Part 2

The Dutch Ministers to St Petersburg have an audience of the Empress.--Their address on this occasion.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October 5th, 1780, 340

The Dutch Ministers to St Petersburg have an audience of the Grand Duke and Grand Duchess.--Their addresses on the occasion.--Report of despatches from St Petersburg, which will induce Holland to accede to the armed neutrality.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October 5th, 1780, 342

Has effected nothing in regard to the loan.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October 11th, 1780, 342

Sketch of the constitution of the Dutch Republic in respect to the powers of the Stadtholder, with the history of the office.--Copy of the commission of the Stadtholder.--Capture of Mr Laurens.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, October 14th, 1780, 360

Thanks Dr Franklin for the communication of intelligence.--Does not think it degrading to the United States to ask for loans, or to seek the friendship of the maritime powers.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October 14th, 1780, 362

Severe treatment of Mr Laurens.--Determination of England to prosecute the war.--Superiority of the United States to the United Provinces.--Forces of the Dutch Republic.--Advantages of a naval power.--Prospect of a rupture between England and Holland.--Proposals for facilitating the loan.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, October 24th, 1780, 365

Uncertainty of a loan in Holland.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October 24th, 1780, 366

Sufferings of Mr Laurens.--Recommends Congress to send cargoes to Dutch ports for the payment of the interest of the proposed loan.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October 27th, 1780, 367

The capture of Mr Laurens' papers has betrayed his correspondence with Holland.

James Lovell to John Adams. Philadelphia, October 28th, 1780, 368

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October 31st, 1780, 369

Influence of the refugees in England.--Cruel treatment of Mr Laurens intended to intimidate the friends of America.--Necessary to abandon all hope of reconciliation with England.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, November 4th, 1780, 371

Requests him to become responsible for certain bills of exchange drawn on Mr Laurens.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November 16th, 1780, 372

Enclosing Sir J. Yorke's Memorial to the States-General.-- Insolence of that document.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November 17th, 1780, 376

Difficulties in the way of obtaining a loan.--Remarks on the proceedings of England in regard to Holland.--M. Van Berckel.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Nov. 24th, 1780, 378

Little prospect of procuring a loan.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November 25th, 1780, 379

A plurality of Provinces declare for the armed neutrality.-- Accepts the bills on Mr Laurens, under assurance from Dr Franklin that he will meet them in case of Mr Adams' disability.--The fear of the submission of America discourages the loan.--The Stadtholder favorable to England.--Sir J. Yorke's memorial injures the English cause.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Nov. 30th, 1780, 382

Has accepted bills on Mr Laurens.--Prospect of a loan doubtful.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November 30th, 1780, 383

The courier, despatched to St Petersburg by Holland, countermanded.--Preponderance of the English interest in Holland.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 14th, 1780, 384

Requests that no more drafts be made on Holland.--Little disposition in Holland to furnish a loan.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 18th, 1780, 386

Memorial of Sir J. Yorke, threatening Amsterdam for the plan of a treaty with the Americans, unless reparation is made.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 21st, 1780, 388

Influence of the English in Holland, shown by the prayers in the English churches there, for the discomfiture of the rebels.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 25th, 1780, 389

Politics and disposition of the Prince of Orange.--England will probably declare against the Dutch, on account of their joining the armed neutrality.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 25th, 1780, 391

Proceedings of the States-General in regard to Amsterdam.--They determine to demand satisfaction for the memorials of Sir J. Yorke.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 25th, 1780, 393

Rumors of the recall of Sir J. Yorke and other hostile indications.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 26th, 1780, 394

Sir J. Yorke leaves Holland abruptly.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 28th, 1780, 395

Holland will be supported by the armed neutrality in case of war with England.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 30th, 1780, 397

Explanation of the opposition of the Province of Zealand to the measures of the States-General.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 31st, 1780, 404

Holland will be supported in a war with England, either by the armed neutrals, or by the other belligerents.--Death of Maria Theresa.

The President of Congress to John Adams. Philadelphia, January 1st, 1781, 405

Enclosing his commission as Minister Plenipotentiary to Holland, resolve of Congress on the Russian Declaration (_Note_) and other documents.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January 1st, 1781, 406

British Manifesto against the States-General.--Orders in Council directing the seizure of Dutch ships and goods.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January 4th, 1781, 414

Popularity of the American cause in the Provinces.-- Recommends M. Dumas to Congress.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January 5th, 1781, 416

Abstract of the proceedings in Holland, in consequence of Sir J. Yorke's memorial.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January 14th, 1781, 418

Resentment in Holland against the English.--Unprepared state of the country in case of war.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January 15th, 1781, 419

Declaration of the States-General on their accession to the armed neutrality.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January 15th, 1781, 422

The Province of Zealand continues to oppose the rupture with England.--State of the Dutch marine.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January 15th, 1781, 423

Address of the Stadtholder to the States-General, recommending warlike preparations.--The States approve the proposition and direct it to be communicated to the Provinces.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January 15th, 1781, 425

Obstacles in the way of obtaining a loan in Holland.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January 18th, 1781, 425

Proclamation of the States-General for the encouragement of privateers against the English.--Proclamation granting indemnifications to those who shall be wounded in the service of the Republic, in the war at sea.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, February 1st, 1781, 433

Treaty of Marine between Russia and Denmark.--A similar treaty between Russia and Sweden, with modifications.--The States-General accede to the treaty.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Feb. 15th, 1781, 443

Requesting funds to discharge bills drawn on him by Congress.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Feb. 20th, 1781, 444

State of American affairs in Holland.

To the Duc de la Vauguyon. Amsterdam, March 1st, 1781, 446

The Province of Friesland resolves to acknowledge the independence of America.--Considers it time to prepare for the execution of his instructions.--Requests his opinion on the enclosed project of a proposition to the States.

A Memorial to the States-General, 448

To the Prince de Gallitzin, Minister of the Empress of Russia. Leyden, March 8th, 1781, 449

Transmitting a resolution of Congress, relative to the rights of neutrals.--Would be happy to accede to the Marine Treaty in the name of the United States.

To M. Van Berckel, First Counsellor Pensionary of the city of Amsterdam. Leyden, March 8th, 1781, 450

Enclosing a resolution of Congress on the rights of neutrals.

To the Duc de la Vauguyon, Ambassador of France at the Hague. Leyden, March 8th, 1781, 450

Enclosing the resolution of Congress, referred to in the preceding letters.

From the Duc de la Vauguyon to John Adams. Hague, March 14th, 1781, 451

Cannot interfere in the measures of Mr Adams in regard to the neutral powers without instructions.

To the President of Congress. Leyden, March 18th, 1781, 451

Counter manifesto of Holland, in reply to the British manifesto.--Memorial of Prince Gallitzin to the States-General, offering the mediation of Russia.

To the President of Congress. Leyden, March 19th, 1781, 469

Acknowledges the reception of his commission as Minister Plenipotentiary to Holland.--Division of sentiments in that country.

To the President of Congress. Leyden, March 29th, 1781, 472

Memorial of the Dutch Minister to the King of Sweden, demanding the protection of the armed neutrals.

To the President of Congress. Leyden, March 29th, 1781, 479

Additional taxes in Great Britain.--Comparison of Lord North with M. Necker.--Necessity of creating a permanent public credit in the United States.--Ways and means for effecting it.

To the Duc de la Vauguyon. Leyden, April 16th, 1781, 481

Acquainting him with the reception of his powers and instructions.

Memorial of Mr Adams to the States-General, 481

Memorial of Mr Adams to the Prince of Orange. Leyden, April 19th, 1781, 493

Informing the Stadtholder of his appointment and powers.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, April 27th, 1781, 494

Protesting a set of bills drawn by Congress, might enable him to raise a loan.

To the Duc de la Vauguyon, Ambassador of France at the Hague. Leyden, May 1st, 1781, 496

Proposing that Holland be invited, according to the terms of the treaty between France and America, to make common cause with these powers.

To the President of Congress. Leyden, May 3d, 1781, 497

Interview with the Grand Pensionary of Holland.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May 7th, 1781, 498

In a second interview with the Grand Pensionary, he is referred to the President of the States-General.--Interview with the President, who declines receiving his commission or memorial, and promises to report to the States.--Delivers a letter to the Secretary of the Stadtholder for the Prince, who declines receiving it.--The President reports to the States, who take the subject _ad referendum_.--The French Ambassador at the Hague disapproves of the proceedings of Mr Adams, but promises his support.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, May 8th, 1781, 501

Generous aid of France.--America might tax Europe, by laying export duties.--Cannot accept bills drawn by Congress, unless Dr Franklin will meet them.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May 16th, 1781, 503

Encloses his memorials to the States and the Stadtholder.-- No probability of a speedy decision.--Dutch fleet sails.-- Divided state of opinions in Holland.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

JOHN ADAMS,

ONE OF THE COMMISSIONERS TO FRANCE, MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO HOLLAND, AND ONE OF THE COMMISSIONERS FOR NEGOTIATING THE TREATY OF PEACE.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

JOHN ADAMS.

CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 17th, 1780.

Sir,

Late letters from Dantzic imply, that commerce was become very languishing there for some time, excepting for ship timber, which bore a very good price there, on account of the English, and which they carried away, as well in their own vessels as those of Dantzic.

The new face, which the affairs of Europe are about to take from the alliance formed between the powers of the North for the maintenance of an exact neutrality, and to which people here are fully persuaded that the Republic of the United Provinces will agree, gives occasion to conjectures, either, that the war will be pushed this year with more vivacity than ever, both by land and sea, or that peace may be made without delay. They say, even that there may have been already negotiations commenced on this subject; that it is by the intervention of the King of Sardinia, who would manage the accommodation between the belligerent powers, and that his present Ambassador in France is so much the better able to labor usefully towards this great work, that having resided in England in the same quality he has the advantage to know perfectly the Ministers and their system. However this may be, if there are sometimes occasions in which one may judge of future events by an examination of the present, and reflection upon the past, might one be taxed with partiality or temerity, if one ventured to lay it down as a fact, that, from the beginning of the contest in which Great Britain is at present engaged, her situation has never appeared so critical and so dangerous? In fact, as if it was not enough, that she had quarrelled with her Colonies, as if it was not enough, that she is at war with two powers so formidable as France and Spain in consequence of the quarrel with the Colonies, as if her intestine troubles were not enough, which, by dividing the nation, contribute not a little to weaken it; and at the end of the perspective, to see Ireland, at the first moment, make as much of it as the Americans, in declaring herself also independent. In spite of so many alarming considerations, England still seems to seek new enemies, by attacking without distinction the vessels of all the neutral nations, and even of her allies. Thus she has forced them by this proceeding, not less arbitrary than inconceivable, especially in her present circumstances, to make a league with each other for the maintenance of the safety of the navigation of their respective subjects, as well as of the honor of their flags, for which they plainly acknowledge at this day, that they never could have hoped for any safety, if the English, who, embarrassed as they are, treat them nevertheless with so little ceremony, could ever recover that superiority, whereof we cannot deny that they found means to put themselves in possession at the end of the last war.

But such is the fate of all human things; to have a commencement, to acquire successively an augmentation, which ought to be expected up to certain bounds, and beyond which they must necessarily begin to decrease, until they descend again to the same point from whence they began; and no human efforts can disturb this constant and immutable order. After this declaration let us judge whether in fact, this is not the case of England, and we may after this predict very nearly the issue of the present events, or of those which may take place in the course of the year.

By the English papers, Congress will see the state of parties in England, where the stubble is so dry, that the smallest spark thrown into it may set the whole field in a blaze. Opposition have carried triumphantly in the fullest House of Commons ever known, by a majority of eighteen votes against the utmost efforts of the Ministry, the resolution, that it is necessary to declare, that the influence of the Crown has increased, increases, and ought to be diminished; that it is in the power of the House to take cognizance of, and to reform the abuses, which may exist in the employment of the civil list revenues, as well as all other revenues; and that it is the duty of the House to grant effectual redress to the grievances, exposed in the petitions presented to the House by the different cities, counties, and towns of the kingdom. By the speech of Mr Fox, it will be seen to what soaring heights this young statesman aspires.

Since my arrival the last time in Europe, I have had, six and forty times, I think, the honor of writing to Congress; but it seems impossible to get a letter across the Atlantic. Many of my letters have been waiting long at the seaports for a passage, but when they will obtain it, I know not; if they all arrive, and Congress should be able to see at one view the vast chain that is binding almost all mankind every day closer and faster together, in opposition to the dangerous power, and the intolerable possessions of the English, they will see how many of the wisest hands in the world are at work for their safety and glory, and have the utmost cause of gratitude to Heaven for ordering events in the course of his Providence so decidedly in their favor.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 18th, 1780.

Sir,

It is my duty to transmit to Congress, as soon as prudence will admit, everything which deserves consideration, as having either a direct, or an indirect tendency to peace, or even to negotiations for that important object. The enclosed letter has been transmitted to Paris through such a channel, that I have reason to believe, that it was particularly intended for my inspection. It is from a gentleman, who, to do him justice, has long expressed an earnest desire for peace, but who, nevertheless, has never yet reflected maturely enough upon the state of America, of Great Britain, and of all Europe, to get into a right way of thinking, concerning the proper means to his end. Congress will perceive this from the letter itself, in which it is obvious enough.

The first remarkable sentiment is, "We must at all events support our national honor, by the most vigorous exertions, without shrinking; but surely, in such a complicated war as this is, if we can make any equitable offers of a treaty to any of the parties, common prudence calls upon us to use our endeavors to unravel by negotiation, the combination of powers now acting against us." In this paragraph, I see the manifest marks of a mind that has not yet mastered its subject. True policy would have omitted everything in this letter, which should call up to the minds of the people the ideas of national honor. Every man in the world, who is thoroughly acquainted with the subject, knows that Great Britain never can obtain a peace without a diminution of her honor and dignity. It is impossible without miracles, and therefore the Englishman, who undertakes to plan for peace, must be convinced of this and take it into his plan, and consequently should avoid with the utmost caution every word, which should excite these ideas in the minds of the people. They stir passions which make them mad.

He should have avoided with equal solicitude every insinuation of a design to unravel, by negotiation, the combination of powers now acting against Great Britain. This combination is in fact much more extensive, much more universal and formidable, than the letter writer had any idea or suspicion of. But if it had been no more extensive than France, Spain, and America, the impracticability of unravelling it ought to have thrown out this sentiment. By it he proposes by negotiation to bring those to dishonor themselves, who have certainly no occasion for it; at the same time that he stimulates others to cherish and preserve their honor, who have already lost it, and under an absolute necessity, sooner or later, of sacrificing it. By this means he only puts the confederates more upon their guard, and renders the attainment of his professed object, peace, impossible.

The next solecism in politics, which he commits, is undertaking to vindicate America from the charge of having sought and formed this confederacy. America wanted no such vindication; it is folly to suppose it a fault, for all mankind will agree, even his correspondents themselves, that it was wisdom and virtue. Surely another term must be given to popular ideas, before they will be brought to petition for peace.

Nor do I think it was prudent in him to hold up the idea, that America had proceeded with reluctance and regret to the Treaty. That this is true, I know and feel to this very moment; for although I had no such reluctance myself, those gentlemen with whom I had the honor to sit in Congress at the time will remember, that I had very good reasons to be sensible that others had. But how well soever he might be informed of the fact, and from what source soever he might draw his information, it was bad policy in him to hold it up, because he ought to have been equally sure, that America has now no reluctance to the treaty, nor any inclination to violate it. He ought not, therefore, to have held up a hope of this to the people.

Neither ought he to have flattered the people with hopes, that America would not form any perpetual alliance with France, nor that their limited alliance might be satisfied and discharged. The alliance already made is limited, it is true, to a certain number of articles, but not limited in its duration. It is perpetual, and he had no grounds to sooth the people with hopes, either that France would give up any of the articles of the treaty, or that America would violate them.