscription of the mausoleum, which they raised to the memory of this great man, in one of the churches of Delft.

"Offers the most tempting for them and for their houses have been made to the Stadtholders, provided they would depart ever so little from the engagements which they had taken with their country; but they have rejected them all with disdain, and would not have other friends nor other enemies than those of the Republic. As she was in some sort their daughter, they could not but have a lively affection for her, to such a degree as to be at all times ready to sacrifice their lives and all things to her defence. Thus they have been the authors and conservators of her liberties, in the first place against the Spanish tyranny, and since against an enemy still more formidable, who opened to himself in 1672 a passage into the heart of the Republic. The same thing was near happening in 1748."

I have translated this from the French, because it is not often to be found, and is the shortest and best account of the Stadtholdership I can find. It is full of instruction to the United States of America, and will serve to explain many political phenomena. As all these powers are in possession of a family connected by blood and by ancient habits and political alliances to that of Hanover, we may easily see, that the American cause will meet with powerful obstacles. I am still, however, of opinion, that it would be good policy to send a Minister Plenipotentiary here, accredited both to the States-General and to the Prince Stadtholder, without this even a loan of money will scarcely succeed. Mr Laurens is taken and carried to England.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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TO B. FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, October 14th, 1780.

Sir,

The extracts of letters you were so good as to send me, have been inserted in the papers, and I should be obliged to you for future communications of the same kind. Notwithstanding the flow of spirits, and the vigorous exertions of our countrymen this year, I am sorry to say I cannot see a prospect of anything decisive this campaign. The fatal defect in the plan of the campaign in not sending a sufficient number of ships with M. de Ternay, or soon after him, will render abortive all the great exertions and immense expenses of the year. And, at the same time, Cornwallis will spread too much devastation at the southward, where the want of numbers of whites, the great numbers of blacks, and above all the want of discipline and experience, will make the people long unhappy and unfortunate.

The ill luck of Carolina, pursues her citizens even to sea, and to Europe, I think. Can nothing be done for the relief of Mr Laurens. Will you be so good as to apply to Court, and see if they will send us somebody suitable to exchange for him? After exchanging so many military men as prisoners of war, it is pitiful to use Mr Laurens as they do.

I have felt the mortification of soliciting for money as well as you. But it has been because the solicitations have not succeeded. I see no reason at all that we should be ashamed of asking to borrow money, after maintaining a war against Great Britain and her allies for about six years, without borrowing anything abroad, when England has been all the time borrowing of all the nations of Europe, even of individuals among our allies, it cannot be unnatural, surprising, or culpable, or dishonorable for us to borrow money. When England borrows, annually, a sum equal to all her exports, we ought not to be laughed at for wishing to borrow a sum, annually, equal to a twelfth part of our annual exports. We may, and we shall wade through, if we cannot obtain a loan; but we could certainly go forward with more ease, convenience, and safety by the help of one. I think we have not meanly solicited for friendship anywhere. But to send Ministers to every great Court in Europe, especially the maritime Courts, to propose an acknowledgment of the independence of America, and treaties of amity and commerce, is no more than becomes us, and in my opinion is our duty to do. It is perfectly consistent with the genuine system of American policy, and a piece of respect due from new nations to old ones. The United Provinces did the same thing, and were never censured for it, but in the end they succeeded. It is necessary for America to have agents in different parts of Europe, to give some information concerning our affairs, and to refute the falsehoods that the hired emissaries of Great Britain circulate in every corner of Europe, by which they keep up their own credit and ruin ours. I have been more convinced of this, since my peregrinations in this country than ever. The universal and profound ignorance of America here, has astonished me. It will require time and a great deal of prudence and delicacy to undeceive them. The method you have obligingly begun of transmitting me intelligence from America, will assist me in doing, or at least attempting, something of this kind, and I therefore request the continuance of it, and have the honor to be, with respectful compliments to Mr Franklin and all friends, Sir, your most obedient servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

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TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, October 14th, 1780.

Sir,

Repeated letters from London confirm the account of Mr Laurens being confined in the Tower; so close a prisoner, that neither his old correspondents, nor even his refugee relations, are suffered to speak to him.

There have been so many precedents of exchanges, Mr Lovell, as well as the Major-Generals, Sullivan, Stirling, Lee, and others, having been exchanged as prisoners of war, that it is very extraordinary they should now treat Mr Laurens as a prisoner of State. It is not, however, merely a proof that passion and caprice govern their councils. I conceive it is intended to signify to the tories in America, whom they believe to be more numerous than they are, and to their officers and troops serving in that country, that now they have obtained an election of Parliament to their minds, they are determined to prosecute the war with vigor, and to bring America still to unlimited submission. For, however, our countrymen may have flattered themselves with hopes of peace, there is nothing further from the thoughts of the King of England, his Ministers, Parliament, or nation, (for they are now all _his_,) than peace, upon any terms that America can agree to. There is no future event more certain in my mind, than that they never will acknowledge American independence while they have a soldier in the United States. Nay, they would not do it, even after their troops should be driven from the continent.

I think I see very clearly, that America must grow up in war. It is a painful prospect, to be sure. But when I consider, that there are more people in America than there are in the United Provinces of the Low Countries, that the earth itself produces abundance in America, both for consumption and exportation, and that the United Provinces produce nothing but butter and cheese, and that the United Provinces have successfully maintained wars against the formidable monarchies of Spain, France, and England, I cannot but persuade myself, it is in the power of America to defend herself against all that England can do.

The Republic, where I now am, has maintained an army of a hundred and twenty thousand men, besides a formidable navy. She maintains at this day a standing army of thirty thousand men, which the Prince is desirous of augmenting to fifty thousand, besides a considerable navy; all this in a profound peace. What cause, physical or political, can prevent three millions of people in America from maintaining for the defence of their altars and fireside, as many soldiers as the same number of people can maintain in Europe, merely for parade, I know not.

A navy is our natural and our only adequate defence. But we have only one way to increase our shipping and seamen, and that is privateering. This abundantly pays its own expenses, and procures its own men. The seamen taken, generally enlist on board of our privateers, and this is the surest way of distressing their commerce, protecting our own, increasing our seamen, and diminishing those of the enemy. And this will finally be the way, by capturing their supplies, that we shall destroy, or captivate, or oblige to fly, their armies in the United States.

A loan of money in Europe would assist privateering, by enabling us to fit out ships the more easily, as well as promote and extend our trade, and serve us in other ways. I fear that Cornwallis' account of his defeat of General Gates, whether true or false, will extinguish the very moderate hopes which I had before, for a time.

There is a prospect, however, that the English will force this Republic into a war with them, and in such case, or indeed in any case, if there were a Minister here accredited to the States-General and to the Prince Stadtholder of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, he would assist a loan. There is another measure which may be taken by Congress to the same end; that is, sending some cargoes of produce, upon account of the United States directly here, or to St Eustatia, to be sold for the payment of interest. The sight of a few such vessels and cargoes would do more than many long reasonings and negotiations.

Another method may be taken by Congress. Make a contract with private merchants in Philadelphia, Boston, Maryland, Virginia, or elsewhere, to export annually produce to a certain amount, to Amsterdam or St Eustatia, or both, to be sold for the payment of interest. The merchants, or houses contracted with should be responsible, and known in Europe, at least some of them.

This country has been grossly deceived. It has little knowledge of the numbers, wealth, and resources of the United States, and less faith in their finally supporting their independence, upon which alone a credit depends. They have also an opinion of the power of England, vastly higher than the truth. Measures must be taken, but with great caution and delicacy, to undeceive them.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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TO B. FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, October 24th, 1780.

Sir,

I have this moment the honor of your letter of the 20th of this month, and it is as cold water to a thirsty soul. I have been busily employed in making inquiries, in forming acquaintances, and in taking advice. In hopes of Mr Laurens' arrival, and wishing him to judge for himself, I have not decided upon some questions that necessarily arise. I am not able to promise anything, but I am led to hope for something. The contents of Mr Jay's letters will certainly be of great weight and use. I am assured of the good will of a number of very worthy and considerable people, and that they will endeavor to assist a loan.

Let me entreat your Excellency to communicate to me everything you may further learn respecting the benevolent intentions of the Court of Madrid, respecting this matter. I will do myself the honor to acquaint you with the progress I make. I was before in hopes of assisting you somewhat, and your letter has raised these hopes a great deal, for the English credit certainly staggers here a little.

The treatment of Mr Laurens is truly affecting. It will make a deep and lasting impression on the minds of the Americans; but this will not be a present relief to him. You are, no doubt, minutely informed of his ill usage. Can anything be done in Europe for his comfort or relief?

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, October 24th, 1780.

Sir,

I have received several letters from London concerning Mr Laurens. It is certain, that he has been treated with great insolence by the populace, in his journey from Dartmouth to London, and that he is confined to a mean apartment in the Tower, denied the use of pen and ink, and none of his friends has been able to obtain leave to visit him, excepting his son and Mr Manning, and these positively limited to half an hour. He is sick with a cholera, much emaciated, and very much incensed against the authors of his ill usage. I saw last night a letter from Mr Manning himself, so that there is no doubt of the truth of this account. This deliberate, this studied manifestation to all the world, of their contempt and hatred of all America, and of their final determination to pursue this war to the last extremity, cannot be misunderstood. The honor, the dignity, the essential interests, and the absolute safety of America, requires that Congress should take some notice of this event. I presume not to propose the measures that might be taken, because Congress are in a much better situation to judge.

I have waited in hopes of Mr Laurens' arrival, but now all hopes of it are extinguished. I must fix upon a house, and settle the conditions, in pursuance of my commission. No time has been lost; it has all been industriously spent in forming acquaintances, making inquiries, and taking advice of such characters as it is proper to consult. The present state of things affords no hopes, but from a particular order of men. These I have endeavored to gain, without giving offence to any others, and I am not without hopes of obtaining something, though I much fear it will be short of the expectations of Congress. I am not at liberty yet to mention names, hereafter they will be known. I cannot with too much earnestness recommend it to Congress, to take measures if possible to send some cargoes of produce to Amsterdam, or St Eustatia, for the purpose of paying interest; a little of this would have a great effect.

I ought not to conclude without repeating my opinion, that a commission to some gentleman, of Minister Plenipotentiary, is absolutely necessary.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, October 27th, 1780.

Sir,

It seems to be now certain, that some of Mr Laurens' papers were taken with him.

There have been sent to His Most Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange, copies of letters from M. de Neufville, Mr Gillon, Mr Stockton, and Colonel Derrick, and a copy of the plan of a treaty projected between the city of Amsterdam and Mr William Lee.

The Prince was much affected at the sight of these papers, and laid them before their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, the States of Holland and West Friesland. One gentleman, at least, was present, who was concerned in the transaction with Mr Lee, who handsomely avowed the measure. The Regency of Amsterdam have since given in writing a unanimous avowal of it, and of their determination to support it. The letters of M. de Neufville and Mr Gillon are said to be decent and well guarded. So that upon the whole it seems to be rather a fortunate event, that these papers have been publicly produced. I wish I could say the same of Mr Laurens' captivity, but I cannot. The rigor of his imprisonment, and the severity of their behavior towards him, are not at all abated.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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JAMES LOVELL TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, October 28th, 1780.

Sir,

I shall endeavor to write largely to you, but I will not at this moment risk the sailing of the vessel for that purpose. It is reported, that Mr Searle is taken. Our affairs in Holland must in such case be very bad, as you will not have received any powers for acting instead of Mr Laurens, who is too probably taken and carried to England, from Newfoundland. And I also know of other fatalities of my letters.

Your obedient servant,

JAMES LOVELL,

_For the Committee of Foreign Affairs._

_N. B._ Copies of your commission and instructions for a loan are enclosed.

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TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, October 31st, 1780.

Sir,

The British Ministry, by the terrible examples of the rioters, have so intimidated the nation, and by their success in the late elections have so great a majority in Parliament, that they think themselves secure for seven years, and seem determined to go on with more vigor than ever.

The letters from their Generals Clinton, Cornwallis, &c. show, they are now adopting a new system. These letters are full of panegyrics upon the tories and refugees. Gage, and the two Howes, and Burgoyne, made light of these auxiliaries, which made Mr Galloway their enemy, who has been very industrious in exposing their characters. Indeed the Ministry seem to be wholly governed now by Mr Galloway, and their Generals seem to have adopted the same sentiments. The consequence is, that in America, at least where the British army rules, the refugees are cherished. Cornwallis, in his last letter, in which he gives an account of his battle with General Gates, assures the Ministry, that he is determined to make some examples among his prisoners. But none of these are more decisive proofs of their present system, than their treatment of Mr Laurens, whom they are holding up to that nation in the frightful character of a rebel, knowing that this word, and this idea, is enough to inflame them beyond all degrees of reason.

It is not only in England and America, that they mean to spread a terror; they think, that they can terrify all nations, this in particular. They have sent over to His Most Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange, some copies of letters taken with Mr Laurens. I cannot learn, that there are any, but from M. de Neufville and Mr Gillon, who are here. But it is propagated, that there are many more, and M. Van Berckel and the Baron Van der Capellan are named. But I have very good reason to believe, that they have not a line of either.

The English are giving out, as is their practice every fall, that they are determined to send great forces to America. Fourteen regiments are talked of, ten thousand men, but these threats will be executed as usual. Fourteen regiments, if they send them, will not produce four thousand men in America, to repair all their losses in North America and the West Indies.

We have one enemy more pernicious to us than all their army, and that is an opinion, which prevails in too many American minds, that there is still some justice, some honor, some humanity, and some reason in Great Britain, and that they will open their eyes and make peace. That there are individuals who have these virtues cannot be doubted. Rome had many such, even after the _ultimi Romanorum_. But they were so few, in comparison to the whole, and had so little share in government, that they only served, by their endeavors to bring things back, to make the nation more miserable.

I am so fully convinced, that peace is a great way off, and that we have more cruelty to encounter than ever, that I ought to be explicit to Congress. We shall be forced to wean ourselves from the little remainder of affection and respect for that nation. Nay, even from our curiosity. I cannot think it decent, that any American should voluntarily set his foot on British ground, while we are treated as we are. The practice is too common to step over, upon motives of curiosity, pleasure, or business, and I cannot but think it ought to be discountenanced.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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TO B. FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, November 4th, 1780.

Sir,

M. de Neufville this morning brought me a number of bills of exchange, drawn upon Mr Laurens, in the month of July, amounting to seven or eight hundred pounds sterling, and informed me that your Excellency had declined becoming responsible for them and referred him to me. I have inquired of Mr Searle, who informs me there are about twenty thousand pounds in such bills now on their way. If there were only seven or eight hundred pounds, I would accept them, for the honor of the United States, and run the venture of being able to pay them, by borrowing, or some way or other; but twenty thousand pounds is much beyond my private credit. I have been and am pursuing all those measures, to which I am advised by gentlemen, in whose judgment I can justify placing confidence, and am not without hopes of succeeding in some measure; but I have not as yet been able to obtain any money, nor any certainty of obtaining any in future. I write this, therefore, to your Excellency, that if you could see your way clear to become responsible for these bills, for the present, I will engage to see them paid with the money I may borrow here, if I borrow enough before the term for their payment expires, or as much of them as I shall be able to borrow; but in this case, if I should not succeed in obtaining the money, your Excellency will be answerable. I should be sorry that the credit of the United States should suffer any stain, and would prevent it if I could; but at present it is not in my power.

The successes of the English at the southward, added to the many causes that obstructed our credit in this Republic before, some of which it would not be prudent to explain, will render a loan here difficult; but I still hope not quite impracticable.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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