letter I did myself the honor to write to his Excellency the Count de

Vergennes some time ago, which, for anything I know, is communicated to all the Court, but the answer shows that it was received. I had my reasons then for keeping it to myself, which exist now no more. I would transcribe the whole correspondence if it was in my power, but I have not time, and it is sufficient to say, that it was conducted by his Excellency with the most obliging politeness. It is my duty now to furnish you with a copy, lest any accident may befal me, which is by no means improbable. I thought then, and am confirmed in that opinion more and more, that it was my duty to communicate my sentiments at Court, upon that very extraordinary occasion, and from regard to my own reputation, I am very glad you have given me an opportunity of furnishing you with evidence, that I did this part of my duty so far forth. The letter was written, sent to Versailles, and received by his Excellency before the arrival of the Marquis de Lafayette, his Aid-de-Camp, or Dr Winship; that is, before the news reached Passy of the new arrangement.[45] But lest that letter should not be sufficient, I shall enclose another certificate, not without a heartfelt grief, that malice should have been so daring and so barbarous, as to make either such a letter or such a certificate from me either necessary or even pardonable.[46] Your hint, that I must correct some things that are amiss, extorts from me an involuntary sigh. I shall be in a situation critical and difficult without example, my own character at stake from various quarters, and without anything to support me but truth and innocence, and you need not be informed, that these are not always sufficient. I have little expectation of doing good; God grant I may do no harm. I shall not designedly. But I suppose Congress intend to examine me as a witness, and I must tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, as far as I know it. If the task should end here, I should not be much embarrassed, but if they should proceed to demand of me opinions and judgments of men and things, as there is reason to expect they will, although I hope they will not, what will be the consequences? Upon the whole, truth must be my shield, and if the shafts of interested malice can pierce through this, they shall pierce me.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

FOOTNOTES:

[45] See this letter in Arthur Lee's Correspondence, Vol. II. p. 224.

[46] See as above, p. 249.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Braintree, August 3d, 1779.

Sir,

On the 27th of February, I had the honor of writing to Congress, informing them of my intention of returning home, in consequence of the commission which superseded mine. On the first of March, I had again the honor of writing some information concerning the unprecedented interest, which the British Government are obliged to give for the loan of money for the service of the present year. On the 8th of March, I took my leave of the American Minister, and left Paris for Nantes, in expectation of there meeting the Alliance, and sailing in her for America in a few weeks. Upon my arrival at Nantes, I learned the Alliance was yet at Brest, and so embarrassed with nearly forty prisoners, who were supposed to have been concerned in a conspiracy to carry her to England, and with other difficulties, that it was uncertain when she would be ready.

The agent at Nantes at this time receiving a letter from his Excellency, Dr Franklin, desiring him to consult me about the direction of the Alliance, I thought it would expedite the public service for me to make a journey to Brest, about two hundred miles, which I undertook accordingly, and arrived at that port without loss of time. There, after an attendance of some weeks, and much negotiation with the Commandant, Intendant, and Agent, all things were prepared for the frigate to sail for Nantes, with about one hundred British prisoners, to be exchanged for a like number of American prisoners, arrived there from England in a cartel. I returned to Nantes, and the Alliance in a few days arrived in the river, the prisoners were exchanged, about sixty enlisted in the Alliance, and the rest in the Poor Richard, Captain Jones.

After accommodating all the difficulties with the British prisoners, the American prisoners, the officers and crew of the Alliance, and supplying all their necessary wants, Captain Landais, having orders to sail for America, and everything ready to proceed to sea in a few days, received unexpected orders to proceed to L'Orient, and wait there for further orders. I had the honor of a letter at the same time from his Excellency, enclosing one from the Minister of Marine, by which I learned, that the King had been graciously pleased to grant me a passage on board the frigate, which was to carry His Majesty's new Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States, that the frigate was at L'Orient, and that the Minister would be there in a few days. I went in the Alliance from Nantes to L'Orient, where after some time the frigate, the Sensible, arrived, but his Excellency, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, did not arrive until the 10th of June. On the 14th of June, and not before, I had the pleasure to be under sail, and on the 3d of August, arrived in Nantasket Roads.

I have entered into this detail of disappointments to justify myself for not returning sooner, and to shew that it was not my fault, that I was not at home in eight weeks from the first authentic information, that I had nothing further to do in France. There is nothing remaining for me to do but to settle my accounts with Congress; but as part of my accounts are in conjunction with my late colleagues, with whom I lived in the same house during my residence in Paris, I am not able to judge whether Congress will choose to receive my accounts, or to wait until the other Commissioners shall exhibit theirs, and have the whole together, under one view, so as to do equal justice to all. I am ready, however, to render all the account in my power, either jointly or separately, whenever Congress shall order it, and I shall wait their directions accordingly.

It is not in my power, having been so long from Paris, to give Congress any news of importance, except that the Brest fleet, under the Count d'Orvilliers, was at sea the beginning of June, that Admiral Arbuthnot was at Plymouth the 31st of May, and that there was a universal persuasion, arising from letters from Paris and London, that Spain had decided against the English. The Chevalier de la Luzerne will be able to give Congress satisfactory information upon this head.

I ought not to conclude this letter, without expressing my obligations to Captain Chavagne, and the other officers of the Sensible, for their civilities in the course of my passage home, and the pleasure I have had in the conversation of his Excellency, the new Minister Plenipotentiary from our august ally, and the Secretary to the embassy, Monsieur Marbois.

The Chevalier de la Luzerne is a Knight of the Order of St John of Jerusalem, of an ancient and noble family, connected by blood with many characters of principal name in the kingdom, a grandson of the celebrated Chancellor de la Moignon, a nephew of Monsieur Malesherbes, perhaps still more famous as first President of the Court of Aids and as a Minister of State, a brother to the Count de la Luzerne, and of the Bishop of Sangres, one of the three Dukes and Peers who had the honor to assist in the consecration of the King, a near relation of the Marcéhal de Broglie and the Count his brother, and of many other important personages in that country. Nor is his personal character less respectable than his connexions, as he is possessed of much useful information of all kinds, and particularly of the political system of Europe, obtained in his late embassy in Bavaria; and of the justest sentiments of the mutual interests of his country and ours, and of the utility to both of that alliance, which so happily unites them, and at the same time divested of all personal and party attachments and aversions. Congress and their constituents, I flatter myself, will have much satisfaction in his negotiations, as well as in those of the Secretary to the embassy, who was recently Secretary to the embassy in Bavaria, and who is a counsellor of the Parliament of Metz, a gentleman whose abilities, application, and disposition cannot fail to make him useful in the momentous office he sustains.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Braintree, August 4th, 1779.

Sir,

At the close of the service on which Congress have done me the honor to send me, it may not be amiss to submit a few remarks to their consideration on the general state of affairs in Europe, as far as they relate to the interests of the United States. As the time approaches, when our relations with the most considerable States in Europe will multiply and assume a greater stability, they deserve the attention of Americans in general, but especially of those composing their supreme council.

France deserves the first place among those powers, with which our connexions will be the most intimate, and it is with pleasure I am able to assure Congress, that from the observations I have made during my residence in that Kingdom, I have the strongest reasons to believe, that their august ally, his Ministers, and nation, are possessed of the fullest persuasion of the justice of our cause, of the great importance of our independence to their interests, and the firmest resolution to preserve the faith of treaties inviolate, and to cultivate our friendship with sincerity and zeal. This is of the more consequence to us, as this power enjoys in Europe at this hour an influence, which it has not before experienced for many years.

Men are so sensible of a constant tendency in others to excesses, that a signal superiority of power never appears, without exciting jealousies and efforts to reduce it. Thus, when Spain, under Charles the Fifth and his successor, made herself dangerous, a great part of Europe united against her, assisted in severing the United Provinces from her, and by degrees greatly diminished her power. Thus, when France, under Lewis the Fourteenth, indulged the spirit of conquest too far, a great part of mankind united their forces against her, with such success as to involve her in a train of misfortunes, out of which she never emerged before the present reign. The English, in their turn, by means of their commerce and extensive settlements abroad, arose to a degree of opulence and naval power, which excited more extravagant passions in her own breast, and more tyrannical exertions of her influence, than appeared in either of the other cases. The consequence has been similar, but more remarkable. Europe seems to be more universally and sincerely united in the desire of reducing her, than they ever were in any former instance. This is the true cause why the French Court never made war with so universal a popularity among their own subjects, so general an approbation of other Courts, and such unanimous wishes among all nations for her success, as at this time.

The personal character of the King, his declared patronage of morals and economy, and the great strokes of wisdom, which have marked the commencement of his reign, the active spring which has been given to commerce by the division of the British empire, and our new connexions with his subjects; all these causes, together with the two treaties of peace, which have been lately signed under his auspices and his mediation, have given to this power a reputation, which the last reign had lost.

The first of these treaties has determined those controversies, which had for a long time divided Russia and the Porte, and the parties have been equally satisfied with the conditions of their reconciliation, a circumstance the more honorable for the French Ministry, and the Chevalier de St Priest, their Ambassador at Constantinople, as it is uncommon. The ancient confidence of the Porte in the Court of Versailles has revived, and the coolness, or rather enmity, which divided France and Russia for near twenty years, gives place to a friendship, which is at this time in all its fervor, and will probably be durable, as these powers have no interest to annoy each other, but, on the contrary, are able to assist each other in a manner the most essential.

The peace of Germany, signed at Teschin, the 13th of last May, has not equally satisfied the belligerent powers, who were on the one part the Emperor, and on the other, the King of Prussia and the Elector of Saxony his ally.

From the multitudes of writings, which have appeared before and during this war, in which the causes, the motives, and the rights of it are discussed, it appears, that in 1768, at the extinction of one of the branches of the House of Bavaria, which has been separated from its trunk for near five centuries, the House of Austria thought itself able, and priests and lawyers among their own subjects were complaisant enough to tell her, that she had a right to put herself in possession of the best part of the patrimony of the extinguished line.

The King of Prussia, to whose interest this augmentation of power would have been dangerous, has crowned an illustrious reign, by displaying all the resources of military genius and profound policy in opposition to it. While he contended in the field, France negotiated, and the work, begun by his arms, was completed by the cabinet of Versailles.

The Palatine House of Bavaria, the Duke of Deux Ponts, and particularly the Elector of Saxony, have obtained all they could reasonably demand, and the empire has preserved its balance of power in spite of its head. The King of Prussia had covered himself with glory, to which he put the finishing stroke, by not demanding any compensation for the expenses of the war. All parties have been satisfied except the Emperor, who has disordered his finances, ruined his Kingdom of Bohemia with immense fines, has not obtained any advantage over his adversary, and consequently has destroyed among his own troops the opinion they had of their superiority, and, in fine, has sustained a loss the most sensible for a young Prince just beginning to reign, the reputation of justice and moderation. It is the influence, the address, and ability of the French Minister, joined to the firmness of Russia, which have completed this work; and Lewis the Sixteenth has restored in Germany to the nation over which he reigns, that reputation which his grandfather had lost.

The merit of the Chevalier de la Luzerne, who was Ambassador in Bavaria during the transaction of this business, and that of M. Marbois, the Secretary to that embassy, in accomplishing an affair of such importance, which was rendered peculiarly delicate by the late family connexion between the Courts of Vienna and Versailles, was probably a motive for sending them now to America, a mission of no less importance and no less delicacy.

It is not probable, however, that they could have succeeded so soon, if England could have afforded subsidies to the Emperor. The Revolution in America, in which the French King has taken an earlier and a greater part than any other Sovereign in Europe, has operated so as to conciliate to him a consideration that is universal. The new Minister will give to Congress information the most precise in this respect, and touching the part which Spain is taking at this time, for which reason I shall refrain from entering into it, and content myself with observing, that all these considerations ought to induce us to cherish the alliance of France; and that every good citizen of the United States ought to endeavor to destroy the remains of those prejudices, which our ancient rulers have endeavored to inspire us with; that we have nothing to fear and much to hope from France, while we conduct ourselves with good sense and firmness, and that we cannot take too much pains to multiply the commercial relations, and strengthen the political connexions between the two nations; provided always, that we preserve prudence and resolution enough to receive implicitly no advice whatever, but to judge always for ourselves, and to guard ourselves against those principles in government, and those manners, which are so opposite to our own Constitution and to our own characters, as a young people, called by Providence to the most honorable and important of all duties, that of forming establishments for a great nation and a new world.

In the opinion of some, the power with which we shall one day have a relation the most immediate, next to that of France, is Great Britain. But it ought to be considered, that this power loses every day her consideration, and runs towards her ruin. Her riches, in which her power consisted, she has lost with us, and never can regain. With us she has lost her Mediterranean trade, her African trade, her German and Holland trade, her ally, Portugal, her ally, Russia, and her natural ally, the House of Austria; at least, as being unable to protect these as she once did, she can obtain no succor from them. In short, one branch of commerce has been lopped off after another, and one political interest sacrificed after another, She resembles the melancholy spectacle of a great wide spreading tree, that has been girded at the root. Her endeavors to regain these advantages, will continually keep alive in her breast the most malevolent passions towards us. Her envy, her jealousy, and resentment, will never leave us, while we are what we must unavoidably be, her rivals in the fisheries, in various other branches of commerce, and even in naval power. If peace should unhappily be made, leaving Canada, Nova Scotia, or the Floridas, or any of them, in her hands, jealousies and controversies will be perpetually arising. The degree, therefore, of intercourse with this nation, which will ever again take place, may justly be considered as problematical, or rather the probability is, that it will never be so great as some persons imagine; moreover, I think that every citizen in the present circumstances, who respects his country, and the engagements she has taken, ought to abstain from the foresight of a return of friendship between us and the English, and act as if it never was to be.

But it is lawful to consider, that which will probably be formed between the Hollanders and us. The similitude of manners, of religion, and in some respects of constitution, the analogy between the means by which the two republics arrived at independency, but above all the attractions of commercial interest, will infallibly draw them together. This connexion will not probably show itself, before a peace or a near prospect of peace. Too many motives of fear or interest place the Hollanders in a dependance on England, to suffer her to connect herself openly with us at present. Nevertheless, if the King of Prussia, could be induced to take us by the hand, his great influence in the United Provinces might contribute greatly to conciliate their friendship for us. Loans of money, and the operations of commercial agents or societies, will be the first threads of our connexions with this power. From the essays and inquiries of your Commissioners at Paris, it appears, that some money may be borrowed there, and from the success of several enterprises by the way of St Eustatia, it seems that the trade between the two countries is likely to increase, and possibly Congress may think it expedient to send a Minister there. If they should, it will be proper to give him a discretionary power to produce his commission or not, as he shall find it likely to succeed, to give him full powers and clear instructions concerning the borrowing of money; and the man himself above all should have consummate prudence, and a caution and discretion, that will be proof against every trial.

If Congress could find any means of paying the interest annually in Europe, commercial and pecuniary connexions would strengthen themselves from day to day, and if the fall of the credit of England should terminate in bankruptcy, the Seven United Provinces, having nothing to dissemble, would be zealous for a part of those rich benefits, which our commerce offers to the maritime powers, and by an early treaty with us secure those advantages, from which they have already discovered strong symptoms of a fear of being excluded by delays. It is scarcely necessary to observe to Congress, that Holland has lost her influence in Europe to such a degree, that there is little other regard for her remaining but that of a prodigal heir for a rich usurer, who lends him money at a high interest. The State which is poor and in debt has no political stability. Their army is very small, and their navy is less. The immense riches of individuals may possibly be in some future time the great misfortune of the nation, because the means of defence are not proportioned to the temptation which is held out for some necessitous, avaricious, and formidable neighbor to invade her.

The active commerce of Spain is very inconsiderable; of her passive commerce, we shall not fail to have a part; the vicinity of this power, her forces, her resources, ought to make us attentive to her conduct, but if we may judge of the future by the past, I should hope we had nothing to fear from it. The genius and interest of the nation incline it to repose. She cannot determine upon war but in the last extremity, and even then she sighs for peace. She is not possessed of the spirit of conquest, and we have reason to congratulate ourselves, that we have her for the nearest and principal neighbor. Her conduct towards us at this time will perhaps appear equivocal and indecisive, her determinations appear to be solely the fruit of the negotiations of the Court of Versailles. But it ought to be considered, she has not had motives so pressing as those of France to take in hand our defence. Whether she has an eye upon the Floridas, or what other terms she may expect from Congress, they are no doubt better informed than I am. To their wisdom it must be submitted to give her satisfaction, if her terms are moderate, and her offers in proportion. This conduct may conciliate her affection and shorten delays, a point of great importance, as the present moment appears to be decisive.

Portugal, under the administration of the Marquis de Pombal, broke some of the shackles by which she was held to England. But the treaty, by which a permanent friendship is established between the Crowns of Spain and Portugal, was made in 1777, an event that the English deplore as the greatest evil, next to the irrecoverable loss of the colonies, arising from this war, because they will now no longer be able to play off Portugal against Spain, in order to draw away her attention as well as her forces, as in former times. But as Portugal has not known how to deliver herself entirely from the influence of England, we shall have little to hope from her; on the other hand, such is her internal weakness, that we have absolutely nothing to fear. We shall necessarily have commerce with her, but whether she will ever have the courage to sacrifice the friendship of England for the sake of it is uncertain.

It would be useless to consider that infinite number of little sovereignties into which Germany is divided, and develope all their political interests. This task is as much beyond my knowledge as it would be useless to Congress. They will have few relations friendly or hostile with this country, excepting in two branches of commerce, that of merchandise and that of soldiers. The latter, infamous and detestable as it is, has been established between a nation, once generous, humane, and brave, and certain princes, as avaricious of money as they are prodigal of the blood of their subjects; and such is the scarcity of cash, and the avidity for it in Germany, and so little are the rights of humanity understood and respected, that sellers will probably be found as long as buyers. America will never be found in either class. The State of Germany, with which we may have commerce of an honorable kind, is the House of Austria, one of the most powerful in Europe. She possesses very few countries, however, near the sea. Ostend is the principal city, where she might have established a trade of some consequence, if the jealousy of the maritime Powers had not constantly opposed it. France, Spain, Holland, and England, have been all agreed in their opposition, and the treaty of Utrecht, ratified more than once by subsequent treaties, has so shackled this port, that it will be impossible to open a direct trade to it, without some new treaty, which possibly may not be very distant. England may possibly make a new treaty with Austria, and agree to privileges for this port, in order to draw away the advantages of the American trade from France and Spain; and in such a treaty Holland may possibly acquiesce, if not accede to it. The port of Trieste enjoys liberty without limits, and the Court of Vienna is anxious to make its commerce flourish. Situated as it is at the bottom of the Gulf of Trieste, the remotest part of the Gulf of Venice, tedious and difficult as the navigation of those seas is, we could make little use of it at any time, and none at all while this war continues.

This Court would seize with eagerness the advantages, that are presented to her by the independence of America, but an interest more powerful restrains her, and although she is certainly attentive to this revolution, there is reason to believe she will be one of the last powers to acknowledge our independence. She is so far from being rich, that she is destitute of the means of making war without subsidies, as is proved by the peace which has lately been made. She has occasion for the succors of France or of England to put in motion her numerous armies. She conceives easily, that the loss of the resources and credit of the English has disabled them to pay the enormous subsidies, which, in former times, they have poured into the Austrian coffers. She sees therefore with a secret mortification, that she shall be hereafter more at the mercy of France, who may choose her ally, and prefer at her pleasure either Austria or Prussia, while neither Vienna nor Berlin will be able, as in times past, to choose between Paris and London, since the latter has lost her past opulence and pecuniary resources. It is our duty to remark these great changes in the system of mankind, which have already happened in consequence of the American war. The alienation of Portugal from England, the peace of Germany, and that between Petersburg and Constantinople, by all which events England has lost, and France gained, such a superiority of influence and power, are owing entirely to the blind division of that policy and wealth, which the English might have still enjoyed, from the objects of their true interests and honor, to the ruinous American war.

The Court of Berlin flatters itself, that the connexions which have heretofore so long united France and Prussia will renew themselves sooner or later. This system is more rational than that which subsists at this day. The king of Prussia may then wait without anxiety the consequences of the present revolution, because it tends to increase the resources of his natural ally. The jealousy between the Emperor and the King of Prussia, and that between the Houses of Bourbon and Austria, are a natural tie between France and Prussia. The rivalry between France and Great Britain is another motive, too natural and too permanent for the former to suffer the King of Prussia to be long the ally of the latter. One of the favorite projects of Prussia, that of rendering the port of Emden a place of flourishing trade, interests him most powerfully in our independence. Silesia, one of his best provinces, has already felt the influence of it, and, sensible of the force that empires derive from commerce, he is earnestly desirous to see it introduced between America and his States; which gives ground to believe, that as Austria will be one of the last so Prussia will be one of the first to acknowledge our independence; an opinion which is rendered more probable by the answer, which was given by the Baron de Schulenburg to Mr Arthur Lee, and the influence of the King of Prussia in the United Provinces, which is greater than that of any other Power, arising from his great military force, and the vicinity of his dominions. His near relation to the Stadtholder and the Prince of Brunswick, is an additional motive to cultivate his friendship. The Electorate of Saxony, with a fruitful soil, contains a numerous and industrious people, and most of the commerce between the east and the west of Europe passes through it. The fairs of Leipsic have drawn considerable advantages for these four years from our trade. This Power will see with pleasure the moment, which shall put the last hand to our independence. The rest of Germany, excepting Hamburgh and Bremen, have no means of opening a direct commerce with us; with the latter we have no connexion at present; in the former all the commerce of Lower Germany is transacted; here we shall soon have occasion to establish an agent or consul.

Poland, depopulated by the war and a vicious government, reduced by a shameful treaty to two thirds of her ancient dominion, destitute of industry and manufactures, even of the first necessity, has no occasion for the productions of America. Dantzic sees her ancient prosperity diminish every day. There is, therefore, little probability of commerce, and less of any political connexion between that nation and us.

Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, comprehended under the denomination of the northern powers, have been thought by some to be interested in our return to the domination of Great Britain. Whether they consider themselves in this light or not, their late declarations against the right of England to interrupt their navigation, and their arming for the protection of their commerce on the ocean, and even in the English channel, are unequivocal proofs of their opinion concerning the right in our contest, and of their intentions not to interfere against us. It is very true, that the articles of commerce which they produce, are in many respects the same with those of America. Yet if we consider that we shall have occasion to purchase from them large quantities of hemp and sailcloth, and that our productions of timber, pitch, tar, and turpentine, are less profitable with us without bounties, than some other branches of labor, it is not probable that we shall lower the price of these articles in Europe so much as some conjecture, and consequently our increased demand upon those countries for several articles will be more than a compensation to them for the small loss they may sustain, by a trifling reduction in the price of those articles. It is not probable that the Courts of Petersburg, Stockholm, and Copenhagen have viewed with indifference the present revolution, if they have been apprehensive of being hurt by it in some respects, which however I think must have been a mistaken apprehension; yet the motive of humbling the pride of the English, who have endeavored to exercise their domination, even over the northern seas, and to render the Danish and Swedish flag dependent on theirs, has prevailed over all others, and they are considered in Europe as having given their testimony against the English in this war.

Italy, a country which declines every day from its ancient prosperity, offers few objects to our speculations. The privileges of the port of Leghorn, nevertheless, may render it useful to our ships, when our independence shall be acknowledged by Great Britain, if, as we once flattered ourselves, the Court of Vienna might receive an American Minister. We were equally in error respecting the Court of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, where an Austrian prince reigns, who receives all his directions from Vienna, in such a manner that he will probably never receive any person in a public character, until the chief of his house has set him the example. The King of the two Sicilies is in the same dependence on the Court of Madrid, and we may depend upon it, he will conform himself to all it shall suggest to him. This prince has already ordered the ports of his dominions to be open to American vessels, public and private, and has ordered his Ambassador at Paris to apply to your Commissioners for a description of the American flag, that our vessels might be known, and receive no molestation upon their appearance in his harbors.

The Court of Rome, attached to ancient customs, would be one of the last to acknowledge our independence, if we were to solicit for it. But Congress will probably never send a Minister to his Holiness, who can do them no service, upon condition of receiving a Catholic Legate or Nuncio in return, or in other words, an ecclesiastical tyrant, which it is to be hoped the United States will be too wise ever to admit into their territories.

The States of the King of Sardinia are poor, and their commerce is very small. The little port of Villa Franca will probably see few American vessels, nor will there be any close relations, either commercial or political, between this prince and us.

The republic of Genoa is scarcely known at this day in Europe, but by those powers who borrow money. It is possible that some small sums might be obtained there, if Congress would fall upon means of insuring a punctual payment of interest in Europe.

Venice, heretofore so powerful, is reduced to a very inconsiderable commerce, and is in an entire state of decay.

Switzerland is another lender of money, but neither her position nor her commerce can occasion any near relation with us.

Whether there is anything in these remarks worth the trouble of reading, I shall submit to the wisdom of Congress, and subscribe myself, with the highest consideration, your most obedient and humble servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO JAMES LOVELL.

Braintree, August 13th, 1779.

My Dear Sir,

Since I have had opportunity to converse a little in this country, and to read a few gazettes, I find that questions have been agitated here in the newspapers, and in private circles, as well as in Congress, concerning his Excellency, the Count de Vergennes, and Mr Arthur Lee, which seem to make it necessary that I should send the enclosed copies.[47] You can judge better than I whether it will be of any public utility to lay them before Congress. My first letter, and his Excellency's answer, I can see no objection to laying before Congress; but as the rest[48] contain little else besides mutual compliments, perhaps it will be as well to conceal them. I submit the whole, however, to your discretion, and am, with much esteem, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

FOOTNOTES:

[47] See these letters in Arthur Lee's Correspondence, Vol. II. pp. 224, 227.

[48] See the present volume, under the dates of February 16th, 1779, p. 294; February 21st, p. 298; February 27th, p. 299.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Braintree, September 10th, 1779.

Sir,

Looking over the printed journals of the 15th of last April, I find in the report of the Committee appointed to take into consideration the foreign affairs of the United States, and also the conduct of the late and present Commissioners of these States, the two following articles.

1. "That it appears to them, that Dr Franklin is Plenipotentiary for these States at the Court of France; Dr Arthur Lee, Commissioner for the Court of Spain; Mr William Lee, Commissioner for the Courts of Vienna and Berlin; Mr Ralph Izard, Commissioner for the Court of Tuscany; that Mr John Adams was appointed one of the Commissioners at the Court of France, in the place of Mr Deane, who had been appointed a joint Commissioner with Dr Franklin and Dr Arthur Lee, but that the said commission of Mr Adams is superseded by the Plenipotentiary commission to Dr Franklin.

2. "That in the course of their examination and inquiry, they find many complaints against the said Commissioners, and the political and commercial agency of Mr Deane, which complaints, with the evidence in support thereof, are herewith delivered, and to which the Committee beg leave to refer."

The word "said" in the second article, refers to the Commissioners mentioned in the first, and as my name is among them, I learn from hence, that there were some complaints against me, and that the evidence in support of them was delivered to Congress by the Committee.

I therefore pray, that I may be favored with copies of those complaints, evidences, and the names of my accusers, and the witnesses against me, that I may take such measures as may be in my power to justify myself to Congress.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Boston, September 23d, 1779.

Sir,

I had yesterday the honor of your letter of the 7th of this month. I thank you, Sir, for your obliging congratulations on my return to my family and country.

The reason why my letters of the 27th of February, and the 1st of March, arrived so late was, that they were delivered at the time of their dates to gentlemen then bound to the seaports, who expected to sail directly for America, but were disappointed of passages, until the vessels sailed under the convoy of the Sensible.

I have not my letter book here, but I do not remember that they contained anything of much consequence, so that I suppose the inconvenience of their late arrival was not much.

You will be pleased to make my most respectful compliments to the members of Congress, and believe me, with great esteem, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO JAMES LOVELL.

Braintree, October 17th, 1779.

My Dear Sir,

What shall I say to your favors of the 27th and 28th of September, which came by the last post? The unanimity of my election surprises me, as much as the delicacy, importance, and danger of the trust distress me. The appointment of Mr Dana to be Secretary pleases me more than my own to be Minister, Commissioner, Negotiator, call it what you will. I have communicated to him your letters in confidence, and all other material intelligence I had, and hope he will not decline, but you know the peculiarities of his situation, and if he should refuse, I hope you will not force your name out of nomination again. I did not suppose that such characters would be willing to go as Secretaries, because I did not know your plan, otherwise I should not have mentioned Mr Jennings to Mr Gerry for one to Dr Franklin. Your mastery of the language, and your indefatigability, would make you infinitely useful in any of these departments.

I rejoice that you produced my letter to the Count de Vergennes and his answer before the choice, because it contained a testimony in favor of Mr Lee, which was his due.[49] I am very much affected at his recall, because I know his merit, and, therefore, I am glad I was not placed in his stead, for suspicions would have arisen, and reflections would have been cast upon me, as having favored his removal in order to make room, which I certainly did not. I am infinitely obliged to you for those letters, and for that received the post before last, but I really tremble for your health. Let me entreat you, for the sake of our country, to take care of it. If I was to apply myself as you do, I should soon go to study politics in another sphere. Yet I am so selfish as to beg the continuance of your favors to me, and I pledge myself to you, I will not be in debt any more than may be made by the intrinsic difference in the value of the letters, which will be unavoidable.

I thank you for the extract from Mr Izard's letter. I am not a little surprised at its contents. It was written, I see, to his friend, and I suppose intended in confidence. I am fully persuaded he did not intend, that the whole should have been laid before Congress.[50] I utterly deny that I ever used to him any such language, as the indecent paragraph that closes what he says about me. Indeed, that is manifestly his own inference, and in his own words, from what he says he had heard me say, and he draws the same from what Dr Franklin and Mr Deane had said upon the same subject. I further deny that I ever _threatened_ him with the displeasure of Congress, for writing his opinion concerning these articles to Congress, or for suggesting them to the Commissioners. But to enter into all the conversations that have passed between Mr Izard and me respecting those articles, and many other points in order to give a full and fair representation of those conversations, would fill a small volume. Yet there never was any angry or rude conversation between him and me, that I can recollect. I lived with him on good terms, visited him and he me, dined with his family, and his family with me, and I ever told him, and repeated it often, that I should be always obliged to him for his advice, opinions, and sentiments upon any American subject, and that I should always give it its due weight, although I did not think myself bound to follow it any further than it seemed to me to be just. As Congress have declined giving me the charges against me by their authority, and have, upon the whole, acquitted me with so much splendor, it would look like a littleness of soul in me to make myself anxious, or give them any further trouble about it. And as I have in general so good an opinion of Mr Izard's attachment to his country, and of his honor, I shall not think myself bound to take any further notice of this fruit of his inexperience in public life, this peevish ebullition of the rashness of his temper. I have written a few other observations to Mr Gerry on the same subject. You and he will compare these with them for your private satisfaction, but be sure that they are not exposed where they will do harm to the public, to Mr Izard, or me, unnecessarily.

If I should go abroad, cannot you lend me twenty or thirty complete sets of the journals? They are much wanted in Europe. A set of them is a genteel present, and perhaps would do me and the public more service than you are aware of. If Congress, or some Committee would order it, I should be very glad.

I am, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

FOOTNOTES:

[49] See these letters in Arthur Lee's Correspondence, Vol. II. pp. 224, 227.

[50] See Izard's Correspondence, Vol. II. p. 434.

* * * * *

TO SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Braintree, October 19th, 1779.

Sir,

I had in Paris an opportunity of procuring information concerning the British whale fishery on the coast of Brazil, which it is proper to communicate to Congress, that if any advantage can be made of it the opportunity may not be lost.

The last year and the year before the English carried on this fishery to very great advantage, off the river Plate in South America, in the latitude of 35° south, and from thence to 40°, just on the edge of soundings, off and on, as the sailors express it, and about longitude 65° from London. They had about seventeen vessels in this fishery, which all sailed from London in the months of September and October. All the officers and men Americans from Nantucket and Cape Cod, two or three from Rhode Island, and one from Long Island. Four or five of these vessels went to Greenland, to which place they sail yearly, the last of February or the beginning of March.

The year before last, there was published in the English newspapers, a letter from the Lords of the Admiralty to Dennis de Bredt, in Coleman Street, informing him, that a convoy should be appointed to the Brazil fleet. But this I had certain information was a forgery, calculated merely to deceive American privateers, and no convoy actually went or was appointed, either last year or the year before, although the imposture was repeated both times, and will no doubt be renewed this.

For the capture or destruction of a fishery so wholly defenceless, not one of the vessels having any arms, a single frigate, or indeed a privateer of four and twenty guns, would be sufficient. The beginning of December would be the best time to proceed from Boston or Philadelphia, because the frigate would then find the whaling vessels nearly loaded. The cargoes of bone and oil are very valuable, and at least four hundred and fifty of the best kind of seamen would be taken out of the hands of the English, and might be gained into the American service. Most of the officers and men wish well to this country, and would gladly be in its service, if they could be delivered from that they are engaged in. Whenever the English men of war or privateers, have taken an American vessel, they have given to all the whalemen found among the crew, by order of government, their choice, either to go on board a man of war and fight against their country, or into the whale fishery. Such numbers have chosen the latter, as have made up the crews of seventeen vessels.

I thought it my duty to communicate this, that if so profitable a branch of commerce, and so valuable a nursery of seamen, can be taken from the English, it may be done. I prevailed with my colleagues last year to represent these facts to his Excellency, M. de Sartine, but it appears that his Majesty's service would not admit of any enterprise from France in consequence of it. Since my return I have represented them to the Council of this State, but whether anything can be done by them, after the disaster at Penobscot, I doubt. If Congress should not deem it consistent with the public service to send a frigate upon this service, nothing will be lost but the trouble of this letter.

I have the honor to congratulate your Excellency on your advancement to the chair, and to subscribe myself with great respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Braintree, October 20th, 1779.

Sir,

M. Schweighauser of Nantes, who is a native of Switzerland, observing me as I was one day at his house looking with some attention upon a stamp of the heroic deed of William Tell, asked me to take a few of them to America, as a present from him, which I agreed to do with pleasure. He accordingly sent on board the frigate a box containing, as he told me, one stamp for each State, neatly framed and glazed, which he desired me to present to Congress, as a small token of his respect. The box has never been opened, but I hope the pictures are safe, and with permission of Congress I will deliver it to the Navy Board in Boston, to be by them transmitted to the delegates from the several States, or to their order.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Braintree, October 21st, 1779.

Sir,

So many advantages might be derived to the United States in the conduct of the war, in furnishing the army and navy, in augmenting the value, or at least in preventing the further depreciation of their currency, in lowering the prices of goods, in supplying the wants of the people, and in preventing murmurs and discontents, that I have ever thought it of very great importance, in some way or other, to procure convoys to their trade, to and from the West India Islands, and Europe.

France and Spain have such advantages of England in carrying on the war in the American seas, and would receive such assistance from our commerce, privateers, and growing navy, that I have ever thought it a main principle of their policy to maintain a constant and decided superiority of naval power in the West Indies, and upon the coasts of this continent. I would, therefore, with due deference to the superior wisdom of Congress, beg leave to submit to their consideration, whether it would not be expedient for them, either by a direct representation from themselves to the French and Spanish Courts, or by instructions to their Plenipotentiary Ministers, to convince those Courts, that their true interest lies in adopting this plan. It is certainly their interest, reasoning upon French and Spanish principles simply, to conduct this war in such a manner as has a tendency in the shortest time, and with the least expense, to diminish the power of their enemies, and increase their own. Now I would submit it to Congress whether it may not be easily demonstrated, that these ends may be obtained the most easily in this way. A representation from Congress, either directly or by instructions to their Ministers, showing what assistance in provisions, artists, materials, vessels of war, privateers, land armies, or in any other way, France and Spain might depend upon receiving from these States, either for money or as the exertions of an ally, would have great weight.

Much has been already said to the French Ministry upon these subjects, and not wholly without effect; yet much more may be said to greater advantage, and perhaps to better purpose, for they are extremely well disposed to do what can be made to appear to them for the advantage of the common cause.

I have the honor to enclose some papers on this subject. One is a letter from the Commissioners to his Excellency the Count de Vergennes, which he received the beginning of January last,[51] the other is a letter from me to the Marquis de Lafayette[52] in February, with his answer.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

FOOTNOTES:

[51] See the Correspondence of the Commissioners in France, Vol. I. p. 500.

[52] See above, p. 295. The answer of M. de Lafayette is missing.

* * * * *

TO HENRY LAURENS.

Braintree, October 25th, 1779.

My Dear Sir,

Your favor of the 4th of this month gave me great pleasure, but I am afraid that you and some others of my friends felt more for me in the awkward situation you mention than I did for myself, though I cannot say that I was wholly insensible. I could compare it to nothing, but Shakspeare's idea of Ariel, wedged in the middle of a rifted oak, for I was sufficiently sensible, that it was owing to an unhappy division in Congress, and pains enough were taken to inform me, that one side were for sending me to Spain, and the other to Holland, so that I was flattered to find that neither side had any decisive objection against trusting me, and that the apparent question was only _where_.

That I was sent without the least solicitation of mine, directly or indirectly, is certainly true; and I had such formidable ideas of the sea and of British men of war, such diffidence in my own qualifications to do service in that way, and such uncertainty of the reception I should meet, that I had little inclination to adventure. That I went against my interest is most undoubtedly so, for I never yet served the public without losing by it. I was not, however, as you suppose, kept unemployed. I had business enough to do, as I could easily convince you. There is a great field of business there, and I could easily show you that I did my share of it. There is so much to do, and so much difficulty to do it well, that I am rejoiced to find a gentleman of such abilities, principles, and activity as Colonel Laurens undoubtedly is, without a compliment, appointed to assist in it.[53] I most sincerely hope for his friendship, and an entire harmony with him, for which reason I should be very happy in his company in the passage, or in an interview with him as soon as possible in Europe. He will be in a delicate situation, but not so much so as I was; and plain sense, honest intentions, and common civility will, I think, be sufficient to secure him, and do much good.

Your kind compliments on my safe return and most honorable re-election are very obliging. I have received no commission, nor instructions, nor any particular information of the plan; but from the advice and information from you and several other of my friends at Philadelphia and here, I shall make no hesitation to say, that, notwithstanding the delicacy and danger of this commission, I suppose I shall accept it without delay and trust events to Heaven, as I have been long used to do.

The convulsions at Philadelphia are very affecting and alarming, but not entirely unexpected to me. The state of parties, and the nature of their government, have a long time given me disagreeable apprehensions. But I hope they will find some remedy. Methods will be found to feed the army, but I know of none to clothe it without convoys to trade, which Congress, I think, will do well to undertake, and persuade France and Spain to undertake as soon as possible. Your packets for your friends in Europe will give me pleasure, and shall be forwarded with care and despatch.

With great truth and regard, I am, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

FOOTNOTE:

[53] This alludes to the appointment of Colonel John Laurens to be Secretary to the Minister Plenipotentiary in France. _Secret Journals_, Vol. II. p. 261. It does not appear that Colonel Laurens accepted the appointment. He was the son of Henry Laurens, to whom this letter from Mr Adams is addressed.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Braintree, November 4th, 1779.

Sir,

I had yesterday the honor of receiving your letter of the 20th of October, enclosed with two commissions, appointing me Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States, to negotiate peace and commerce with Great Britain, together with instructions for my government in the execution of these commissions, copies of instructions to the Ministers Plenipotentiary at Versailles and Madrid, and two acts of Congress of the 4th and 15th of October.

Peace is an object of such vast importance, the interests to be adjusted in the negotiations to obtain it are so complicated and so delicate, and the difficulty of giving even general satisfaction is so great, that I feel myself more distressed at the prospect of executing the trust, than at the thought of leaving my country, and again encountering the dangers of the seas and of enemies. Yet, when I reflect on the general voice in my favor, and the high honor that is done me by this appointment, I feel the warmest sentiments of gratitude to Congress, and shall make no hesitation to accept it, and devote myself without reserve or loss of time to the discharge of it. My success, however, may depend, in a very great degree, on the intelligence and advices that I may receive from time to time from Congress, and on the punctuality with which several articles in my instructions may be kept secret. It shall be my most earnest endeavor to transmit to Congress the most constant and exact information in my power of whatever may occur, and to conceal those instructions, which depend in any measure on my judgment. And I hope I need not suggest to Congress the necessity of communicating to me, as early as possible, their commands from time to time, and of keeping all the discretionary articles an impenetrable secret, a suggestion, however, that the constitution of that sovereignty, which I have the honor to represent, might excuse.

As the frigate has been some time waiting, I shall embark in eight or ten days at furthest. Your Excellency will please to present my most dutiful respects to Congress, and accept my thanks for the polite and obliging manner in which you have communicated their commands.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

INSTRUCTIONS FOR A TREATY OF PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN.[54]

FOOTNOTE:

[54] These instructions, and those for a treaty of commerce which follow were agreed to unanimously in Congress on the 14th of August, nearly six weeks before the Minister was chosen. They were drawn up by Gouverneur Morris.

Sir,

You will herewith receive a commission, giving you full power to negotiate a treaty of peace with Great Britain, in doing which you will conform to the following information and instructions.

1. The United States are sincerely desirous of peace, and wish by every means, consistent with their dignity and safety, to spare the further effusion of blood. They have, therefore, by your commission and these instructions, labored to remove the obstacles to that event, before the enemy have evidenced their disposition for it. But as the great object of the present defensive war, on the part of the allies, is to establish the independence of the United States, and as any treaty whereby this end cannot be obtained must be only ostensible and illusory, you are, therefore, to make it a preliminary article to any negotiation, that Great Britain shall agree to treat with the United States, as sovereign, free, and independent.

2. You shall take especial care also, that the independence of the said States be effectually assured and confirmed by the treaty or treaties of peace, according to the form and effect of the treaty of alliance with His Most Christian Majesty. And you shall not agree to such treaty or treaties, unless the same be thereby so assured and confirmed.

3. The boundaries of these States are as follows, viz. These States are bounded north, by a line to be drawn from the northwest angle of Nova Scotia along the highlands, which divide those rivers which empty themselves into the river St Lawrence, from those which fall into the Atlantic ocean, to the northwesternmost head of Connecticut river; thence down along the middle of that river to the fortyfifth degree of north latitude; thence due west in the latitude fortyfive degrees north from the equator to the northwesternmost side of the river St Lawrence or Cadaraqui; thence straight to the south end of Nepissing; and thence straight to the source of the river Mississippi; west, by a line to be drawn along the middle of the river Mississippi from its source to where the said line shall intersect the thirtyfirst degree of north latitude; south, by a line to be drawn due east, from the termination of the line last mentioned in the latitude of thirtyone degrees north from the equator to the middle of the river Appalachicola, or Catahouchi; thence along the middle thereof to its junction with the Flint river; thence straight to the head of St Mary's river; and thence down along the middle of St Mary's river to the Atlantic ocean; and east, by a line to be drawn along the middle of St John's river from its source to its mouth in the Bay of Fundy, comprehending all islands within twenty leagues of any part of the shores of the United States, and lying between lines to be drawn due east from the points where the aforesaid boundaries between Nova Scotia on the one part, and East Florida on the other part, shall respectively touch the Bay of Fundy and the Atlantic ocean. You are, therefore, strongly to contend that the whole of the said countries and islands lying within the boundaries aforesaid, and every citadel, fort, post, place, harbor, and road to them belonging, be absolutely evacuated by the land and sea forces of his Britannic Majesty, and yielded to the powers of the States to which they respectively belong, in such situation as they may be at the termination of the war. But, notwithstanding the clear right of these States, and the importance of the object, yet they are so much influenced by the dictates of religion and humanity, and so desirous of complying with the earnest request of their allies, that if the line to be drawn from the mouth of the lake Nepissing to the head of the Mississippi cannot be obtained without continuing the war for that purpose, you are hereby empowered to agree to some other line between that point and the river Mississippi; provided the same shall in no part thereof be to the southward of latitude fortyfive degrees north. And in like manner, if the eastern boundary above described cannot be obtained, you are hereby empowered to agree, that the same shall be afterwards adjusted, by commissioners to be duly appointed for that purpose, according to such line as shall be by them settled and agreed on, as the boundary between that part of the State of Massachusetts Bay, formerly called the province of Maine, and the colony of Nova Scotia, agreeably to their respective rights. And you may also consent, that the enemy shall destroy such fortifications as they may have erected.

3. Although it is of the utmost importance to the peace and commerce of the United States that Canada and Nova Scotia should be ceded, and more particularly that their equal common right to the fisheries should be guarantied to them, yet a desire of terminating the war has induced us not to make the acquisition of these objects an ultimatum on the present occasion.

5. You are empowered to agree to a cessation of hostilities during the negotiation, provided our ally shall consent to the same, and provided it shall be stipulated that all the forces of the enemy shall be immediately withdrawn from the United States.

6. In all other matters not abovementioned, you are to govern yourself by the alliance between His Most Christian Majesty and these States, by the advice of our allies, by your knowledge of our interests, and by your own discretion, in which we repose the fullest confidence.

* * * * *

INSTRUCTIONS FOR A TREATY OF COMMERCE WITH GREAT BRITAIN.

Sir,

You will herewith receive a commission, giving you full power to negotiate a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, in doing which, you will consider yourself bound by the following information and instructions.

1. You will govern yourself principally by the treaty of commerce with His Most Christian Majesty, and as, on the one hand, you shall grant no privilege to Great Britain not granted by that treaty to France, so, on the other, you shall not consent to any peculiar restrictions or limitations whatever in favor of Great Britain.

2. In order that you may be the better able to act with propriety on this occasion, it is necessary for you to know, that we have determined, 1st, that the common right of fishing shall in no case be given up; 2dly, that it is essential to the welfare of all these United States that the inhabitants thereof, at the expiration of the war, should continue to enjoy the free and undisturbed exercise of their common right to fish on the Banks of Newfoundland, and the other fishing banks and seas of North America, preserving inviolate the treaties between France and the said States; 3dly, that application shall be made to His Most Christian Majesty to agree to some article or articles for the better securing to these States a share in the said fisheries; 4thly, that if, after a treaty of peace with Great Britain, she shall molest the citizens or inhabitants of any of the United States, in taking fish on the banks and places hereinafter described, such molestation, being in our opinion a direct violation and breach of the peace, shall be a common cause of the said States, and the force of the union be exerted to obtain redress for the parties injured; and 5thly, that our faith be pledged to the several States, that, without their unanimous consent, no treaty of commerce shall be entered into, nor any trade or commerce carried on with Great Britain, without the explicit stipulation hereinafter mentioned. You are therefore not to consent to any treaty of commerce with Great Britain without an explicit stipulation on her part, not to molest or disturb the inhabitants of the United States of America in taking fish on the Banks of Newfoundland and other fisheries in the American seas anywhere, excepting within the distance of three leagues of the shores of the territories remaining to Great Britain at the close of the war, if a nearer distance cannot be obtained by negotiation. And in the negotiation you are to exert your most strenuous endeavors to obtain a nearer distance to the gulf of St Lawrence, and particularly along the shores of Nova Scotia, as to which latter we are desirous that even the shores may be occasionally used for the purpose of carrying on the fisheries by the inhabitants of these States.

In all matters you are to govern yourself by your own discretion, as shall be most for the interest of these States, taking care that the said treaty be founded on principles of equality and reciprocity, so as to conduce to the mutual advantage of both nations, but not to the exclusion of others.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Braintree, November 7th, 1779.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose to Congress a copy of the letter book of the Commissioners at the Court of Versailles, during the time I had the honor to be one of them. As the letter book was kept by me, and almost wholly in my hand writing, the Minister Plenipotentiary consented, that I should bring it home with me, leaving him a copy, which was done.

As there may be many things in it which Congress may have occasion to know, I have prevailed with Mr Thaxter to copy it. I shall submit to the consideration of Congress, whether he ought to have any allowance for this service, and how much. As Mr Thaxter will accompany me to Europe, in the character of my private Secretary, if Congress think proper to allow him anything for these copies, I can pay him in Europe if it is thought proper.

I chose to mention Mr Thaxter's going with me to Congress, because jealousies have arisen heretofore concerning private Secretaries. Mr Thaxter is known to Congress, and I think I can safely confide in his fidelity, diligence, and discretion, and from the experience I have had in Europe I am fully convinced, that it is my duty to take with me some one of this character.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Ferrol, December 8th, 1779.

Sir,

I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that, Congress having judged it proper to appoint me to a new mission in Europe, I embarked on the 13th of November, at the instance of the Chevalier de la Luzerne and M. Gerard, on board the same frigate, that carried me to America. Soon after we got to sea, a formidable leak in the ship discovered itself, so as to oblige us to keep two pumps constantly going by night and day, which induced the captain to think it necessary to put into this place, where we have just now cast anchor. Whether I shall go to Paris by land or wait for the frigate is uncertain; I believe the former, as the latter might detain me four or five weeks. I have despatches for your Excellency from Congress, which I shall carry with me, and newspapers. These latter contain little remarkable save the evacuation of Rhode Island by the enemy, and the Count d'Estaing's progress in Georgia, in co-operation with General Lincoln, which was in a fair course of success.

I hope the Confederacy, which sailed from Philadelphia three or four weeks before us, with M. Gerard and Mr Jay, who is appointed Minister Plenipotentiary for Spain, has happily arrived, and made it unnecessary for me to enlarge upon the general state of affairs in America, which were upon the whole in a favorable train. I hope to have the honor of saluting you at Passy in a few weeks, and am, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Ferrol, December 11th, 1779.

Sir,

I have the honor to inform Congress, that on the 13th of November I embarked on board the French frigate, la Sensible, and on the 14th came on board Mr Francis Dana, the Secretary to my commission, when we fell down to King's Roads, and on the 15th we sailed for France.

A leak was soon discovered in the ship, which obliged us to ply the pumps; as it seemed a steady leak, it gave little alarm at first, but continuing to increase to such a degree as to make two pumps constantly necessary night and day, obliging the passengers to take their turns in common with the ship's people, the captain judged it necessary to make the first port he could find. Accordingly, on the 7th of December, we happily discovered Cape Finisterre, and on the 8th arrived in the magnificent Spanish port of Ferrol, where we found a squadron of French ships of the line, the officers of which think we were very happy in making this port, as the frigate, since she has been in this harbor, is found to make seven or eight feet of water an hour.

The advice of all the gentlemen here is to make the best of my way to Paris by land, as it is the opinion of many, that the frigate will be condemned, but if not, she certainly will not be ready to sail again from this port in less than four or five weeks.

This is unfortunate to me, because, by all the information I can obtain, travelling in this kingdom is attended with many difficulties and delays, as well as a very great expense, there being no regular posts as in France, and no possibility of passing over the mountainous part of this country in carriages.

I find there has been no engagement in the European seas between the English and the combined fleets of France and Spain, as was reported in America. There has been an epidemic sickness on board the French fleet, which caused it to return rather sooner than was intended. There are twentyfive Spanish ships of the line in Brest harbor with the French. It is reported that M. du Chaffault is appointed commander in chief of the French fleet, and that the Count d'Orvilliers has retired.

Captain Jones has done another brilliant action, by taking a fortyfour gun ship, after an obstinate engagement, which he carried into the Texel, but I cannot learn the particulars with much certainty or exactness.

I have been treated with the utmost attention and politeness since my arrival in this place, both by the Spanish and French officers, particularly by the Spanish Lieutenant General of Marine, Don Joseph St Vincent, who is commander in chief of the marine, by M. de Sade, the French _Chef d'Escadré_, and by the French consul and vice consul, who have all obligingly offered me every assistance in their power.

I shall endeavor to inform Congress of every step of my progress, as I may find opportunity. I have heard nothing as yet, which makes it probable to me, that I shall have anything to do openly and directly, in pursuance of my commission very speedily. There is a confused rumor here of a mediation of Russia and Holland, but I am persuaded without foundation. It seems to be much more certain, that the English continue in their old ill humor and insolent language, notwithstanding their impotence grows every day more apparent.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Corunna, December 16th, 1779.

Sir,

By the opportunity of a small vessel accidentally in this harbor, bound to Newburyport, I have the honor to inform Congress that I have been detained by violent rains, and several accidents, in Ferrol until yesterday, when I set out with my family for this place, and arrived last evening without any accident. I awaited immediately on the Governor of the province, and on the Governor of the town, and received many civilities from both, and particularly from his Excellency the Governor of the province of Galicia, an assurance that he was not only disposed personally to render me every hospitality and assistance in his power, but that he had received express orders from his Court, to treat all Americans who should arrive here like their best friends. These personages were very inquisitive about American affairs, particularly the progress of our arms, and the operations of the Count d'Estaing, and more particularly still about the appointment of a Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of Madrid. They requested his name, character, nativity, age, whether he was a member of Congress, and whether he had been President, with many other particulars.

To all these questions I made the best answers in my power, and with regard to his Excellency, the Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Madrid, I gave them the most exact information, and such a respectable character as the high offices he has sustained, and his own personal merit require. It is the prevailing opinion here, that the Court of Madrid is well disposed to enter into a treaty with the United States, and that the Minister from Congress will be immediately received, American independence acknowledged, and a treaty concluded. The frigate la Sensible is found to be in so bad a condition, that I am advised by everybody to go to France by land. The season, the roads, the accommodations for travelling are so unfavorable, that it is not expected I can get to Paris in less than thirty days. But if I were to wait for the frigate, it would probably be much longer. I am determined, therefore, to make the best of my way by land. And it is possible that this journey may prove of some service to the public, although it will be tedious and expensive to me, at least, I hope the public will sustain no loss by it.

There are six battalions of Irish troops in Spain, in three regiments, several of whose officers have visited me to assure me of their regard to the United States. I have been this afternoon to the Tower de Fer to see the Island of Cezarga, which was rendered famous in the course of the last summer by being appointed the rendezvous of the French and Spanish fleets. The French fleet arrived at this Island on the 9th of June last, but were not joined by the Spanish fleet from Ferrol, till some time in July, nor by the fleet from Cadiz till much later, so that the combined fleets were not able to sail for the English Channel, until the 30th of July. To prevent a similar inconvenience another campaign, there are about twentyfive Spanish ships of the line now in Brest, which are to winter there, and to be ready to sail with the French fleets the approaching summer, at the first opening of the season.

God grant them success and triumph, although no man wishes for peace more sincerely than I, or would take more pleasure, or think himself more highly honored in being instrumental in bringing it about, yet, I confess, I see no prospect or hope of it, at least before the end of another summer. America will be amused with rumors of peace, and Europe too, but the English are not yet in a temper for it.

The Court of Russia has lately changed its Ambassador at the Court of London, and sometime in the month of October, M. Simolin, the new Minister Plenipotentiary from the Court of Petersburg to the Court of London, passed through France in his way to England, and resided three weeks in Paris. From this circumstance, a report has been spread in Europe, that the Court of Russia is about to undertake the office of mediator between the belligerent powers. But from conversation with several persons of distinction since my arrival in Spain, particularly with the Count de Sade, the Chef d'Escadré, commanding the French men of war now in Ferrol, I am persuaded, that if Russia has any thoughts of a mediation, the independence of the United States will be insisted upon by her as a preliminary, and Great Britain will feel much more reluctance to agree to this, than to the cession of Gibraltar, which it is said Spain absolutely insists upon.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE GOVERNOR OF CORUNNA.

Corunna, December 18th, 1779.

Mr Adams presents his compliments to the Governor of Corunna, and informs him, according to his desire expressed last evening, that the names of the persons for whom he requests a passport from his Excellency, the Governor of this Province, are as follows.

John Adams, a Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America.

Francis Dana, Secretary to Mr Adams's commission, a member of Congress, and a member of the Council of Massachusetts Bay.

John Thaxter, private Secretary to Mr Adams.

John Quincy Adams, a son of Mr Adams, about twelve years of age.

Charles Adams, another son of Mr Adams, nearly ten years of age.

Jeremiah Allen of Boston, in Massachusetts, a private gentleman accidentally in company; he is a merchant travelling with the view of establishing a private commerce in Spain, as well as France.

Samuel Cooper Johonnot, ten or eleven years of age, a grandson of a particular friend of Mr Adams in Boston, going to Paris for an education in the University there.

Joseph Stevens, a servant of Mr Adams.

John William Christian Frieke, a servant of Mr Dana.

Andrew Desmia, a servant of Mr Allen.

Mr Adams requests a passport for all these persons to go to Madrid, and from thence to Bilboa, and from thence to Bayonne, in their way to Paris; with liberty at the same time to go directly to Bayonne by the nearest road, without going to Madrid, or to Bilboa; as it is uncertain whether Mr Adams will have the time to gratify his inclination with the sight of those cities.

* * * * *

M. DE SARTINE TO JOHN ADAMS.

Translation.

Versailles, December 31st, 1779.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write to me on the 6th of October last.

I was well persuaded, that M. de Chavagne[55] would endeavor to procure for you everything in his power to render your passage agreeable. This was conformable to the instructions I had given him respecting the intentions of the King.

I learn with pleasure, that, being again charged with an important mission by Congress, you will be able to profit by the frigate Sensible a second time in your voyage to France.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE SARTINE.

FOOTNOTE:

[55] These instructions, and those for a treaty of commerce which follow were agreed to unanimously in Congress on the 14th of August, nearly six weeks before the Minister was chosen. They were drawn up by Gouverneur Morris.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Bilboa, January 16th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor to inform Congress, that last night, and not before, I arrived at this place.

At Ferrol and Corunna I was advised by all the friends of America, to undertake a journey by land. The consul of France and M. Lagoanere, a gentleman who has acted for some time as the American agent at Corunna, obligingly offered me all the assistance in their power, and accordingly used their utmost diligence to procure me the necessary mules and carriages, for the transportation of the small number of persons in company with me, and the small quantity of baggage we found it indispensably necessary to take with us, having left more than two thirds of what we had with us to take the chance of a passage by sea to France. From the 8th of December, when we arrived at Ferrol, to the 26th of the same month, when we set off from Corunna, we were detained by the violent rains, and the impossibility of getting accommodations for travelling. All our beds and provisions we were obliged to carry with us. We travelled through the ancient kingdoms of Galicia, Leon, Old Castile, and Biscay, and although we made the best of our way without loss of time, we found it impossible to go more than eight leagues a day, and sometimes not more than four. The roads and inns are inconvenient to a degree that I should blush to describe, and the pain we suffered in a cold season of the year for want of fire, in a country where there are no chimnies, gave us all such violent colds, that I was under great apprehensions of our being seized with fevers.

As we were so near Madrid, within about forty leagues, I balanced some time in my own mind, whether to go to that fine city, but considering that this would lengthen our journey near a hundred leagues, the severe season of the year, and above all the political situation that I might be in, my country not being yet acknowledged as a sovereign State by any formal act of that Court, it being known, that another gentleman had a commission for that Court, and he being expected soon to arrive, I thought it upon the whole the least hazardous to the public interest to avoid that route.

It may be of some use to my countrymen to transmit a few observations upon the country I have passed through, because it appears to me that a commerce extremely advantageous to both countries may be opened between us and Spain, as soon as our independence shall be acknowledged by that power, at least as soon as we shall obtain the great object of all our wishes, peace.

The province of Galicia is one of the largest in Spain, and said to be one of the best peopled. Corunna is in effect the principal city, although St Jago, in respect to its patron Saint, or more probably to the Archbishop who resides there, is in name the capital. This province, one of those whereof the ancient Crown of Castile was formed, is washed by the ocean for more than seventy leagues from Ribadeo, on the frontiers of Asturias, to the mouth of the river Minks, which separates it from Portugal. This coast, which is divided by Cape Finisterre, is provided on both sides of the Cape with ports equally safe and convenient, which nature seems to have prepared around this Cape, an object oftentimes so necessary to be made by navigators, both at their departure from Europe, and at their return, as so many asylums both from the apprehensions and the consequences of storms. The most known of these ports are Ribadeo, Ferrol, Corunna, and Camarinas, to the eastward of Cape Finisterre; Corubios, Muros, Pontevidia, and Vigo to the westward; all proper to receive vessels of the first rate, especially Ferrol and Vigo; the first, the most considerable department of the marine of Spain, is embellished with everything that art and the treasures, profusely spent upon it for thirty years past, could add to its happy situation. Vigo, represented to be one of the most beautiful ports in the world, is another department of the marine, more extensive and proper, for such an establishment than Ferrol itself. Besides these ports, there are a multitude of harbors and bays round Cape Finisterre, which afford a safe and convenient shelter to merchant vessels. With all these advantages for foreign commerce, this province has very little but what is passive. It receives from abroad some objects of daily consumption, some of luxury, some of convenience, and some even of the first necessity. At present it offers little for exportation to foreign countries. The Sardiné of its coast, the famous fish which it furnishes to all Spain, the cattle which it fattens for the provision of Madrid, and a few coarse linens which are its only manufacture, and are well esteemed, are the objects of its active commerce, and form its balance with the other provinces. The wine and the grain, the chief productions of its lands, seldom suffice for its consumption, and never go beyond it.

The liberty of commerce with the Windward Islands, granted by the Court within a few years, and the particular establishment of ---- opened the ports of that part of the new world to this province; and although without manufactures herself, or any of those productions proper for America, she renders to foreign hands the product of those which she receives from them and carries thither. In this circulation of so many treasures, she enriches herself with parts that she detaches from the whole.

The civil government of this province is formed by a superior tribunal called the _Audience_, to which an appeal lies from all the subaltern jurisdictions, public and private. This Court hears and determines, as sovereign and without appeal, all civil affairs of a less value than a thousand ducats, or three thousand livres. Appeals in those which exceed that value are carried to the Chancery of Valladolid, or to the Council of Castile. Although justice is gratis on the part of the judges, who are paid by the government, it is said to be not less costly, tedious, and vexatious. It may not be useless to observe that the Criminal Chambers, whose decrees extend to the punishment of death, and are executed without any application to the King or any other authority, is composed only of three judges, and these three are the youngest of the whole tribunal, and this order is generally followed in Spain in the composition of the criminal tribunals, although no one pretends to conjecture the motive of so singular a reverse of the rational order of things. The administration of the royal police belongs also to the Audience, and forms the third chamber into which this tribunal is divided.

All the military authority, and the government of the troops in this department, are in the hands of the Captain General of the province. There is not any one under him who has even the title of commandant. But in case of his death or absence, he is succeeded by the general officer, the most ancient in the province. To this title of Captain General is added, commonly, that of President of the Audience, a prerogative which, by uniting in his hands the civil authority to all that of his place, gives a power the most absolute and unlimited.

The inspection general, and all the economy of the affairs of the King in the province, belong to the Intendant. The different branches of the public revenue are all administered by officers appointed by the King, as in the rest of the kingdom, and there are no Farmers-General as in France. Their product is about twentysix millions of reals, or six millions five hundred thousand livres, the expense of collection being deducted. The expenses of the administration, including the maintenance of three regiments of infantry scattered about in different places, do not exceed two millions five hundred thousand livres. The surplus goes into the dry docks, arsenals, and fund of fortifications, to the support of which this sum is far from being sufficient. Such is in general the government, military, political, and civil of this province, and nearly pf all the others, except Biscay, Guipuscoa, and Alaba.

There is not in this province any particular jurisdiction of commerce, but there is a tribunal, under the name of the Judge Considerator of Commerce, which takes cognizance of all their causes, civil and criminal, except the case of contraband. At this day, the Judge Considerator of Strangers is the governor of the province himself, and the appeals from his judgment are carried directly to the Council of War, which is said to be a precious privilege, by the form and brevity of procedure compared with the expensive and insupportable delays of the ordinary jurisdiction.

I cannot but think that if some measures could be taken to convince the Court, that it is their interest to take off the vast duties with which commerce is overloaded in this port, fifteen per cent being to be paid upon all commodities exported and upon all imported, and if the rigid prohibitions of tobacco could be relaxed or repealed, several of the productions of America would find a good market here, and a commerce be opened that would put a new face upon this province, and be profitable to America too. The conveniency of such a number of excellent ports would be a vast advantage, which Bilboa cannot have, as her harbor is neither safe nor convenient, besides its being so much further down the stormy, turbulent Gulf of Biscay; yet Biscay, which is commonly used to comprehend Biscay proper, the principal city of which is Bilboa, although Orduna is the capital; Guipuscoa, the capital of which is St Sebastian, and Alaba, the capital of which is Vittoria, three free provinces, whose laws the Kings of Spain have hitherto been sworn to observe inviolate, have attracted almost the whole of the American trade, because the King has no custom house or officers here, and there are no duties to be paid.

It may seem surprising to hear of free provinces in Spain, but such is the fact, that the high and independent spirit of the people, so essentially different from the other provinces, that a traveller perceives it even in their countenances, their dress, their air, and their ordinary manner of speech, has induced the Spanish nation and her kings to respect the ancient liberties of these people so far, that each monarch at his accession to the throne takes an oath to observe the laws of Biscay. The government here is therefore diametrically opposite to that of Galicia, and the other provinces. The King of Spain has never assumed any higher title than Lord of Biscay. He has no troops of any sort in the lordship, nor is there any standing array, instead of which every man is obliged to serve in the militia. The King has no custom house officers, nor other revenue officers, nor any other officers whatsoever in the lordship except a corregidor, and lately a commissary of marine. This last is considered as an encroachment and a grievance, and the authority of the corregidor is very small, as there lies an appeal from his judgment to another tribunal, that of the two deputy generals, who are biennially elected by the people. Few of the grandees of Spain have any considerable estates here. The Duke of Medina Coeli, and the Duke of Berwick, have some lands here of no great value. The lands, generally, belong to the inhabitants and possessors, who hold them of no lord but the King of Spain, who is Lord of Biscay.

There is a Board of Trade here, which is annually instituted by the merchants of the place, partly by lot and partly by election, which decides all controversies arising in trade, and all the affairs of strangers. They have never admitted any foreign consul to reside here, although it has been solicited by Holland, England, and France.

It is not at all surprising, that a constitution in its nature so favorable to commerce, should have succeeded.

In travelling through the provinces of Leon and Castile, and observing the numerous flocks of sheep, with the most beautiful fleeces of wool in the world, I could not but wish that some communication might be opened, by which the United States of America might be furnished with this necessary article from this country. There are few of our articles of exportation but might be sent to the Spanish market to advantage, rice, pitch, tar, turpentine, tobacco, wheat, flour, ship timber, masts, yards, bowsprits, and salt fish might be supplied to Spain, and at an advantage, and in return, she might furnish us wine, oil, fruits, some silks, some linens, perhaps, and with any quantity of wool, which is now exported to foreign countries for manufacture, and might as well be sent to us, but above all with silver and gold.

It must be the work of time and a free intercourse between the two nations, and a future negotiation to ripen these hints into a plan that may be beneficial to both. The system of revenue, which it is dangerous and difficult to alter in Spain, as well as in all other countries of Europe, will be the principal objection. I have collected together with some difficulty a few gazettes, which I have the honor to transmit to Congress, from which all the news may be collected that I have been able to learn. Congress will easily perceive the eagerness with which the belligerent powers are bent on war, without manifesting the least disposition for peace, and most of all, Great Britain, whose ostentatious display of trifling successes, and whose weak exultation shows, that nothing can divert her from her furious course. But she is exhausting and sinking her forces every day, without gaining any lasting or solid advantage, and she has reason to fear, from the combined fleets of France and Spain, under such enterprising, experienced, and approved officers, as d'Estaing and du Chaffault, the entire ruin of her commerce and navy in the course of a campaign or two more.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, February 12, 1780.

Sir,

Having obtained permission from your Excellency yesterday, when I did myself the honor to wait on you at Versailles, to write on the subject of my mission, I have now the honor to acquaint you, that on the 29th day of September last the Congress of the United States of America did me the honor to elect me their Plenipotentiary to negotiate a peace with Great Britain, and also to negotiate a treaty of commerce with that kingdom, and Mr Francis Dana, member of Congress, and of the Council of Massachusetts Bay, Secretary to both commissions.

As I was not at Congress when this transaction took place, I am not able to inform your Excellency very particularly of the rise and progress of it. But from conversation with gentlemen at Boston, who were members of Congress, and from private letters, I learned in general, that it was not the result of any sudden deliberation, or the fruit of any particular event of the war, prosperous or adverse, but a measure that has been more than a year under consideration, and finally agreed to on this principle, that as it was uncertain at what time the belligerent powers might be disposed to treat of peace, which could not be concluded without a Minister from the United States, it would save a great deal of time for this power to have a Minister in Europe fully authorised to treat, and in concert with Ministers from the other powers at war, conclude a peace with great Britain, and a treaty of commerce consistent with that already made with His Most Christian Majesty, and such others as might be made with other powers. I am persuaded it is the intention of my constituents and of all America, and I am sure it is my own determination, to take no steps of consequence in pursuance of my commissions, without consulting his Majesty's Ministers. And as various conjectures have been, and may be made concerning the nature of my appointment and powers, and as it may be expected by some, that I should take some measures for announcing these to the public, or at least to the Court of London, I beg the favor of your Excellency's opinion and advice upon these questions.

1. Whether, in the present state of things, it is prudent in me to acquaint the British Ministry that I am arrived here, and that I shall be ready to treat, whenever the belligerent powers shall be inclined to treat?

2. Whether it is prudent in me to publish in any manner, more than the journals of Congress may have already done, the nature of my mission?

3. Or whether to remain on the reserve, as I have hitherto done since my arrival in Europe?

If any propositions should be made to me directly or indirectly from the British Ministry, I shall not fail to communicate them without loss of time to your Excellency, and I beg the favor of your Excellency, as I am the only person in Europe who has authority to treat of peace, that if any propositions on the part of Great Britain should be made to his Majesty's Ministers, that they may be communicated to me, at least as far as they may relate to the interest of the United States.

Although I am not confined by commissions, nor instructions, nor by any intimations from Congress to reside in any one place in Europe more than another, yet my own inclinations as well as those of the public would be most gratified, and the public service most promoted, by my residing here. I must, therefore, request his Majesty's protection and permission to reside in this kingdom for some time, with or without assuming any public character, as your Excellency may think most advisable.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO M. DE SARTINE.

Paris, February 13th, 1780.

Sir,

It was not until my arrival at Passy, that I had the honor of your Excellency's letter of the 31st of December last.

When his Majesty's intentions of granting me a passage to America were communicated to me, I had little expectation of returning in the same frigate; but the Congress having honored me with a fresh mission to Europe, their Excellencies, the late and present Ministers from his Majesty to the United States, concurred in a proposal to Congress, and a requisition to the commander of the frigate, to afford me a passage in her voyage home, which Captain Chavagne agreed to with particular marks of politeness to me and Mr Dana, and the others who accompanied me.

I have again to express to your Excellency the obligations I am under to the captain, and all the officers of the Sensible, for their goodness to me and mine. But it is more particularly my duty to express again my thanks to his Majesty, for this fresh favor, to M. Gerard and the Chevalier de la Luzerne, who procured it for me, and to your Excellency, for your approbation of it.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.

Translation.

Versailles, February 15th, 1780.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write me on the 12th of this month. I think before I reply to the different points on which you consult me, that it is proper to wait for the arrival of M. Gerard, because he is probably the bearer of your instructions, and will certainly be able to make me better acquainted with the nature and extent of your commission. But in the mean time, I am of opinion, that it will be prudent to conceal your eventual character, and above all to take the necessary precautions, that the object of your commission may remain unknown to the Court of London. Besides, Sir, you may be assured, that his Majesty sees you with pleasure in his dominions, that you will constantly enjoy his protection, and the prerogatives of the law of nations. For my own part, Sir, I shall be eager to give you proofs of my confidence, as well as of the sentiments with which I have the honor to be, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, February 15th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor to inform Congress, that on the 9th of this month, and not before, I had the good fortune to arrive in this city, from Ferrol (where I arrived on the 8th of December) with Mr Dana, Mr Thaxter, and the rest of the company in tolerable health, after a journey of near five hundred leagues, in the dead of winter, through bad roads, and worse accommodations of every kind. We lost no time more than was indispensably necessary to restore our health, which was several times affected, and in great danger; yet we were more than twice as long in making the journey by land, as we had been in crossing the Atlantic ocean.

The next morning after our arrival at Paris, Mr Dana and myself went out to Passy, and spent the day with his Excellency Dr Franklin, who did us the honor the next day to accompany us to Versailles, where we had the honor to wait on their Excellencies the Count de Vergennes, M. de Sartine, and the Count Maurepas, with each of whom we had the honor of a short conference, upon the state of public affairs. It is sufficient for me to say in general, that I never heard the French Ministry so frank, so explicit, so decided, as each of these gentlemen was in the course of this conversation, in his declarations to persue the war with vigor, and to afford effectual aid to the United States. I learned with great satisfaction, that they are sending, under convoy, clothing and arms for fifteen thousand men to America, that seventeen ships of the line were already gone to the West Indies, under M. de Guichen, and that five or six more at least are to follow, in addition to ten or twelve they have already there. I asked permission of the Count de Vergennes to write to him on the subject of my mission, which he cheerfully and politely agreed to. I have accordingly written to his Excellency, and shall forward copies of my letter and his answer, as soon as it may be safe to do it.

The English are to borrow twelve millions this year, and it is said, that the loan is filled up. They have thrown a sop to Ireland, but have not appeased her rage. They give out exactly such threats as they did last year, and every other year, of terrible preparations. But Congress knows perfectly well how these measures have been accomplished. They will not be more fully executed the next year than the last, and if France and Spain should throw more of their force, especially by sea, into America the next year, America will have no essential injury to fear.

I have learned since my arrival at Paris, with the highest pleasure, the arrival of M. Gerard, Mr Jay, and Mr Carmichael, at Cadiz, for whose safety we had been under great apprehensions. I have now very solid hopes, that a treaty will soon be concluded with Spain, hopes which everything that I saw and heard seemed to favor.

The Alliance frigate, now under the command of Captain Jones, with Captain Cunningham on board, is arrived at Corunna, where she is to be careened, after which she is to return to L'Orient, and from thence to go to America, as I am informed by Dr Franklin.

Mr Auther Lee, and Mr Izard, are still in Paris, under many difficulties in procuring a passage home. Mr William Lee is at Brussels. Mr Izard has been to Holland, to obtain a passage from thence, but unfortunately missed his opportunity and returned disappointed.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, February 17th, 1780.

Sir,

It is necessary, that I should inform Congress in what manner I have been able to procure money to defray my expenses in my long journey, through the greatest part of Spain and France to this city.

On my arrival at Ferrol, I was offered the loan of money by the French consul, M. de Tournelle, who, at the same time told me, there was a gentleman at Corunna, M. Michael Lagoanere, who had heretofore acted as an American agent at that place, and who would be very happy to supply me. On my arrival at Corunna, M. Lagoanere did me the honor of a visit, and offered me every assistance in cash, otherwise telling me at the same time, he had some money in his hands, which he supposed belonged to the United States, being part of the proceeds of some prizes heretofore made by Captain Cunningham. That this money, however, had been attached in his hands by some Spanish merchant, who had commenced a lawsuit against Captain Cunningham. I accordingly received three thousand dollars for myself and Mr Dana, and a letter of credit on the house of Cabarous at Bayonne, for as much more as I should have occasion for. On our arrival at Bayonne, Mr Dana and I received of that house fifty louis d'ors, and a bill of exchange on another house of the same name and family at Bordeaux for the like sums, our expenses having exceeded all our computations at Corunna, as our journey was necessarily much longer than we expected, on account of the uncommon bad weather and bad roads. This bill was paid upon sight. So that, upon the whole, we have received the amount of seventeen thousand four hundred livres, all on account of M. Lagoanere of Corunna. Of this sum, Mr Dana has received the amount of four thousand nine hundred and seventyone livres and fifteen sols, and I have received twelve thousand four hundred and twentyeight livres and five sols, for which sums we desire to be respectively charged in the treasury books of Congress.

As this money is expended, if M. Lagoanere should draw upon us for it, all the authority we have to draw upon his Excellency the Minister here will not enable us to pay it, and if M. Lagoanere should be so happy as to avoid the attachment and leave us to account with Congress for this money, the small sum we are empowered to receive from his Excellency will go a very little way in discharging our expenses. We must therefore pray, that Congress would forward us authority to draw upon his Excellency for the amount of our salaries annually, which, without all doubt, will be paid.

I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

Paris, February 18th, 1780.

My Dear General,

You know extremely well the skill of our enemies in forging false news, and their artifice in circulating it, not only through the various parts of Europe, but in the United States of America, to keep up the spirits of their friends and depress those of their adversaries. It is their annual custom in the winter to send abroad large cargoes of these lies, and they meet with a success in making them believed, that is really astonishing.

Since my arrival here, I find they have been this winter at their old game again, and have circulated reports here, in Holland, and other parts of Europe, that they have made new contracts with other petty Princes in Germany, by which, together with those made before, they will be able to draw seven thousand fresh troops from that country to serve in America. That by appeasing the troubles in Ireland, they shall be able to avail themselves even of the military associations in that kingdom, by depending upon them for the defence of the country, and to draw near ten thousand men from thence for the service in America. That they have concluded a treaty with the Court of Petersburg, by which Russia is to furnish them with twelve ships of the line and twenty thousand men, which they say is of the more importance, on account of the intimate connexion between Russia and Denmark, as the latter will be likely by this means to be drawn into the war, with their numerous fleet of fortyfive ships of the line. The greatest part of these tales are false. I know very well what is said of Russia is so contrary to all that I have seen and heard of the good understanding between Versailles and Russia, that I have no doubt of its falsehood. But as I am very lately arrived, and, consequently, have not opportunity to examine these reports to the bottom, I beg the favor of you to inform me, with all the exactness possible, how much truth there is in them, if any at all.

You are very sensible that it is of the utmost importance, that Congress should have the exactest information of these things, and that you and I cannot render a more useful service to our country at present, than by collecting such intelligence with precision, and transmitting it without delay. Knowing the pleasure you take in serving the United States in every way in your power, I thought I could beg this favor of you with propriety, and that you would believe me always your friend and servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO M. GENET, FIRST SECRETARY FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, February 18th, 1780.

Dear Sir,

Whether it is, that the art of political lying is better understood in England than in any other country, or whether it is more practised there than elsewhere, or whether it is accidental that they have more success in making their fictions gain credit in the world, I know not. But it is certain, that every winter since the commencement of the present war with America, and indeed for some years before, they sent out large quantities of this manufacture over all Europe, and throughout all America, and what is astonishing is, that they should still find numbers in every country ready to take them off their hands.

Since my arrival in this city, I find they have been this winter at their old trade, and have spread reports here and in Holland, and in various other parts of Europe, and no doubt they have found means to propagate them in America too, tending to keep up the spirits of their friends, and to sink those of their opponents. Such as, that they have made new contracts with several German Princes, by which they are to obtain seven thousand men to serve in America; that they have so skilfully appeased the troubles in Ireland, that they shall ever be able to take advantage of the military associations there, by depending upon them for the defence of the kingdom, while they draw from thence ten thousand regular troops for the service in America; that they have even concluded a treaty with Russia, by which the Empress is to furnish them with twelve ships of the line and twenty thousand men, as some say, and twenty ship of the line and twelve thousand men as others relate. This they say is of the greater moment, because of an intimate connexion, I know not of what nature it is, between Russia and Denmark, by which the latter will be likely to be drawn into the war against the House of Bourbon and America; and Denmark, they say, has fortyfive ships of the line.

I know very well that the greatest part of these reports is false; and particularly what is said of Russia is so contrary to all those reports, which I have heard for these twelve months past of the harmony between Versailles and Petersburg, that I give no credit to it at all, but I find that all these reports make impressions on some minds, and among the rest some Americans.

I therefore beg the favor of you to inform me of the exact truth in all these matters, that I may take the earliest opportunity of transmitting the intelligence to Congress, where it is of importance it should be known.

I was much mortified when I was at Versailles the other day, that I could not have the honor of paying my respects to you, but I was so connected with other gentlemen, who were obliged to return to dinner, that I could not; but I shall take the first opportunity I can get to wait on you, and assure you that I am, with great respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

M. DE LAFAYETTE TO JOHN ADAMS.

Paris, February 19th, 1780.

Dear Sir,

As I came but this morning from Versailles, it was not in my power sooner to answer the letter you have honored me with, and this duty I now perform with the more pleasure, as it is of some importance to the interests of America. Since the first day, when I had the happiness of making myself and of being considered in the world as an American, I have always observed, that among the many ways of attacking our liberties, and among the most ungenerous ones, misrepresentations have ever been the first weapons on which the British nation has the most depended.

I am glad it is in my power generally to assure you, that the many reports propagated by them and alluded to in your letter are not founded upon truth. New contracts with petty princes in Germany have not, I believe, taken place, and if any such merchandise were sent to America, it would at most consist of a few recruits. The troubles in Ireland, if there is the least common sense among the first patriots of that country, are not I hope at an end, and it seems they now begin to raise our expectations. The Russian troops, so much talked of in their gazettes, I take to be mere recruits for those thirty thousand Russians, that Mr Rivington had three years ago ordered to embark for America.

Those intelligences, my dear Sir, must be counteracted by letters to our friends in America. But as the respect, which we owe to the free citizens of the United States, makes it a point of duty never to deceive them, and as the most candid frankness must ever distinguish our side of the question from the course of tyranny and falsehood, I intend paying tomorrow morning a visit to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and from him get such minute intelligence as shall answer your purpose.

With the most sincere regard, I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.

_P. S._ On my return from Versailles, my dear Sir, where I will settle the affairs of arms that I have undertaken, I will impart to you a project privately relating to me, that is not inconsistent with my sentiments for our country, America.

L.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, February 19th, 1780.

Sir,

Enclosed are copies of former letters to Congress, and I shall continue to transmit copies, until I learn that some have arrived, for which reason I must request the favor that his Excellency the President, or some committee, may be desired to acknowledge the receipt of letters, so that I may know as soon as may be, what letters have arrived, and which have been less fortunate.

The art of making and spreading false news to answer political purposes is not peculiar to Great Britain, but yet she seems to possess this art, and the talent of giving to her fictions the colors of probability beyond other nations; at least, she seems to have more success in making her impostures believed than any other. It is her annual practice in the winter to fabricate and export large quantities of this merchandise to all parts of Europe and America, and she finds more customers to take them off her hands than she ought, considering how illicit the traffic is.

This winter her emissaries have been more assiduous than ever in propagating reports, that they have entered into new engagements with several other petty principalities in Germany, by which they shall hire seven thousand men, for the service of the next campaign in America. That by compromising with Ireland, they shall be able to take advantage even of the military associations in that kingdom, and draw from them a large number of regular troops for the service in America, depending on the volunteer militia, or associators for the defence of the country; that they have made a treaty with Russia, whereby that power has engaged to furnish them with twelve ships of the line and twenty thousand troops, as some say, and twenty ships of the line and twelve thousand troops, according to others. This alliance they say too is of the more consequence, on account of some connexion between Russia and Denmark, who, it is insinuated, will follow Russia into the war, and Denmark they add has fortyfive ships of the line, not manned it is true, but England they say can man them.

These tales one would think are so extravagant and absurd, that they would not find a believer in the world. Yet there are persons, who believe them in all nations of Europe, particularly in Holland, and there is no doubt the same song will be sung in America, and many will listen to it. There is nothing further from the truth; they will find the utmost difficulty to draw from Germany troops enough to repair the breaches in the German troops made in America the last year; the same with regard to Ireland. And as to what is said of Russia, there is not even a color of truth in it, but on the contrary, the same good understanding continues between Versailles and Petersburg, which subsisted last winter, spring, and summer. As to Denmark, I have no reason to think that she is disposed to assist Great Britain, but on the contrary that she has armed to defend herself at sea against Great Britain; but if it were otherwise, to what purpose would her ships of the line be unmanned, when Great Britain cannot man the ships of the line she already has.

France seems determined to pursue the naval war with vigor and decision in the American seas. M. de Guichen sailed the beginning of January with seventeen or eighteen ships of the line. Seven more are now preparing at Brest with all possible expedition, supposed to be for America. Those, if they all happily join the twelve ships left there by the Count d'Estaing, will make a fleet of six and thirty ships of the line. And the Court seems determined to maintain the superiority in the American seas. This will give scope to our privateers to weaken and distress the enemies of their country, while they are enriching themselves.

There is no news of Admiral Rodney; from whence I conclude he is gone to the West Indies.

The English have derived such a flush of spirits from their late successes, which are mostly however of the negative kind, that they talk in a style very different from that of peace. There are two reflections, which the English cannot bear, one is that of losing the domination of the colonies as indispensable to the support of their naval superiority over France and Spain, or either of them, in possession of a powerful fleet at the peace. Their maxim is to make themselves terrible at sea to all nations, and they are convinced that if they make a peace leaving America independent, and France and Spain powerful at sea, they shall never again be terrible to any maritime power. These reasons convince me, that Great Britain will hazard all rather than make peace at present. Thompson's "Britannia," which expresses the feelings as well as the sentiments of every Briton, is so much to the present purpose, that I hope I shall be pardoned for referring to it, even in a letter to Congress.

I have the honor to be, with the highest esteem, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, February 19th, 1780.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor to write me on the 15th of this month, and lest I should not have explained sufficiently in my letter of the 12th the nature and extent of my commissions, I have now the honor to enclose attested copies of both, as well as of that to Mr Dana.

With regard to my instructions, I presume your Excellency will not judge it proper, that I should communicate them any further than to assure you, as I do in the fullest manner, that they contain nothing inconsistent with the letter or spirit of the treaty between his Majesty and the United States, or the most perfect friendship between France and America, but, on the contrary, the clearest orders to cultivate both. I have hitherto conducted according to your advice, having never communicated to any person since my arrival in Europe the nature of my mission, excepting to your Excellency and Dr Franklin, to whom it was indeed communicated by a resolution of Congress, and to him in confidence. I shall continue to conceal, as far as may depend upon me, my actual character, but I ought to observe to your Excellency, that my appointment was as notorious in America as that of Mr Jay, or Dr Franklin, before my departure. So it is probably already known to the Court of London, although they have not regular evidence of it. I mention this, lest some persons might charge me with publishing what I certainly did not publish.

I thank your Excellency for the assurances of his Majesty's protection and of your confidence, which it shall be my study and endeavor at all times to deserve.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

M. GENET TO JOHN ADAMS.

Translation.

Versailles, February 20th, 1780.

Sir,

You have been afraid to trouble the Count de Vergennes, and you have done me the honor of addressing yourself to me, in order to know what you are to think of several rumors, which the English have endeavored to spread. I am infinitely flattered by the mark of confidence, which you have been pleased to give me, but I have thought myself obliged to lay the letter before the Minister. He has directed me to assure you, that on every occasion he will be very happy that you should address yourself directly to him, and that you will always find him ready to satisfy your inquiries.

He has remarked, as well as yourself, the address which our enemies use to circulate false reports, and to make Europe believe that the Americans are making advances to them, in order to treat of an arrangement with them. The Count de Vergennes is likewise persuaded of the contrary, as he is assured that no new treaty has been negotiated with the Princes of Germany, and that no levies are making there, but for the sake of filling up the old ones. He does not think that the news of the treaty with Russia, nor that which relates to the Court of Denmark, are better founded. He told me that I might do myself the honor to write you, that all those rumors are false, and that you run no risk in presenting them as such to the persons, on whom you think they have made some impression, both in Europe and America.

I am extremely anxious to have the honor to see you, and congratulate you on your happy return. As I but seldom go to Paris, I wish your business may permit you to do me the honor to call at my house and accept of a family dinner.

I have the honor to be, &c.

GENET.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, February 20th, 1780.

Sir,

Since my arrival in Europe, I have had the mortification to see in the public papers a series of little successes, which our enemies have had in the prosecution of the war. The first was a very exaggerated account in the English Court Gazette, of their successes against the Spaniards in South America. The next was the history of the repulse of General Lincoln and the Count d'Estaing at Savannah, and the raising of the siege at that post. These were soon followed by the capture of the Spanish fleet of transport ships by Rodney's squadron, and the advantage gained by that Admiral over the Spanish ships of war, after a most gallant resistance, however, off Gibraltar.

These small triumphs, although chiefly of the defensive and negative kind, and a poor compensation for the blood and the millions they are annually wasting, are, however, sufficient to cheer the spirits of the British populace, and to banish from the minds of the Ministry all thoughts of peace upon reasonable terms; for the English in the present war act upon a maxim diametrically opposite to that of the Romans, and never think of peace upon any event fortunate to them, but are anxious for it under every great adversity.

A report of my appointment having also been carried to England by the cartels from Boston, and being spread in Europe by various other ways, by passengers in the Committee, by French passengers in the Sensible, of whom there were a great number who had heard of it in all companies in America, and by many private letters, and the English ministerial writers having made use of this as evidence of a drooping spirit in America in order to favor their loan of money, I thought it my best policy to communicate my appointment and powers to the French Court, and ask their advice, as our good allies, how to proceed in the present emergency. I accordingly wrote to his Excellency, the Count de Vergennes, the letter of the 12th of February, a copy of which is enclosed; and received his answer of the 15th, a copy of which is enclosed; to which I replied in a letter of the 19th, a copy of which is also enclosed. When I shall receive his Excellency's answer, I shall do myself the honor to enclose that.

If there is anything in these letters of mine, which is not conformable to the views and sentiments of Congress, I wish to be instructed in it, or if Congress should not concur with his Excellency the Count, I shall obey their orders with the utmost punctuality and alacrity. I have ever understood, that Congress were first advised to the measure of appointing a Minister to negotiate peace, by the French Minister then at Philadelphia, in the name of the Count de Vergennes. However this may have been, it cannot be improper to have some one in Europe empowered to think and treat of peace, which some time or other must come.

Since my last, which was of yesterday's date, I have had opportunity to make more particular inquiries concerning the pretended treaty with Russia, and am informed, that the English Ministry did, not long since, make a formal application by their Ambassador to the Empress of Russia for a body of troops and a number of ships; but that the application was opposed with great spirit and ability in the Russian Council, particularly by the Minister for foreign affairs, and rejected in council with great unanimity, and that the harmony between Versailles and Petersburg remains as perfect as when I left France.

I have the honor to be, with very great respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY, MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY AT MADRID.

Paris, February 22d, 1780.

Dear Sir,

I most sincerely congratulate you on your happy arrival in Europe, which must be the more agreeable to you, for the terrible voyages you have had. Every good American in Europe, I believe, suffered a great anxiety from the length of time that passed between the day when it was known, that the Confederacy sailed, and the time when the news arrived of your being in Cadiz. I, too, have had my hairbreadth escapes, and, after my arrival, a very tedious journey in the worst season of the year by land. Happy, however, shall we be, if all our hazards and fatigues should contribute to lay the foundation of a free and prosperous people.

I hope no accident or disagreeable circumstance has happened to your family, to whom I shall be obliged to you to present my respects. From what I saw and heard in Spain, from the strong assurances I received of the good will of the Court and nation, and from the great attention and respect, that were paid me by officers of government of the highest rank in the provinces through which I passed, I am persuaded you will meet with the most distinguished reception, and I hope will soon have the honor and satisfaction of concluding a treaty with Spain. You will have the advantage of more frequent and speedy intelligence from home, than we can have here, at least you will have it in your power. There are vessels oftener arriving from America at Bilboa and Cadiz, I think, than in France. Many of these vessels come from Boston and Newburyport, perhaps the most of them. So that by directing your correspondents to send their letters that way, you will have them much sooner than we can commonly obtain them; and by transmitting yours to Messrs Gardoqui & Co. at Bilboa, and Mr Montgomery, or some other, at Cadiz, your despatches will go more speedily, and more safely than ours, for we find it almost impossible to get a letter across the Bay of Biscay from France in a merchant vessel, there are so many privateers in the route; the danger of whom is avoided chiefly by vessels from Bilboa keeping near the coast, and running into harbor in case of danger, and wholly by those from Cadiz. You will excuse my mentioning to you this channel of intelligence, which might not possibly have occurred to you, and my wishing to make some advantage of it to myself, by asking the favor of your correspondence, and that you will impart to me the advices you may receive through it.

We have nothing new here at present, but what you have had before. Pray what think you of peace? It seems to be the will of Heaven, that the English should have success enough to lead them on to final destruction. They are quite intoxicated with their late advantages, although a poor compensation for what they cost.

My respects to Mr Carmichael, and believe me to be, with respect and esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, February 23d, 1780.

Sir,

Having been informed this morning by the Marquis de Lafayette, of another opportunity for America, I have the honor to enclose to Congress triplicates of former letters, and copies of some other letters, which I have written and received lately. I have also packed up all the newspapers and pamphlets I can obtain. The _Mercure de France_ is a weekly publication of very ancient origin, and is become lately very interesting to America, because those political intelligences and speculations, which were formerly published in another pamphlet, under the title of _Affaires de l'Angleterre et de l'Amérique_ are now published in this, the other having been dropped. The _Courrier de l'Europe_ has the most extensive circulation of any gazette, although supposed to be rather too much under the influence of the British Ministry sometimes; the _Gazette de France_ is published by authority here, and has a great reputation for integrity; in the _Gazette de la Hague_ the English find means to publish many false reports. These papers and pamphlets, together with one or two English papers, for which I shall subscribe as soon as possible, I shall do myself the honor to transmit to Congress constantly as they come out. From these, Congress will be able to collect from time to time all the public news of Europe.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO SAMUEL ADAMS.

Paris, February 23d, 1780.

Dear Sir,

You will see by the public papers, that your Committee of Correspondence is making greater progress in the world, and doing greater things in the political world, than the electrical rod ever did in the physical; Ireland and England have adopted it, but mean plagiaries as they are, they do not acknowledge who was the inventor of it. Mr Lee and Mr Izard will go with this letter in the Alliance, and probably go to Boston. They will be able to inform you of everything of a public nature much better than I can do, as I have scarcely had opportunity to look about me as yet. They will give you few hopes of peace, at least very speedily.

The associations of counties and committees of correspondence in England, are very ominous to our old acquaintances the refugees, as they attack unmerited pensions in the first place. But they must do greater things than distressing these gentry; they must necessarily produce great commotions in the nation. The speeches at these meetings go great lengths, some of them openly justifying and applauding the Americans, and others even applauding France and Spain for stepping in to our assistance. The Court here seems determined more than ever to pursue the war with vigor, especially by sea, and above all in the American seas. They have already sent seventeen ships of the line under M. de Guichen, to reinforce M. de la Motte Piquet, and seven others are preparing at Brest. They are sending out clothing and arms for fifteen thousand men for our army, and seem confident, that the next campaign will be better than the last. I hope the spirit of privateering among us will increase, because I think this is the way in which we can do the most service to the common cause. I hope you will be so good as to inform me of what passes, particularly what progress the Convention makes in the constitution.[56] I assure you it is more comfortable making constitutions in the dead of winter at Cambridge or Boston, than sailing in a leaky ship, or climbing on foot, or upon mules, over the mountains of Galicia, and the Pyrenees.

Believe me your friend and servant, JOHN ADAMS.

FOOTNOTE:

[56] Convention of Massachusetts, of which Mr Adams had been chosen a member soon after his return from France.

* * * * *

TO GENERAL JAMES WARREN.

Paris, February 23d, 1780.

Dear Sir,

The French Court seems to be now every day more and more convinced of the good policy, and indeed the necessity of prosecuting the war with vigor in the American seas. They have been, and are making great preparations accordingly, and are determined to maintain a clear superiority.

M. de la Motte Piquet has with him the Hannibal, the Magnifique, the Diadème, the Dauphin Royal, the Artisane, the Réfléchi, and the Vengeur, and if M. de Grace has joined him from the Chesapeake Bay, the Robuste, the Fendant, and the Sphinx; in all ten ships of the line. M. de Guichen has gone to join him with the Couronne, eighty guns, the Triumphant, eighty; the Palmier, the Victoire, the Destin, the Conquérant, the Citoyen, the Intrépide, the Hercule, and the Souverain, all of seventyfour; the Jason, the Actionnaire, the Caton, the Julien, the Solitaire, the St Michael, and the Triton, all of sixtyfour; the frigates, the Medea, Courageuse, Gentille, and the Charmante, all of thirtytwo. He had above a hundred sail of vessels under his convoy, and the regiment of Touraine and Enghien, of more than thirteen hundred men each, and the second battalions of Royal Corntois, and of Walsh, of seven hundred men each, making in the whole more than four thousand troops. Besides these, there are seven more preparing at Brest to sail.

M. Gerard, Mr Jay, and Mr Carmichael are arrived at Cadiz in a French frigate, the Confederacy having been dismasted, and driven to Martinique. The Alliance carries this with Mr Lee and Mr Izard, who will no doubt be treated with all respect at Boston.

Notwithstanding the commotions in England and Ireland, the success of Provost at Savannah, and of Rodney off Gibraltar, and even the silly story of Omoa, in South America, is enough to embolden the Ministry to go on with a debt of two hundred millions, already contracted, to borrow twelve or fourteen millions a year, in the beginning of a war with France and Spain, each having a greater navy than they ever had, each discovering a greater fighting spirit than they ever did before, and obliging the English to purchase every advantage at a dear rate. The premiums and bounties, that they are obliged to give to raise men, both for the service by sea and land, and the interest of money they borrow, are greater than were ever given in any former wars, even in the last year of the last war. This cannot always last, nor indeed long. Yet I do not expect to see peace very soon.

Pray write me as often as possible, and send the newspapers to me.

Your friend and servant, JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.

Translation.

Versailles, February 24th, 1780.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which you have done me the honor to write me the 19th of this month. Your full powers, of which you have been pleased to send me a copy, are perfectly conformable to what M. Gerard has written to me about them, and they leave us nothing to wish for, as to the form or matter. I think there will be no inconveniency in informing the public of the principal object of your mission, I mean the future pacification. It will be announced in the Gazette of France, when it will mention your presentation to the King and royal family, and you will be at liberty to give your eventual character a greater publicity, by having it published in the Dutch papers. I could only wish, that you would be so kind as to communicate the article to me before you transmit it. With regard to the full powers, which authorise you to negotiate a treaty of commerce with the Court of London, I think it will be prudent not to communicate them to any body whatever, and to take every necessary precaution, that the British Ministry may not have a premature knowledge of them. You will no doubt easily feel the motives, which induce me to advise you to take this precaution, and it would be needless to explain them.

With regard to your instructions, Sir, I am satisfied that they have for their certain and invariable basis, the treaties subsisting between the King and the United States. M. Gerard has assured the King of it, in the most positive manner, and his Majesty does more justice to the uprightness of Congress, and to the stability of the sentiments which they have hitherto manifested, than to have ever entertained, or to entertain, the least doubt on this subject. This way of thinking will convince you, Sir, that we have no need of seeing your instructions, to appreciate properly the principles and dispositions of Congress towards Great Britain.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

* * * * *

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, February 25th, 1780.

Sir,

I had last evening the honor of your Excellency's letter of yesterday's date, and shall conform myself to your advice.

I shall esteem myself highly honored by a presentation to the King and royal family, and shall wait your Excellency's directions concerning the time of it, and shall not think myself at liberty to make any publication of my powers to treat of peace, until it shall have been announced in the Gazette. After which, I shall transmit to your Excellency any paragraph, which may be thought proper to publish in the gazettes of Holland, and take your advice upon it, before it is sent. My other powers shall be concealed, according to your advice, and I shall have the honor to pay my respects to your Excellency very soon at Versailles.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, February 25th, 1780.

Sir,

Since my letter of the 20th, I have received another letter from his Excellency the Count de Vergennes, dated the 24th of February, which I answered this day. Copies of both letters are enclosed.

I have also the honor to enclose a gazette, and an application from Mr Comyn, of Marseilles, to be a consul for the ports of Provence and Languedoc. I know nothing of this gentleman but what he says of himself.

By the enclosed gazette, as well as by many others, Congress will see of what wonderful efficacy in pulling down tyranny a committee of correspondence is likely to be. Ireland has done great things by means of it, England is attempting great things with it, after the example of the Americans, who invented it, and first taught its use. Yet all does not seem to produce the proper gratitude on the minds of the English towards their benefactors. However, the glory of the invention is as certainly ours, as that of electrical rods, Hadley's quadrant, or inoculation for the smallpox.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, February 27th, 1780.

Sir,

There are so many gentlemen of rank going out to America, that there can be no doubt Congress will be fully informed of the state of public affairs.

Mr Lee, Mr Izard, the Marquis de Lafayette, Mr Wharton, and many others, are going by different vessels. Besides these, Monsieur de l'Etombe, who is appointed Consul General of France for the northern district of America, as M. Holker for the middle, (I have not yet learned who for the southern,) will go soon.

There is an armament preparing with the greatest expedition at Brest, which is to be commanded by M. de Ternay, and to consist of eight or ten ships of the line and frigates, six of the line and several frigates, as it is said, (perhaps it is not yet certain nor determined exactly how many of either,) with several thousand men; all numbers are mentioned from six to ten thousand men, under the General officers de Rochambeau and Jaucourt. Whether this force is destined to the continent or the West Indies, time will discover; at present, it ought not to be known. On the other hand, I see by a paragraph in a London paper of the 16th of this month, that the Thunderer, Torbay, Ramilies, Royal Oak, Triumph, and Egmont, are ordered for the West Indies, under Captain Walsingham; the Southampton, St Albans, and Winchelsea, which were talked of to go with him, are found unfit for service, and in so bad a condition as to be ordered to be paid off. Thus the French are likely to be drawn into the American seas in sufficient force, where they have great advantages in carrying on the war. It is much to be wished, that the Spaniards could be drawn into the same field of battle, for Gibraltar must be taken in America if ever.

There are some persons, however, who think that the English will avenge the French, the Spaniards, and above all the Americans, upon one another, and it is certain that parties in England are working up to a crisis. The petitions of the counties, their numerous committees of correspondence, their hints of associations, have most certainly alarmed the King and his Ministers to so great a degree, that for some time their conduct was equivocal, giving hopes at times to the people, that the Crown would favor the desired reformation in the expenditure of money. But upon the news of Rodney's successes they grew bolder, and determined to exert all the authority of the Crown to suppress the meetings of the people. Accordingly the cry of faction, sedition, and rebellion, was set up in Parliament by the majority, and the King was advised to dismiss those lieutenants of counties, who had favored the meetings of the people, advice which he has certainly taken. This is a decisive measure. It will either discourage and suppress those meetings, petitions, correspondence, and associations altogether, or it will give them greater force.

By a debate in the House of Commons on the 14th of this month, one would think that the nation was nearly on the brink of a civil war. Yet, I confess, I cannot think that there are any characters at present in whom the nation have sufficient confidence, to venture themselves any lengths under their guidance, and I believe that this spirited conduct of the King will defeat the measures of the counties, unless, indeed, in the course of the next campaign, his arms, especially by sea, should meet with any signal defeat, which would perhaps reanimate the people. But supposing the people go on and succeed so far as to effect a change in the Ministry, the question is, whether this would be an advantage to us or our allies? I am myself very far from being convinced that it would.

There are none of the principal leaders of the people, who avow any fixed principle, that we can depend upon. None that avow a design of acknowledging our independence, or even of making peace.

By letters, which I have received from Brussels and Holland, since my arrival, I am told that the late desperate step of the English in seizing the Dutch ships has made a great change in the minds of the people there, and the government too in our favor; even the Prince declares he has been deceived by the English, and that he will promote unlimited convoys; that an American Minister is much wished for, who, although he might not yet be publicly received, would be able to do as much good as if he was; that money might be borrowed there by such a Minister directly sent by Congress, applying directly to solid Dutch houses. I hope every hour to hear of Mr Laurens' arrival.

I have subscribed for the English papers, but have not yet received any, which I am sorry for, because I can get none to enclose. As fast as they come to me I will send them. I have the honor to enclose another _Mercure de France_.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO DR COOPER OF BOSTON.

Paris, February 28th, 1780.

Dear Sir,

This will be delivered to you by the Marquis, your friend. Your grandson is well and very contented. He has seen the world, to be sure, such a part of it, that none of the rest can ever be superlatively disagreeable to him hereafter.[57]

Instead of wishing and hoping for peace, my dear countrymen must qualify themselves for war, and learn the value of liberty by the dearness of its purchase. The foundations of lasting prosperity are laid in great military talents and virtues. Every sigh for peace, until it can be obtained with honor, is unmanly. If our enemies can be obstinate and desperate in a wicked and disgraceful cause, surely we can be determined and persevering in the most just, the most honorable, and the most glorious cause, that was ever undertaken by men.

I am, with great affection, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

FOOTNOTE:

[57] Alluding to the journey through the north of Spain.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, February 29th, 1780.

Sir,

I have this moment received a letter from M. Genet, who is one of the first Secretaries in the office of Foreign Affairs, and who has the care of publishing all things relative to America, and has already translated the constitutions of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and South Carolina, requesting me to assist him in procuring those of Georgia, North Carolina, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts Bay, and New Hampshire.

There is so great a curiosity through all Europe to see our new constitutions, and those already published in the languages of Europe have done us so much honor, that I thought I should be excusable in making a direct request to Congress for their assistance in procuring those, which M. Genet still desires.

Those of Rhode Island and Connecticut, being according to their ancient charters, M. Genet has already; those of Massachusetts and New Hampshire, whenever they shall be formed and established, will be easily obtained. But those of North Carolina and Georgia, I could not obtain when I was at Boston, and these are therefore the ones which M. Genet wants at present, and which I have ventured to beg the aid of Congress to procure.

I have the honor to enclose the gazette of the day, in which Congress will see the news from England and Holland.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, March 3d, 1780.

Sir,

The news of the day is, that Rodney has gone with his whole fleet to the West Indies, that Du Chaffault is to command the French fleet in America, and the Count d'Estaing in the channel; that a large force is to go to America, either to the Islands or to the Continent, both of ships and troops in two divisions; that the last letters from Holland breathe a spirit somewhat warlike, and indeed the English have treated them with so much indignity and contempt as well as injustice, that one would think it was not always to be borne.

It is not agreeable to my principles, nor to my feelings, to injure the character even of an enemy at war; but it is often possible to draw important inferences from the true known character of a commander of the forces of an enemy. It is therefore my duty to mention, that Rodney is reported to be a man of dissipation and prodigality, a great spendthrift, and virulent against us; that he has often declared, that if he had a command in America, his mode to humiliate and subdue us should be, to burn every town and every house, that he could come at upon the seacoast.

That such a plan of military execution will be sooner or later adopted by the Court of London, I have not the least doubt, from their known principles, tempers, characters, and past conduct, provided it should ever be in their power to attempt it in the whole or in part. And if this is the disposition and system of their Admiral Rodney, the appointment of him raises a presumption, that they have given him express orders to this purpose at this time. An uncommon coincidence of favorable circumstances has thrown the whole Caracas fleet into his hands, and given a victory, although pretty dearly paid for, over a much inferior fleet of Spanish men of war. If he is therefore a man of such levity as is represented, and so malicious against us, and has such malignant orders from his Court, and goes to America flushed and giddy with success, we may expect he will do mischief if he can, and we ought to be upon our guard.

My business is peace, but I think of nothing but war. While our enemies think of nothing else, we ought not to think more of peace than to be ready to treat of it, as soon as it shall be put into the hearts of our foes to be willing for it. Americans must be soldiers, they must war by sea and land, they have no other security.

I have the honor to enclose the gazette of the day, and to be with much respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, March 4th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose the _Mercure de France_ of this day, which contains among other interesting intelligence Admiral Rodney's narration, after his good fortune on the 8th of January last in meeting the Spanish Caracas fleet, which sailed from St Sebastian the 1st of January, under convoy of seven armed vessels belonging to the Caracas company. The Guipuscoa, of sixtyfour guns, and five hundred and fifty men; the San Carlos, of thirtytwo guns, and two hundred men; the San Raphael, of thirty guns, and one hundred and fiftyfive men; the Santa Theresa, of twentyeight guns, and one hundred and fifty men; the Corbetta San Firmin, of sixteen guns, and sixty men; these armed vessels were all taken, and the Guipuscoa was christened Prince William, in honor of his royal highness, in whose presence she was taken and given to one of the English captains, as a better ship than his former one, the Bienfaisant.

The merchant vessels under this convoy are the Nostra Senora de l'Ores, the San Francisco, the Conception, the San Nicholas, the Jeronimo, the Divina Providentia, the San Gibilan, the San Pactora, the San Lauren, the Bellona, and the Esperanza, all loaded with flour and corn. The Cervidada de Merica, loaded with provisions for the navy, the Amisted, the San Michael, loaded with anchors and cables, and the Bilboa, loaded with tobacco. Those with provisions for the navy, and that with tobacco, were sent to England under convoy of the America and the Pearl, and those with corn and flour were carried into Gibraltar.

This fleet seems to have been met at sea by the Admiral by perfect accident, of which the English do not appear to have had the least hope, nor the Spaniards the smallest fear. It must therefore be allowed to be one instance of the good fortune of the English Ministry and their Admiral, or rather as it is reported, of the King and his Admiral.

Their good fortune, however, did not end here, for eight days afterwards, on the 16th of January, they fell in with Don Juan de Langura, with eleven vessels of the line, who being so much inferior, could not hope for a victory. He fought the English, however, upon the retreat with so much bravery, skill, and success, that they were able to take only three of his ships. The Phoenix, of eighty guns, and the Princessa, and Diligent, of seventyfour, were taken, and the San Domingo blown up. The S. Genero, the S. Justo, and the Monarcha, having separated before the battle, and the S. Juliano, the S. Eugenio, the S. Augustine, and S. Lorenzo, having since arrived in Cadiz, although in a bad condition.

Thus the English have been permitted, against probabilities and appearances, to throw succor into Gibraltar, and perhaps Mahon, to give a little fresh confidence to the Ministry, and make a few bonfires for the populace, but have added very little to their riches or their power. In the meantime, Rodney must have been retarded by these lucky accidents, in his course to the West Indies, and given opportunity to the Count de Guichen to arrive before him in the West Indies, and prevent the reconquest of the Grenadas, and perhaps do more, but of this Congress will be informed sooner than I.

These successes have not suppressed the independent spirit of Ireland, which is going on in a regular train, deliberating upon bills for the independence of the judges, the habeas corpus, the restriction, of subsidies, and discipline of their troops, and they seem determined to throw off all the authority of the British Parliament; nor that of the Committees of Correspondence and petitioners in the counties of England, which threaten associations, and, as the Ministry themselves say, sedition, faction, tumults, and rebellion; nor provided a fleet for the British channel for the ensuing summer, nor assuaged the serious resentment of Holland, for the piracies committed in violation of the faith of treaties, as well as the laws of nature and nations, upon their commerce. As it is most interesting to us to know the forces to be employed in America, by which word I comprehend the West India Islands, as well as the coasts of the Continent, all these being connected together in such a manner as to make but one whole, I beg leave to lay before Congress in one view, the French force that is intended to be in that service.

There are actually at Cape François, the Touant of eightyfour guns, the Robuste, and the Fendant, of seventyfour, the Sphinx of sixtyfour, and the Amphion of fifty, in all five. At Martinique, the Admirable, the Magnifique, the Dauphin Royal, and the Diadème, of seventyfour; the Réfléchi, the Vengeur, the Artisane, of sixtyfour, and the Fiers of fifty. In all eight, making in the whole thirteen ships of the line, reckoning as such two fiftys. If the Count de Guichen should happily arrive, he has seventeen, which will amount to the number of thirty, besides frigates. Six others are preparing at Brest with all possible expedition, under the command of M. de Ternay. The Duc de Burgone of eighty guns, the Neptune of seventyfour, M. Destouches; the Magnanime of seventyfour, M. de Vaudreuil; the Eveille of sixtyfour, M. de Trobuiand; the Jason of sixtyfour, M. de Marigny. With this fleet the troops are to be embarked, and there are many conjectures, that it is intended for North America. The Languedoc, the Cæsar, the Provence, and the Fantasque, of the fleet of the Count d'Estaing, are careened and refitted, and the Royal Louis of one hundred and ten guns, the Northumberland, and the Astrea are to be launched immediately.

In the course of my peregrinations, at Brest, L'Orient, and Ferrol, I have had an opportunity to see most of these ships, and to be on board many of them, and one would think there was force enough to protect us, and quiet our fears, but the battle is not always to the strong, and we must wait patiently for time to decide events.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO SAMUEL ADAMS.

Paris, March 4th, 1780.

Dear Sir,

This will be delivered to you by Mr Izard, who goes out in the Alliance with Mr Lee, Mr Wharton, Mr Brown, and others. He will wait on you of course, and will be able to give you good information concerning the intentions of the English, and their military preparations by sea and land, and those of the French and Spaniards, at the same time. He will also give his opinion very freely concerning American and other characters here, as well as measures.

In many things his opinions may be just, but in some and those not a few, I am sure they are wrong. The great principle, in which I have differed from him, is this, in the mode of treating with this Court. He has been always of opinion, that it was good policy and necessary to hold a high language to this Court; to represent to them the danger of our being subdued, if they did not do this and the other thing for us, in order to obtain money and other aids from them. He is confident they would not have dared to refuse anything.

Although no man in America, or in the world, was earlier convinced than I was, that it was the interest of France and Spain to support the independence of America, and that they would support it, and that no man is more sensible than I am of the necessity they are under to support us, yet I am not, nor ever was, of opinion, that we could with truth or with good policy assume the style of menace, and threaten them with returning again to Great Britain, and joining against France and Spain, even telling them that we should be subdued, because I never believed this myself, and the Court here would not have believed it from us. The Court have many difficulties to manage, as well as we, and it is delicate and hazardous to push things in this country. Things are not to be negotiated here as they are with the people of America, even with the tories in America, or as with the people of England. There is a frankness, however, that ought to be used with the Ministry, and a candor with which the truth may be and has been communicated, but there is a harshness, that would not fail to ruin, in my opinion, the fairest negotiation in this country.

We are anxious to hear from you, having nothing since the beginning of December, and very little since we left you.

Your friend and servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, March 8th, 1780.

Sir,

Yesterday I went to Court, in company with the American Minister Plenipotentiary, and had the honor to be presented to the King, by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, after which, I had the honor to go round with all the foreign Ambassadors, and make a visit to the Queen, the King's brothers, sister, aunts, and daughters, which are all the branches of the royal family, and to be presented to each of them in turn, and after them to the Count de Maurepas.

After these ceremonies were over, we were all invited to dine with the Count de Vergennes.

As ceremonies of this kind are so much attended to in this and all other countries of Europe, and have often such important effects, it is proper that Congress should have information of them.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, March 8th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose to Congress the gazettes of France, of the Hague, and Amsterdam, of the 1st, 3d, and 4th of this month. They contain all the news, which makes the subject of conversation at this time, except that M. du Chaffault is to command in the West Indies, and the Count d'Estaing in the Channel, which, although it is not announced by the Court, seems to be very generally believed in the world.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, March 10th, 1780.

Sir,

Enclosed are the _Courrier de l'Europe_, of the 3d, and the _Gazette de France_ of this day. The House of Lords and the House of Commons are voting thanks to Admiral Rodney for his good fortune, for they all seem to confess, that his brilliant successes were not owing to more skill, valor, or vigilance than others have shown, but merely to his good luck, which, by a report that spreads and gains credit today, did not end with his advantage over Langara, and his safe departure from Gibraltar. It is said that two French ships of the line and several frigates with transports, bound to the Isle of France, in the East Indies, have been doomed to fall in his way, and be taken.

Whether this is true or not, he has done enough it seems to be in a fair way of paying his creditors some part of their demands for money, which he has gambled away, and which they had despaired of ever receiving. This run of good luck, however, could never have happened to the gambler, if the game had been played otherwise by the opposite party; if France and Spain, instead of keeping immense fleets in Europe with nothing to do, or employed in blocking up Gibraltar, which is a trifle, if taken in comparison of other objects in view, had but employed but a fourth part of them in the American seas, where they had, and still have, the enemies in their power, Rodney's creditors had still been in despair, together with the British government and nation.

I would not desire a better proof, that the English are in the power of their enemies in the American world, than the list of the prizes printed in the _Courrier de l'Europe_, as condemned by N. Cushing, Judge of Admiralty for the middle district of Massachusetts Bay. I am very glad to see this method taken of publishing to the world the success of our privateers, because it will in time show our allies where our strength lies, and the weakness of our enemies.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, March 12th, 1780.

Sir,

It is an observation made some years ago by a great writer of this nation, de Mably, that the project of being sole master of the sea, and of commanding all the commerce, is not less chimerical nor less ruinous, than that of universal monarchy on land, and it is to be wished, for the happiness of Europe, that the English may be convinced of this truth, before they shall learn it by their own experience. France has already repeated several times, that it was necessary to establish an equilibrium, a balance of power at sea, and she has not yet convinced anybody, because she is the dominant power, and because they suspect her to desire the abasement of the English, only that she may domineer the more surely on the Continent. But if England abuses her power, and would exercise a kind of tyranny over commerce, presently all the States that have vessels and sailors, astonished that they had not before believed France, will join themselves to her in avenging her injuries.

The present conjuncture of affairs resembles so exactly the case here put, that it seems to be a literal fulfilment of a prophecy.

A domination upon the sea is so much the more dangerous to other maritime powers and commercial nations, as it is more difficult to form alliances and combine forces at sea than at land. For which reason it is essential, that the sovereign of every commercial State should make his nation's flag respected in all the seas, and by all the nations of the world. The English have ever acted upon this principle, in supporting the honor of their own flag, but of late years have grown less and less attentive to it, as it respects the honor of other flags. Not content with making their flag respectable, they have grown more and more ambitious of making it terrible. Unwilling to do as they would be done by, and to treat other commercial nations as they have insisted upon being treated by them, they have grown continually more and more haughty, turbulent, and insolent upon the seas, and are now never satisfied until they have made all other nations see, that they despise them upon that element. It is said by the Baron de Bielfield, that piracies and robberies at sea are so odious, so atrocious, and so destructive to the interest of all the European nations, that everything is permitted to repress them. Providence has not granted to any people an exclusive empire upon the seas. To aim at setting up a master there, to prescribe laws to other free nations, is an outrage to all Europe.

I have quoted these authorities, because they contain the true principle, upon which as I have ever conceived, the English began this war, and upon which they will assuredly continue it, as long as they can get men and money, which will be as long as they have success. They contain also the true principles of France, Spain, and Holland, and all the powers of Europe. The outrages committed upon the Dutch commerce, and the insults offered to their flag, ought to be, and are, alarming to all the maritime powers. The late successes of the English will have no tendency to allay the fears of these powers; on the contrary they will increase the alarm, by showing the precarious situation they will all be in if England should finally succeed, which some of them may perhaps apprehend from the late brilliant fortune of Admiral Rodney.

One cannot but be struck with the rapid series of fortunate incidents for the English, which have been published here in about the course of three months, that I have been in Europe. The little affair of Omoa began it, the repulse at Savannah succeeded, with all its consequences, the Curraçoa fleet was next, Langara's fleet soon followed; Gibraltar was relieved; Don Gaston's squadron was dispersed by a storm; and Admiral Rodney had opportunity to get safe out of Gibraltar. The French East India fleet brings up the rear. There is hardly in history such a series of events, that no human wisdom could provide against or foresee. Yet after all, the advantages gained are by no means decisive, although no doubt it will raise the ambition of the English, and in some degree damp the ardor of their enemies.

It must not have this effect however upon America. Let the maritime powers fare as they will, we must be free, and I trust in God we shall be so, whatever be their fate. The events of war are uncertain at sea, more than even by land; but America has resources for the final defence of her liberty, which Britain will never be able to exhaust, though she should exhaust France and Spain, and it may not impossibly be our hard fate, but it will be our unfading glory finally to turn the scale of the war, to humble the pride, which is so terrible to the commercial nations of Europe, and to produce a balance of power on the seas. To this end Americans must be soldiers and seamen.

It is proper, however, to keep constantly in sight, the power against which we have to contend; the English have in all the ports of England, in a condition for actual service, or at least given out and reported to be so, twenty ships of the line. In the course of the spring and the month of June, eight others which are now repairing, and three new ones in the course of the year. The whole squadron for the Channel will be thirtyone. The squadron of Arbuthnot, at New York, consists of five. That of Jarvis at the Western Islands is two, including the Dublin, which was detached from Admiral Rodney, and is now in bad condition at Lisbon. One only at Jamaica, for the Lion is too far ruined to be counted. The fleet at the other islands, joined by the Hector, detached from Rodney, the Triumph and the Intrepid, lately sailed from England, are nineteen, seven of which at least are in too bad a condition for actual service. That of India, including two which serve for convoys, consists of ten, two of which however are returning to be repaired or condemned; the Lenox is a guard ship in Ireland.

Rodney entered Gibraltar with four Spanish ships of the line, the Phoenix of eighty guns, the Monarca, the Princessa, and the Diligente of seventy, besides the Guipuscoa, now the Prince William, of sixtyfive, which he took with the convoy on the 8th of January. He entered, also, with the Shrewsbury of seventyfour, which joined him from Lisbon. His squadron must therefore have consisted of twentyfour ships of the line. If he left the Panther and another at Gibraltar, he must have gone out with twentytwo.

Whether he has gone with the whole fleet to the West Indies, or whether with part of it, and what part, is yet undetermined by the public.

France and Spain, however, have a vast superiority still remaining, which, if it should be ably managed, will easily humble the English; but if it should be unwisely managed, or continue to be as unfortunate as it has been from the moment of the Count d'Estaing's sailing from Toulon, it will even in this case last long enough to consume and exhaust their enemies.

I have the honor to enclose the _Mercure de France_, of the 11th of March, the Hague Gazette of the 6th, and 8th, the Amsterdam Gazette of the 7th, and the Leyden of the 7th.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO EDMUND JENNINGS.[58]

FOOTNOTE:

[58] Mr Jennings was an American, and although he resided in London during the war, he was a warm friend to the cause of his country.

Paris, March 12th, 1780.

Dear Sir,

I have to acknowledge the receipt of three excellent letters, one of the 1st, the others of the 5th and 8th of March. I thank you for the copy of your letter to the pensioner, and for your dialogue between York and Chatham.

It is undoubtedly the duty of every commercial nation, to make their flag respected in all the seas, and by all the nations, not by insulting and injuring all others, like Great Britain, but by doing justice to all others, and by insisting upon justice from them. But how is Holland to obtain justice from the English, who take a manifest pleasure and pride in showing her and all Europe, that they despise her? Holland seems to be as corrupted and unprincipled as Great Britain, but there is one great difference between them. Great Britain has a terrible naval force, Holland has next to none. Great Britain has courage and confidence in her power, Holland has none. I do not mean that the Dutch are destitute of personal courage, but national courage is a very different thing.

The curious doctrine of a constitutional impossibility of acknowledging our independence is well exposed in your dialogue. I suppose the idea was taken from Lord Chatham's dying speech, when he conjured up the ghost of the Princess Sophia of Hanover, to whose posterity, being Protestants, the act of settlement had consecrated the succession of the crown and its authority over all parts of the dominions. This was a masterly stroke of oratory, to be sure, and shows, that my Lord Chatham in his last moments had not lost the knowledge of the prejudices in the character of the English nation, nor the arts of popularity. But a more manifest address to the passions and prejudices of the populace, without the least attention to the justice or policy of the principle, never fell from a popular orator, ancient or modern. Could my Lord Chatham contend, that the heirs of the Princess Sophia of Hanover, provided they should be Protestants, had the throne and its prerogatives entailed upon them, to everlasting ages, over all parts of the British dominions, let them do what they would? Govern without Parliament, by laws without law, dismiss judges without fault, suspend laws, in short do everything that the Stewarts did, and ten times more, yet so long as they were Protestants, could there be no resistance to their will, and no forfeiture of their right to govern? I said this was a figure of rhetoric, employed by his Lordship _ad captandum vulgus_. I believe so still, but I believe he meant it also _ad captandum regem_, and that he thought, by throwing out this idea, that he was not for acknowledging our independence, the King, who at that time was distressed for a Minister able in conducting a war, would call him into the Ministry. I ever lamented this black spot in a very bright character. I do not remember anything in his Lordship's conduct, which seemed to me so suspicious to have proceeded from a perverted heart as this flight. Allowance, however, ought to be made; perhaps he was misunderstood, and would have explained himself fairly if he had lived.

I have not seen the pamphlet entitled _Facts_, nor that by Lloyd, nor the _Examen_. I should be glad to see all of them. I find a difficulty in getting pamphlets from England, but I shall have a channel to obtain them by and by. I went to Mr Grant's as soon as I received yours of the 8th. Mr Grant the father was out, and no other in the house knew anything of your letter, or maps, or other things. I will speak to the father the first opportunity. Mr Lee is gone to L'Orient.

What think you of luck? Had any gambler ever so much as Rodney. One of our tories in Boston, or half way whigs, told me once, God loves that little island of Old England, and the people that live upon it. I suppose he would say now, God loves Rodney. I do not draw the same conclusion from the successes, that the island or the hero have had. Who can be persuaded to believe, that he loves so degenerate and profligate a race? I think it more probable, that heaven has permitted this series of good fortune to attend the wicked, that the righteous Americans may reflect in time, and place their confidence in their own patience, fortitude, perseverance, political wisdom, and military talents, under the protection and blessing of his providence.

There are those who believe, that if France and Spain had not interposed, America would have been crushed. There are in other parts of Europe, I am told, a greater number who believe, that if it had not been for the interposition of France and Spain, American independence would have been acknowledged by Great Britain a year or two ago. I believe neither the one nor the other. I know the deep roots of American independence on one side of the water, and I know the deep roots of the aversion to it on the other. If it was rational to suppose, that the English should succeed in their design, and endeavor to destroy the fleets and naval power of France and Spain, which they are determined to do if they can, what would be the consequence? There are long lists of French and Spanish ships of the line yet to be destroyed, which would cost the English several campaigns and a long roll of millions, and after this they may send sixty thousand men to America, if they can get them, and what then? Why, the glory of baffling, exhausting, beating, and taking them, will finally be that of the American yeomanry, whose numbers have increased every year since this war began, as I learnt with certainty in my late visit home, and will increase every year, in spite of all the art, malice, skill, valor, and activity of the English and all their allies. I hope, however, that the capricious goddess will bestow some of her favors upon France and Spain, and a very few of them would do the work. If Rodney's fortune should convince Spain, that she is attacking the bull by the horns, and France and Spain, that the true system for conducting this war, is by keeping just force enough in the Channel to protect their coasts and their trade, and by sending all the rest of their ships into the American seas, it will be the best fortune for the allies they ever had.

I long to learn Mr Jay's success at Madrid, and Mr Laurens' arrival in Holland, where I will go to see him some time in the summer or autumn.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, March 14th, 1780.

Sir,

By a letter from London of the 3d of this month, received since my former of this day's date, I learn that the friends of the Ministry were in hopes every hour to hear that Clinton, who embarked seven thousand effective men, (though they are said to be ten) in the latter end of December, is in possession of Charleston. The detachment consisted of the light infantry and grenadiers of the seventh, twentythird, thirtythird, fortysecond, sixtythird, and sixtyfourth British regiments, a legion of horse, yagers, four battalions of Hessian grenadiers; the New York volunteers, Ferguson's corps; one Hessian regiment, and a detachment of the seventyfirst British regiment. Many are of opinion that a part of this army was intended for the Windward Islands, and that they embarked and sailed the 26th of December, and was much hurt by a storm after sailing. Two thousand, under Lord Cornwallis, were said to be intended for the Chesapeake, to burn two or three men of war in James river, and to serve as a division to the other five, going against Charleston.

The friends of the Administration are not in spirits about the picture of affairs in America and the West Indies. They fear the French will have a superiority there, from whence some late accounts are arrived of vast sickness and disorder on board the English ships. The naval war will, to appearance, be removed for the next summer to that quarter. Rodney was to sail with four ships only to the West Indies; and Walsingham will not take more than that number as a convoy to about one hundred West Indiamen, which were to sail about the 20th of this month, and more ships of war would probably conduct this fleet off the land, and it was probable in the New York and Quebec trade about fifty vessels more would sail about the same time. That there was no talk of any troops or ships going to New York or Quebec. That there was a rumor that Wallace would have a small squadron, and carry four or five thousand men out, but this was not believed. That the Ministry had been hard pressed in several parliamentary questions lately; that their party was losing ground daily; that the county petitions for reformation were a heavy weight upon them; that it was likely there would be serious disturbances, if reforms do not take place; that the committees for each county have already appointed three deputies to meet and act for the whole, which is the beginning of a Congress, and will probably be soon called by that name; that it was hard to determine whether these movements at home, or the proceedings in Ireland, chagrin the Ministry most; that the sovereignty of England over Ireland will not be of many month's duration; that the armed associations in the latter amount to sixtyfour thousand men, who seem determined to free themselves from every restriction that has been laid on them; that their Parliament is about putting an end to all appeals to England; to render the judges independent of the crown, they at present holding their offices _durante bene placito_, and not _quamdiu se bene gesserunt_, as in England; to have a habeas corpus act; to repeal Poyning's law, which enacts that all bills shall originate in the council and not in the commons; to confine the new supplies to the appointment of new duties only; to give bounties on their own manufactures, and to have a mutiny bill, which last goes immediately to the grand point of jurisdiction.

That, however, notwithstanding all the present appearances against Great Britain, and the certainty of America's succeeding to her wish, there are not among even those, who are called patriots in Parliament, many who possess directly a wish for American independence; that Lords Camden, Effingham, Coventry, and the Bishop of St Asaph are clearly and distinctly for it; Sir G. Saville, and but a few others in the House of Commons; that the rest of the patriots are for sovereignty; America to give up the French alliance, make up a federal alliance with England, by which no doubt they mean an alliance offensive and defensive, &c.

It is surely unnecessary for me to make any observations upon the absurdity of these provisos, so injurious to the honor of our country, and so destructive of her most essential rights and interests. By a letter of the 7th, a vessel with two hundred Hessians or Yagers on board has arrived at St Ives, in Cornwall. She sailed with the expedition from New York, the 26th of December, and a few days after received much damage in a storm, which it is thought separated and dispersed the fleet. This gives us great spirits and sanguine hopes for Charleston. I have the honor to enclose several newspapers, and, with much respect, to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, March, 14th, 1780.

Sir,

I have taken some pains to inform myself what number of regular troops the enemy have in the three kingdoms, because we may form some judgment from this, whether they will be able to send any, and what reinforcements to North America or the West Indies. I am assured, that they have not more than four thousand regular troops in Ireland, and these chiefly horse. It is not to be expected then, I think, that they can spare any of these. There is too much danger even of popular commotions in England, Scotland, and Ireland, to spare many of these, if they were perfectly safe, or thought themselves so from French and Spanish invasions. I have, however, written to obtain more exact and authentic information, which I will not fail to transmit as early as possible.

I have received an account at length, both by the Gazette Extraordinary, and by letter from London, that Admiral Digby is returned with the fleet and Spanish prizes from Gibraltar, and brought in with him the Protée, a French sixtyfour gun ship, and three small store ships, part of a fleet bound from L'Orient to the East Indies. The sixtyfour gun ship had about sixtythree thousand pounds in cash on board. This fleet was unlucky enough to fall in with Digby on the 23d of February. Rodney sailed from Gibraltar on the 14th, and parted with Digby on the 18th, taking only four ships of the line with him to the West Indies. A like number will probably go under Walsingham about the 20th or 25th of this month, with the fleet to the West Indies. It is said in letters from London, that by every appearance, there are no more troops going to North America, and that it looks as if the Ministry mean not to continue the American war, but to let it dwindle and die away. If this should be the case, it is to be hoped that the Americans and their allies will not let it dwindle, but put it to death at a blow.

The Marquis de Lafayette, and his brother the Viscount de Noailles, a young noble officer, who is worthy of his family, and of the relation he bears to the Marquis, who I hope will be the bearer of this letter, will be able to say more upon this head. At present the King and his General are the only persons, who ought to know the secret.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO JAMES LOVELL.

Paris, March 16th, 1780.

Dear Sir,

I have received, since my arrival here, your favor of the 16th of November, 1779. I shall take proper notice of your remarks upon the 13th and 19th articles of the treaty. They are both of them of importance, and, as to the last, I wish for an instruction upon it, because there is no doubt to be made, that whenever a serious negotiation shall be commenced, great pains will be taken for the banished, although little attention is paid to them now. I learned yesterday, that they have received no payment of their pensions these eighteen months. The delay is colored with a pretence of waiting for some funds for Quebec, which have been stopped by the interruption of that trade. They are still bitter, as I am told, and are firmly persuaded, that America cannot hold out six months longer.

You assure me, that I shall not be without the orders and credit, which I mentioned in a letter of mine. I thank you for this assurance, which is conceived in such strong terms, that one would think you did not expect any opposition to it; at least, an effectual opposition. I wish there may not be, but I am not without conjectures, I will not call them suspicions, upon this head. Denying them, however, would be virtually recalling me and Mr Dana, and in a manner the most humiliating and disgraceful. Indeed, I do not know how we should get away from our creditors. You know what sort of minds cannot bear a brother near the throne; and so fair, so just, so economical a method, would not escape minds of so much penetration, as a refusal to lend money without orders. I am not sure, however, that the measure would be hazarded in the present circumstances, by persons by whom I have been treated politely enough since my return.

I should be glad to know what the Board of Treasury have done with my accounts; whether they have passed upon them; or whether there are any objections to them, and what they are. I do not know but I was indiscreet in sending all my original vouchers, because, if any of them should be lost, I might be puzzled to explain some things. However, I know by a letter from Mr Gerry, that they were received, and I presume they will be preserved.

I wish to know your private opinion, whether Congress will continue Mr Dana and me here, at so much expense, with so little prospect of having anything to do for a long time; an uncertain time, however; or, whether they will revoke our powers, and recall us; or what they will do with us. A situation so idle and inactive is not agreeable to my genius; yet I can submit to it as well as any man, if it be thought necessary for the public good. I will do all the service I can, by transmitting intelligence, and in every other way.

You must have observed, that in all my public letters, and, indeed, in a great measure in my private ones, I have cautiously avoided giving accounts of the state of our affairs in France. I had many reasons for this caution. In general, I was sure it would do no good, and I doubted the propriety of stating facts, and remarking upon characters, without giving notice of it to the persons concerned, and transmitting the evidence. There is no end of conceiving jealousies; but, I am sure, that officers of government, especially foreign Ministers, ought not to attack and accuse one another upon jealousies, nor without full proof; nor then, without notifying the party to answer for himself.

Thus much let me say, however, that the present plan of having a distinct Minister in Spain, another in Holland, and another to treat with Great Britain, and having Secretaries independent of Ministers, is a good one. I pray you to stand by it with the utmost firmness, if it should be attacked or undermined. If you revoke the powers of a separate Minister to treat with the King of Great Britain, you ought to revoke the former powers of treating with all the Courts of Europe, which were given to the Commissioners at Passy; for, under these, authority will be claimed of treating with the English, if my powers are revoked. The powers of treating with all other Courts ought to be separated from the mission.

Your friend, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, March 18th, 1780.

Sir,

We have this moment the news of the arrival of the convoy from St Domingo, with sixty sail of merchant vessels, which is a great event for this country.

It is also reported, that ten sail of Spanish ships of the line, with ten battalions of land forces have sailed, and their destination is supposed to be North America.

The armament preparing at Brest, is thus described in one of the public papers. The Count du Chaffault de Besné, Lieutenant General of the naval forces in France, has taken leave of the King, being presented to his Majesty by M. de Sartine. The report runs, that orders have been sent on the 29th of February, for the officers who are at Paris to join their regiments upon the coasts by the 15th of March, and that eight regiments are to embark under the Count de Rochambeau. These regiments are that of _Anhalt_, whereof the Marquis de Bergen is Colonel in second; _Auvergne_, Colonel Commandant, the Viscount de Lavel; _Bourbonnois_, Colonel Commandant, the Marquis de Laval, and in second, the Viscount de Rochambeau; _Neustrie_, Colonel Commandant, the Count de Guibert, and in second, the Viscount le Veneur; _Romergne_, Colonel Commandant, the Viscount de Custine, and in second, the Marquis du Ludec; _Royal Corse_, Colonel Commandant, the Marquis du Luc, and in second, the Count of Pontevez; _Royal Deux Ponts_, Colonel Commandant, the Count aux Ponts; _Saintongé_, Colonel Commandant, the Viscount de Beranger, and in second, the Marquis de Themines. It is asserted, that there will be added a detachment of artillery, and that the Baron de Viomenil, the Count de Chastellux, and the Count de Witgenstein will embark with these troops, and that the Duc de Lazun will have the command of a body of twelve hundred volunteers, and be joined to the armament under the Count de Rochambeau. All these troops, as it is believed, will embark at Brest, and go out under the convoy of the Count du Chaffault de Besné.

They add, that he will have more than thirtyseven ships of the line under his command, destined for an expedition, whereof the genuine object is yet unknown. Many other regiments have also orders to march down nearer to those upon the seacoast, and there are many vessels taken upon freight for the service of the King, in the different ports of the kingdom. The freight at Havre is thirty livres a ton, on condition that the owner furnish his vessel for twelve months. They say the Prince de Condé will go and command upon the coast of Brittany with the Count de Vaux.

By a letter I just now received from Holland, I am told that the grand business is done between the northern powers on a footing very convenient for Holland, as it must compel the English to cease interrupting the trade of the neutral powers. This would be more beneficial to France and Spain than to Holland, by facilitating the acquisition of ship timber, hemp, and all other things for the supply of their arsenals of the marine. A principal branch of the British policy has ever been, to prevent the growth of the navies of their enemies, by intercepting their supplies.

What gives further countenance to this letter, and the reports to the same purpose, which have been sometime circulated, is an article in the _Mercure de France_, enclosed. They talk of an alliance between Sweden, Denmark, Russia, Prussia, and the United Province, for maintaining the honor of the flags of these powers. Congress will see also another paragraph from London, which favors this idea. That the Baron de Nolker, Envoy Extraordinary from Sweden, had declared that if the convoy of his nation was not released forthwith, with an indemnification for expenses and losses, he had orders to quit the Court of London in twenty four hours.

Some other paragraphs seem to show the Dutch in earnest about equipping a respectable naval force of fiftytwo vessels.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, March 19th, 1780.

Sir,

Enclosed is a paper of the 10th of March, which was accidentally omitted to be enclosed in the season of it.

There are two articles of intelligence, which ought not to escape our observation, because they have relation to the armament equipping at Brest, although I do not suppose them of much consequence. The first is of a small squadron of frigates, which is said to have sailed from Portsmouth on the 28th of February, in consequence of orders sent from the Admiralty on the 22d, under the command of Captain Marshall, who is on board the Emerald, of thirtytwo guns. The others are the Hussar of thirtytwo, the Surprise of twentyeight, the Squirrel, and Heart of Oak of twenty; the sloops, the Beaver's prize of fourteen, the Wolf, and the Wasp of eight, with the cutters, the Nimble and the Griffin. It is thought, that this little squadron is gone to make a cruise on the coast of France, to hinder the transports assembled in different ports from going out, or even to destroy them, if that shall be found to be possible. There is not, however, much to be dreaded from this squadron so near the neighborhood of Brest.

The other paragraph discovers the marks of more ingenuity and less truth. It is taken from the English papers, that Captain Jarvis, in the Foudroyant of eighty guns, who has been out upon a cruise, with a small division in the mouth of the Channel, has returned to Plymouth and gone to Court, to be himself the bearer to Government of despatches of great importance, from the Court of France to Congress, found on board a sloop, which on her passage to Philadelphia fell into his hands. It is asserted, that these despatches contain an ample detail of the operations concerted between the Court of Versailles and Dr Franklin, among which the most probable is, the project of attacking Halifax, which is to be made by a body of troops from New England, and by a detachment of French troops very considerable by sea and land.

This moment a letter from London of the 10th of March informs me, that a packet boat is arrived from Jamaica, which sailed the 29th of January, with accounts, that Fort Omoa is again in possession of Spain. That an English man-of-war has taken a Spanish ship-of-war, bound to South America with stores. She was pierced for sixtyfour, but earned only fiftytwo guns. The Jamaica fleet sailed on the 24th of January, convoyed slightly, with two fiftys and two frigates, about forty merchantmen in all. Nothing yet from America, but it is generally believed, that a storm has separated and dispersed Clinton's fleet, intended for the Southern expedition.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, March 20th, 1780.

Sir,

I have at length received a parcel of English papers, which I have the honor to enclose with this to Congress. They are the General Advertiser, and the Morning Post, both of which I shall for the future be able to transmit regularly every week. Congress will see that these papers are of opposite parties, one being manifestly devoted to the Court and the Ministry, and the majority, the other to the opposition, the committees, the associations, and petitions; between both I hope Congress will be informed of the true facts.

There is the appearance of a piquancy and keenness in the temper of the opposite parties, by their writings and paragraphs in these papers, that looks like the commencement of a serious quarrel.

By the violence of the manner in which such characters as Keppel, Howe, Burgoyne, Richmond, Shelburne, Rockingham, &c. are treated, it should seem, that the Ministry were exasperated to a greater degree of rancor than ever, and that they were thoroughly alarmed and determined to throw the last die. Time and the events of war will decide what will be the consequences of these heated passions.

By a conversation this morning with the Viscount de Noailles, I am led to fear, that the fleet from Brest will not be able to put to sea before the 10th of April. This will be about the time the Marquis de Lafayette will arrive in America. He sailed from Rochelle the 13th of this month.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, March 21st, 1780.

Sir,

In the letter, which you did me the honor to write me on the 24th of February, your Excellency proposed, that the principal object of my mission should be inserted in the Gazette of France, when it should make mention of my presentation to the King and all the royal family.

In the answer to this letter, which I had the honor to write on the 25th of February, I informed your Excellency, that I should not think myself at liberty to make any publication of my powers to treat of peace, until they should have been announced in the Gazette. It was on the 7th of March, that I had the honor to be presented to the King and Royal Family, but no notice has been taken of it in the Gazette of France. Whether the omission is accidental, or whether it is owing to any alteration in your Excellency's sentiments, I am not able to determine.

Your Excellency will excuse the trouble I give you on this occasion, as it arises wholly from a desire to be able at all times, to render an account to my sovereign of the motives and reasons of my own conduct.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO WILLIAM LEE.

Paris, March 21st, 1780.

Dear Sir,

I have just received your favor from Brussels of the 17th of this month, and I thank you for this instance of your attention to me.

Considering the state of Ireland, and the spirit that seems to be rising in England, which has already attained such a height, as to baffle the Minister, and the East India Company, and to carry many votes in the House of Commons, almost to a balance with him, and even some against him, I should not be at all surprised, if terms, such as you mention, should be offered to America; nor should I be surprised if another rumor, which was propagated at the Palais Royal this day, should prove true, that a great change is made or to be made in the Ministry, and that the Lords Shelburne and Rockingham, Burke, &c. are in. Yet I have no proper accounts of either.

Whatever may be my powers or instructions, or whether I have any or not, I am very much obliged to you for your sentiments on such a proposition as a truce for America, supposing it should be made. Your arguments are of great weight, and will undoubtedly be attended to by every one, whoever he may be, who shall be called to give an opinion upon such a great question. You will not expect me at present to give, if it is proper for me even to form, any decided opinion upon it. Yet thus much I may venture to say, that having had so long an experience of the policy of our enemies, I am persuaded, from the whole of it, if they propose a truce, it will not be with an expectation or desire, that America should accept it, but merely to try one experiment more to deceive, divide, and seduce, in order to govern.

You observe, that the heads of some well intentioned, though visionary Americans, run much upon a truce. I have seen and heard enough to be long since convinced, that the Americans in Europe are by no means an adequate representation of those on the other side of the water. They neither feel, nor reason like them in general. I should, therefore, upon all occasions hear their arguments with attention, weigh them with care, but be sure never to follow them, when I knew them to differ from the body of their countrymen at home.

You say the Dutch are disturbed. Do you wonder at it? They have been kicked by the English, as no reasonable man would kick a dog. They have been whipped by them, as no sober postillion would whip a hackney coach horse. Can they submit to all this, upon any principle, which would not oblige them to submit, if the English were to bombard Amsterdam, or cut away their dikes?

I wish I knew the name of the principal confident and director of the Prince, whom you mention.

I am very anxious to hear of the arrival of Mr Laurens, but suspect you will learn it first. Mr Dana returns his respects to you.

I thank you, Sir, for your offers of service; nothing can oblige me more than to communicate to me any intelligence of the designs of our enemies, in politics or war, and their real and pretended forces by sea and land. Pray what is the foundation of the story of a quintuple alliance between Holland, Sweden, Russia, Prussia, and Denmark?

I am, Sir, with great esteem, your humble servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, March 23d, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose the English papers of the 11th, 13th, and 14th of March, the _Courrier de l'Europe_, and the Hague, Leyden, and Amsterdam Gazettes. We are in hourly expectation of great news from Holland, Ireland, England, Spain, and above all from America, and the West Indies. I have not had a letter from America since I left it, except one from my family of the 10th of December, and, indeed, although several vessels have arrived, I can hear of no letters or news.

By the English papers Congress will perceive the violent fermentation in England, which has arisen to such a height as to produce a Congress in fact, and it will soon be so in name. The proceedings in the House of Commons on the 14th, which were terminated by a resolution of the committee of the whole house, to abolish the Board of Trade and Plantations, carried against the Ministry after a very long and warm debate, by a majority of eight voices, is not only the most extraordinary vote, which has passed in the present reign, but it tends to very extensive consequences.

I believe it is very true, that this Board has been the true cause of the quarrel of Great Britain against the Colonies, and therefore may be considered as an object of national resentment, but a resentment of this kind alone would not probably have produced this effect.

Whether it is the near approach of an election, that has intimidated the members of the House of Commons, or whether committees, petitions, associations, and Congress have alarmed them, or whether the nation is convinced, that America is indeed lost forever, and consequently the Board of Trade would be useless, I do not know. Be this as it may, the English nation, and even the Irish and Scotch nations, and all parts of the world will draw this inference from it, that even in the opinion of the House of Commons America is lost. The free and virtuous citizens of America, and even the slavish and vicious, if there are any still remaining of this character, under the denomination of tories, must be convinced by this vote, passed in the hey-day of their joy for the successes of Admiral Rodney's fleet, that the House of Commons despaired of ever regaining America. The nations subject to the House of Bourbon cannot fail to put the same interpretation upon this transaction.

Holland and all the northern powers, with the Empress of Russia at their head, who are all greatly irritated against England for their late violences against the innocent commerce of neutral powers, will draw the same consequences. The politicians of Great Britain are too enlightened in the history of nations, and the rise and progress of causes and effects in the political world, not to see, that all these bodies of people will, in consequence of this vote, consider the Colonies given up as lost by the House of Commons, and they are too well instructed, not to know the important consequences that follow, from having such points as those thus settled among the nations. I cannot, therefore, but consider this vote, and the other respecting the Secretary of State for the American Department, which arose almost to a balance, as a decided declaration of the sense of the nation. The first consequence of it probably will be one further attempt, by offering some specious terms, which they know we cannot in justice, in honor, in conscience, accept, to deceive, seduce, and divide America, throw all into confusion there, and by this means gaining an opportunity to govern. There is nothing more astonishing than the inconsistencies of the patriots in England. Those, who are most violent against the Ministry, are not for making peace with France and Spain, but they would wish to allure America into a separate peace, and persuade her to join them against the House of Bourbon. One would think it impossible, that one man of sense in the world could seriously believe, that we could thus basely violate our truth, thus unreasonably quarrel with our best friends, thus madly attach ourselves to our belligerent enemies. But thus it is.

Sir George Saville threw out in the House, that he wished to carry home to his constituents the news of an accommodation with America, and Mr David Hartley has given notice of his intentions to make a motion relative to us. But I confess I have no expectations. Mr Hartley's motions and speeches have never made any great fortune in the House, nor been much attended to; from whence I conclude, if the present great leaders, even of opposition in the House, were seriously disposed to do anything towards a pacification, which we could attend to, they would not suffer Mr Hartley to have the honor of making the motion.

The heads of many people run upon a truce with America, and Mr Hartley's motion may tend this way; but a truce with America cannot be made without a peace with France and Spain, and would America accept of such a truce? Give Great Britain time to encroach and fortify upon all our frontiers? To send enemies into the States, and sow the seeds of discord? To rise out of her present exhausted condition? Suffer France and Spain to relax? Wait for alterations by the death of Princes, or the changes in the characters of Princes, or Ministers in Europe? I ask these questions, that Congress may give me instructions, if necessary. At present I do not believe my powers are sufficient to agree to a truce, if it was proposed; nor do I believe it would be for our interests or safety to agree to it, if I had. I do not mean, however, to give any decided opinion upon such a great question, in this hasty letter; I am open to conviction, and shall obey the instructions of Congress, with the most perfect respect.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, March 24th, 1780.

Sir,

Mr Burke's bill not being as yet public, we are not yet informed of the items of it. But as it already appears, that it strikes at the Department of Secretary of State for America, and at the Board of Trade, there seems to be little reason to doubt that it goes further, and strikes at the American Board of Commissioners, at all the American Judges of Admiralty, Governors of Provinces, Secretaries, and Custom House Officers of all denominations. At least, if this should not be found to be a part of the bill, there are stronger reasons, if possible, for abolishing this whole system of iniquity, together with all the pensions granted to the refugees from America, than even for taking away the Board of Trade. And from several late paragraphs in the papers, and from Mr Fox's severe observations in the House of Commons upon Governor Hutchinson, calling him in substance the "firebrand that lighted up all the fire between the two countries," it seems pretty clear, that it is in contemplation to take away all these salaries and pensions.

If such a measure should take place, exiled as these persons are from the country, which gave them birth, but which they have most ungratefully endeavored to enslave, they will become melancholy monuments of divine vengeance against such unnatural and impious behavior. Nevertheless, as these persons are numerous, and have some friends in England as well as in America, where they had once much property, there is a probability, I think, that whenever or wherever negotiations for peace may be commenced, they and their estates now almost universally confiscated, will not be forgotten. But much pains and art will be employed to stipulate for them in the treaty, both a restoration of their property, and a right to return as citizens of the States to which they formerly belonged. It is very possible, however, that before the treaty shall be made, or even negotiations commenced, these gentlemen will become so unpopular and odious, that the people of England would be pleased with their sufferings and punishment. But it is most probable, that the Court will not abandon them very easily.

I should, therefore, be very happy to have the explicit instructions of Congress upon this head, whether I am to agree, in any case whatsoever, to an article which shall admit of their return, or the restoration of their forfeited estates. There are sentiments of humanity and forgiveness which plead on one side, there are reasons of state and political motives, among which the danger of admitting such mischievous persons as citizens, is not the least considerable, which argue on the other.

I shall obey the instructions of Congress with the utmost pleasure, or if, for any reasons they choose to leave it at discretion, if I ever should have the opportunity, I shall determine it without listening to any passions of my own of compassion or resentment, according to my best judgment of the public good. There is another point of very great importance, which I am persuaded will be aimed at by the English Ministers, I am sure it will by the people of England, whenever times of peace shall be talked of. For facilitating the return of commerce, they will wish to have it stipulated by the treaty, that the subjects of Great Britain shall have the rights of citizens in America, and the citizens of the United States the rights of subjects in the British dominions. Some of the consequences of such an agreement to them and to us are obvious and very important, but they are so numerous, that it is difficult to determine whether so great a question should be left to my determination. If, however, contrary to my inclinations, it should fall to my lot to decide it without instructions, it shall be decided according to my conscience, and the best lights I have.

I have the honor to be, &c,

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, March 24th, 1780.

Sir,

It has been observed in former letters, that there is scarcely an example of such a series of fortunate incidents as that which happened to Rodney's fleet, and it may be proper to dilate a little upon some of these incidents, to show that the enthusiastic applause, which is given him by the Court, the Lords, the Commons, and the city of London, is no otherwise merited than by the boldness of his enterprise; unless simple good fortune is merit.

It must be allowed, that it was a desperate plan in the Minister to order him out on the design to succor Gibraltar, and it was a desperate resolution in him to undertake it; because he had to expect to meet with the whole Spanish squadron at Cadiz, and that it would follow him, which was in fact the case.

Don Gaston sailed from Brest the 13th of January in search of Admiral Rodney, with twenty Spanish ships of the line, with four French ships of the line, the Glorieux, the Burgundy, the Zodiac, and the Scipio, with the frigate, the Nereis, under the Chef d'Escadre, the Chevalier de Bausset. If the four and twenty ships of the line had joined Don Langara's squadron, there is scarce a possibility of doubt, after the brave defence made by him, with such inferior force, that Rodney's fleet would have been totally ruined, and consequently Gibraltar reduced to extremities. But this was not to happen. The next day after Don Gaston sailed from Brest, he met with a terrible storm, which separated his fleet. Two of his Spanish ships arrived at Cadiz the 31st of January, the Serious and the Atlant, each of seventy guns. The third of February there arrived twelve others. The Rayo, commanded by Don Gaston, and the St Louis, both of eighty guns, the Velasco, the St Francis de Paule, the S. Isabella, the S. Joachim, the St Peter, the St Damase, the Arrogant, and the Warrior, all of seventy, the Mink of fiftysix, and the frigates, the Assumption and the Emerald, with the French division under the Chevalier de Bousset, excepting the Scipio, commanded by the Baron de Durfort, which did not arrive until the 17th of February, after having cruised ten or twelve days off St Vincent, which had been appointed as the place of rendezvous and reunion, in case of separation. The Guardian Angel, of seventy guns, which was also separated from the squadron, did not arrive till several days after Don Gaston at Cadiz, having suffered very much, as well as all the other vessels, in their masts and rigging, by the bad weather, and especially by the violent gale of wind, which they met with on the 1st of February, near the Cape of St Vincent. Of the five remaining Spanish vessels, four went into Ferrol, the St Vincent Ferries, of eighty guns, commanded by Don d'Acre, Lieutenant General; the St Charles, of eighty; the Vengeur, of seventy, and the Septentrion, of sixty; the fifth, named the St Joseph, of seventy, by Don Orsorno, Chef d'Escadre, returned to Brest dismasted. This separation and dispersion of the fleet and of its principal officers exposed Langara, and made Rodney's fortune; and the necessity these vessels were in of reparation, gave liberty to the English fleet to put to sea from Gibraltar and regain the Atlantic Ocean, on the 13th of February, to the number of twentytwo ships of the line, including those of Rodney, Digby, and Ross, and four of the vessels taken from the Spaniards, and three frigates, with twelve merchant ships under their convoy, leaving at Gibraltar, the Edgar, of seventyfour, the Panther, of sixty, which has been there a long time, and the Guipuscoa, of sixtyfour guns, taken from the Spaniards on the 8th of January, with twentyfour merchant vessels under her convoy.

There has been much conversation for several days, concerning a Spanish armament preparing at Cadiz, and letters from Carthagena say, that the regiment of infantry, called the Flankers' regiment, which has been in garrison in that city, has been completed by orders from the Court of Naples, and on the 1st of March, the first battalion marched for Cadiz, and on the 4th of March, the second battalion. It is said that this regiment is to embark with several others, which from different garrisons have arrived at the same place for America, in all parts of which, according to appearances, the English will have enough to do to maintain their ground this ensuing campaign.

In Ireland, on the 22d of February, an assembly of the gentlemen, clergy, and freeholders of the city of Dublin, resolved unanimously, that the advantages obtained in commerce are neither complete nor solidly established; that the sense of the nation is, that the Irish Parliament alone, in concert with the sovereign, can give to the laws already obtained of the Prince their obligatory force; that what has been done ought not to be considered as anything more than a great beginning; and that the general hope was, that the end of the session would be as advantageous to the political constitution of the country, as the commencement of it had been favorable to commerce; that the fathers of the country are particularly requested and instructed to obtain a declaratory act, which may preserve forever the free and independent state of Ireland, and by introducing some necessary modifications of Poyning's law, to prevent in future all controversy between the King and the Parliament of Ireland, concerning fundamental laws.

These instructions were given by the sheriffs to the representatives of Dublin, who answered that they were convinced, that no foreign legislative power whatsoever had any right, or ought to arrogate to itself any authority over their nation, and without injuring the legal and known authority, which his Majesty has a right to exercise over this kingdom in a manner conformable to the laws, they would neglect nothing to obtain an act, which should take away every unjust restriction, and which should tend to assure the constitutional independence of the kingdom. This is said to be the general sense of the whole kingdom, so that it may truly be said, that the British empire is crumbling to pieces like a rope of sand, insomuch, that if the war should continue, I shall not be at all surprised if even Scotland should become discontented with the Union, and the disputes between the Ministry and the East India Company should terminate in the independence of Asia; nay, it would be no miracle if the West India Islands should request the protection of France and Spain, or the United States. I will take the first opportunity to write upon the subject of Lord North's loan, which, together with the other ways and means, amounts to the amazing sum of £20,674,000 sterling.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, March 26th, 1780.

Sir,

On the 2d day of March the news of the royal consent to the bill, which the British Parliament has passed for granting to Ireland a free commerce with the American Colonies, the West Indies, and the Coast of Africa, was celebrated in Dublin by public rejoicings; the guns of the Lark were discharged, the garrison made a _feu de joie_, the castle and other public buildings were illuminated, as well as some private houses. The government were probably encouraged to these demonstrations of joy, by the motion, which was made the day before, that is, the 1st of March, by Mr Dennis Doly in the House of Commons, for an address of thanks to the King, to which both parties unanimously consented, not excepting the principal patriots, such as Mr Ogle, Mr Hussy Burgh, and Mr Grattan.

The address contains an assurance of their attachment to the royal person and government of the King; a profession of gratitude for his Majesty's uninterrupted attention to the interest of Ireland, and for the happy alteration, which the wisdom of his councils, and the liberal sentiments of the British Parliament have effected in the situation of their affairs. They express a double satisfaction for the benefits, which have been granted them, because they appear to them to be an efficacious remedy for the poverty of that country, and because they furnish an unquestionable proof of that fraternal affection, which they think they have a right to expect from Great Britain, and which they will constantly endeavor to cultivate and augment to the most perfect degree of mutual confidence. They profess the sincerest pleasure in finding that the ties, which have ever united the two kingdoms, have been bound faster than ever, by the conduct of their fellow subjects, and they assure his Majesty, that on their part, they will never fail to make the greatest efforts for the maintenance of that close connexion between the two kingdoms, which they firmly believe to be inseparable from their happiness and prosperity.

The next day the House of Peers, even at the motion of the Duke of Leinster, followed the example of the House of Commons. Their address is in substance the same, with this addition, that the benefits received afford a remedy proportioned to their distress, and that they will discountenance with all their power all attempts, that deluded men might make to excite ill founded apprehensions in the people, and to turn their attention to the commerce, which has been granted them in a manner so extensive.

To these additions, however, there was an opposition, and finally a protest, signed by Lord Carrisford, the Earls of Charlemont and Arran, and the Viscounts Powerscourt and Mountmorris, and by the proxies of the Earl Moira, and the Lords Eyre and Irnham.

The Duke of Leinster, however, has brought upon his reputation by this motion suspicions all over Europe, that he has been gained by the King, which a little time and his future conduct will either dissipate or confirm.

The next day Parliament adjourned to the 11th of April. Congress will be able to put a just interpretation upon these addresses, by the account I gave in my last, of the instructions of the city of Dublin to their representatives, and their answer, as well as by those of the county of Dublin, which remain to be communicated. On the 7th of March, there was held at Kilmainham, an assembly of the freeholders of the county of Dublin, when the following instructions to their representatives were agreed on.

"We, your constituents, desiring to acknowledge as we ought, the advantages our commerce will derive from the particular attention, which his Majesty has given it, from the integrity of our Parliament, the firmness of our countrymen, and the justice, which the English nation begins to render us, we declare to you, that what follows is the principal cause of our joy upon this occasion. It appears to us, that the desire of monopolising commerce was the only motive, which could make England imagine that she had a right to usurp a legitimate authority over this kingdom, and from the moment when she renounced this monopoly, she has taken away the principal obstacle, which opposed our liberty, and consequently the British nation will not continue to itself an arbitrary power, from which she can derive nothing but reducing this kingdom to slavery. We desire to know, moreover, whether the united efforts of the Parliament and people of Ireland ought to confine themselves, so as to leave this island in a state of dependence and submission to laws, to which the nation has never consented, to laws dictated by a Parliament, in which she has no representatives? Let it not be said, that this power attributed to the English Parliament is chimerical. We may see the proofs of it even in the repeal of several of the acts and in this, that several persons declare, however falsely, that this power is founded upon law. Having an equal right to political liberty and to commerce, but deprived of both; and nevertheless content to be restored to the enjoyment of a free commerce alone; will it not appear, that we absolutely give up the former? This idea would be absurd. It is then our duty to declare to the universe, that we are of right a free nation, not to be subjected to any laws, but such as are made by the King and Parliament of Ireland.

"Desirous of nothing so much as to live always in good intelligence with the British nation, on account of the union of the two Crowns, our instructions are, that you shall make the greatest efforts to obtain an act, which shall establish forever the independence of the legislative power of Ireland. We wish, moreover, that you would endeavor to qualify Poyning's law, by taking away from the privy council the legislative power. In accomplishing these important objects, you will acquire honor to yourselves, and give satisfaction to the nation.

"It is not to be doubted, that you will also fall upon some plan of economy, by making savings, which are become necessary to increase the revenue of the Crown, and improve the commerce of the nation."

It seems now very plain, that the Irish nation aspires to an independence of Great Britain the most unlimited, and acknowledges no other connexion with her but that of affection and a subjection to the same King. The troops already raised by associations amount to between sixty and seventy thousand men, which are to be forthwith augmented by ten thousand more, who are to be formed of countrymen; each officer is to furnish four, who will be clothed and paid out of the funds, that each regiment will establish for this purpose. The principal objects of these armed associations are said to be, a free and unlimited commerce to all parts of the world, except only the East Indies. The repeal of Poyning's law, passed under Henry the Seventh, and another under George the First, which restrains the legislative authority of the Irish Parliament, with an express clause, that the Parliament of Ireland ought, and shall be forever and wholly exempt from all kind of control and dependence of the British Parliament, in all cases whatsoever. That students shall no longer be obliged to go to the Temple in London, and other seminaries in England to study law. But, in future, they shall study in the University of Dublin, under proper professors, and shall be admitted to the bar in Ireland by the Lord Chancellor and the other judges, after a proper examination; the judges to be natives, except the Chancellor; the bishops also to be natives.

In the meantime, the slightest circumstances may blow up the flames of war between the two kingdoms, which would have been done some weeks ago, if the regular officers of the King's troops had not given way to the Dublin volunteers.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, March 29th, 1780.

Sir,

I think it my duty to lay before Congress what may occur in Holland, relative to the present war, at least until the arrival of Mr Laurens, whose presence is much desired there. Many appearances make it probable, that the grasping and vindictive temper of the English will compel the Republic into the war. If they do take a part, it is very certain it will be against England. As plunder and revenge are the present ruling passions of the English, it is probable, that a war with Holland is rather wished for than otherwise, because the Ministry and their principal supporters seem to have no idea, that it is possible to make things worse, and all the plunder they can get will be so much clear gain. The Dutch are so much alarmed and aroused, that it is very certain the Prince finds it necessary to give out, that he has been deceived by the English, that he has changed his sentiments, and that he will promote with all his influence unlimited convoys. It is certain, that they are fitting their men-of-war with a great deal of activity, and it is confidently affirmed, that they have made a treaty with Russia and Sweden, who are to make a common cause. The States of the Province of Friesland have come to a resolution, that it was certain Byland was not the aggressor, but that Fielding had not hesitated to make use of force to visit the Dutch ships under convoy, to stop those that were loaded with hemp, and to insult the flag of the Republic. That this proceeding shows, that the complaisance hitherto shown to England, in depriving the ships loaded with masts and ship timber of the protection of the State, in leaving them to sail alone and without convoy, has had no effects, and consequently the States judge, that a similar condescension ought no longer to take place, but, on the contrary, all merchandise whatsoever, which the treaties do not expressly declare to be contraband, ought, without the least difficulty, to be admitted under convoy, and enjoy the protection of the State, and to this effect, His Most Serene Highness ought to be requested to give orders to the commanders of the men of war, and of the squadron of the Republic, to protect, as heretofore, all merchandise.

This resolution was taken the 29th day of February, and laid before the States-General, who, after debating upon it, determined to require the deputies of the other Provinces to obtain, as soon as possible, the decision of their Provinces upon the same subject. These two Provinces, Holland and Friesland, have already decided for unlimited convoys.

Sir Joseph Yorke, on the 21st of March instant, laid before their High Mightinesses another Memorial, insisting on the aid which he had demanded before, upon condition, in case of refusal, that his master would, after three months consider all treaties between the two countries as null, and in which he contends, that the protection afforded to Captain Jones, whom he calls a pirate, in the Texel and in Amsterdam, was a violation of the treaties.

In order more clearly to comprehend the dispute between Great Britain and the States-General, it may not be amiss to observe, that by the marine treaty between the two powers, concluded at the Hague in 1667, all the subjects and inhabitants of the United Provinces may, with all safety and freedom, sail and traffic in all the kingdoms, countries, and estates, which are, or shall be in peace, amity, or neutrality with the States-General, without any hinderance or molestation from the ships of war, gallies, frigates, barques, or other vessels belonging to the King of Great Britain, or any of his subjects, upon occasion or account of any war, which may hereafter happen between the King of Great Britain and the above said kingdoms, countries, and estates, or any of them, which are, or shall be, in peace, amity, or neutrality with the States-General; and this freedom of navigation and commerce shall extend to all sorts of merchandise, excepting contraband goods. That this term of contraband goods, is to be understood to comprehend all sorts of fire arms, their appurtenances, and all other utensils of war called in French, "_servans à l'usage de la guerre_," and that under this head of contraband goods, these following shall not be comprehended; corn, wheat, or other grain, pulse, oils, wine, salt, or generally anything that belongs to the nourishment or sustenance of life, but they shall remain free, as likewise all other merchandise and commodities not comprehended in the foregoing article, and the transportation of them shall be permitted even into places at enmity with Great Britain, except such places are besieged, blocked up, or invested. Masts, yards, ship timber, and hemp, the articles now in dispute, are not contraband by this treaty, or by the law of nations. Yet Great Britain, in the hours of her insolence and madness, which are not yet at an end, makes no scruple to seize, condemn, and confiscate them. She pretends, that as the Dutch refuse to her the aid she demands by treaty, she has a right to seize upon masts, timber, and hemp, which are not prohibited by treaty. Not to enter into the inquiry, whether the present case is such, as by the treaties obliges the Dutch to furnish her aid, but admitting for argument's sake it is so, yet the consequences will not follow. It would only follow, that Great Britain was absolved from the obligation of the treaty, not by any means that she is discharged from the obligations of the law of nations.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.

Translation.

Versailles, March 30th, 1780.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write on the 21st instant. I remember very well to have said to you, that your presentation should be inserted in the Gazette of France; but, from the information I have since obtained, it seems that the presentations, whether of Ambassadors or Ministers Plenipotentiary, are not thus announced in our Gazette, and it would have the appearance of affectation to insert yours. As a substitute, I will have it mentioned, if you wish, in the _Mercure de France_, and you can take measures to have the notice repeated in the foreign gazettes.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

_P. S._ I enclose a draft of an article, which I propose to send to the _Mercure de France_. It will not be sent till I learn your opinion of it.

* * * * *

"Mr Adams, whom the Congress of the United States has designated to assist at the conferences for a peace, when that event shall take place, arrived here some time ago, and has had the honor to be presented to the King and the royal family."

* * * * *

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, March 30th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor of your Excellency's letter of this day, in answer to mine of the 21st of this month. Until the receipt of it, I had taken it for granted, that the presentation of every Ambassador was regularly inserted in the Gazette of France, and until very lately, several days since the date of my letter to your Excellency of the 21st of this month, I had supposed, that the presentation of Ministers Plenipotentiary was constantly inserted likewise.

The information your Excellency has given me, that the presentation of neither Ambassadors nor Ministers Plenipotentiary have ever been inserted, has perfectly satisfied me, and I doubt not will equally satisfy my countrymen, who have heretofore been under the same mistake with myself.

I approve very much of your Excellency's proposition of inserting my presentation in the Mercury of France, and shall take measures to have it repeated in the foreign gazettes.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, March 30th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose to Congress copies of certain letters, which I have had the honor to write to the Count de Vergennes, and of others, which I have received from him.

It seems that the presentations of the American Commissioners and Ministers Plenipotentiary have not been inserted in the Gazette, which occasioned some uneasiness in the minds of some of our countrymen, as they thought it a neglect of us, and a distinction between our sovereign and others. The enclosed letters will explain this matter, and show, that no distinction has been made between the representatives of the United States and those of other powers.

I ought to confess to Congress, that the delicacy of the Count de Vergennes about communicating my powers is not perfectly consonant to my manner of thinking, and if I had followed my own judgment I should have pursued a bolder plan by communicating, immediately after my arrival, to Lord George Germain, my full powers to treat both of peace and commerce; but I hope Congress will approve of my communicating first to this Court my destination and asking their advice, and then pursuing it, because I think no doubt can be made, that it is my duty to conduct my negotiations at present in concert with our ally, as I have hitherto done.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, March 30th, 1780.

Sir,

There is an anecdote, which causes a great speculation at present, because it is supposed to show the tendency of things in Ireland, and what is to be expected by Great Britain, if the Ministry should oppose themselves to the wishes of the Irish nation. On the 23d of February, three bodies of volunteers, those of Dublin, commanded by Colonel John Allen, those of the Liberties, commanded by Sir Edward Newingham, and another body, commanded by Mr Taylor, assembled at the Exchange, from whence they made a long march in a circuit of four miles, accompanied with other volunteers on horseback, to the Park, the avenues of which were guarded by five other corps of volunteers.

There they went through the manoeuvres and firings, with as much celerity and precision as any regular troops. They were there reviewed by the Duke of Leinster, as General and Commander-in-Chief, accompanied with four Aids-de-Camps, and they all rendered to this nobleman military honors almost equal to those which are rendered to a King.

Returning from the review, the volunteers met in Barrack street a detachment of the royal troops marching to the castle. These required, that the volunteers should turn out of the way, and endeavored to break their ranks; but the volunteers, with their bayonets fixed and charged, stood their ground and discovered such a resolution, that the commanding officer of the King's troops ordered them to halt, and desired to speak with the Duke of Leinster. They entered into a conference. The regular troops pretended they had a right to the pavements, as the troops of the King. The volunteers, thought they had a right to keep it, as free citizens, voluntarily armed for the defence of their country, and consequently superior to mere mercenaries. They supported these arguments by preparations for battle, the people declared themselves in favor of the volunteers, by collecting together a sufficient quantity of stones, to overwhelm the troops, who at last gave way, in order to avoid a scene of blood. The next day the volunteers sent to the Viceroy an excuse, but couched in terms, which justified their conduct as necessary to maintain the liberty, independence, and dignity of the nation. I have seen so much of the spirit of the King's troops, in several contests between them and the citizens of Boston, as to know very well what all this means. The volunteers must have great confidence in their own strength, and the King's troops equal diffidence of theirs, before an altercation of this kind could terminate in this manner.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO ARTHUR LEE, AT L'ORIENT.

Paris, March 31st, 1780.

Dear Sir,

I have received yours of the 26th, and that of the 15th of this month. I enclose a copy of the letter you desire.

M. Garnier is gone into the country, and I have not seen him since I arrived here. Mr Izard, however, has seen him, and will give you a satisfactory account of what he says.

If I were to apply to the other gentleman, you know what would be the consequence. It would fly very soon to, you know where, and I should have only the credit of meddling unnecessarily with disputes, which I have kept out of as much I could, and which it is certainly now the public interest, and consequently my duty, to keep out of as much I can. I had, therefore, rather be excused. The gentleman himself would probably give you the same answer to a letter from you directly to him, as he would give to me, unless I should use arts with him; which would be unworthy of you, as well as of me, and which I cannot use with anybody.

I shall have enough to do, to steer my little bark among the rocks and shoals. I shall have perplexities enough of my own, which I cannot avoid, and dangers too. These I shall meet with a steady mind, and perhaps none of them will be greater than that, which I think my duty, of avoiding things that do not belong to me.

Scarcely ever any Minister executed a commission for making a peace, without ruining his own reputation, in a free government. No Minister that ever existed, had a more difficult and dangerous peace to make than I have.

The gentleman you mention has hitherto been very still, but he has been well received, by all that I have learnt.

Adieu,

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 3d, 1780.

Sir,

The Prince of Orange, Stadtholder, is not only supposed to have ambitious views of allying his family to that of Great Britain, but is very much influenced by the Duke of Brunswick, who is a field marshal, and commander in chief of the Dutch land forces, who is also a brother of Prince Ferdinand. The Duke is not upon the best terms with his family, because they think he is too much attached to the House of Austria. By this double attraction of England on one side, and their old friends the House of Austria on the other, it is not very surprising that His Most Serene Highness is drawn a little aside from the line of the American cause, which is now so closely connected, and likely to be more so, with the House of Bourbon. Hence it is said, that the Count de Byland is to be honorably acquitted by the court martial, and hence the embarrassments the Dutch are under, in their wishes to resent like men the unparalleled injuries, that have been done them by the English. There is, however, so much spirit in the United Provinces, as to oblige the Prince to put on the appearance of resentment at the insults offered to his flag, and to oblige the British Minister to assume the tone of menace, in order to work upon the fears of the people, whose property is so exposed as to make them dread a war with any nation whatever.

Congress will, however, be able to judge of what is doing in Holland by the following proceedings. A petition was presented to their High Mightinesses on the 25th of February, for the equipment of fiftytwo ships of war, in the following terms.

"Your High Mightinesses having thought proper by your resolution of the 17th of this month, which came to us the 22d, to require us to present to your High Mightinesses, without influencing, however, in anything the deliberations of the confederates, a petition for the sum of two million six hundred and twenty thousand five hundred and ninetyeight florins, to assist towards the one half of the necessary expense for an extraordinary equipment of fiftytwo vessels of war and frigates, which are to be put in a condition of service by the first of May, as well as of other articles more fully particularised in the report contained in the resolution of your High Mightinesses, and in the estimate enclosed with it, which we flatter ourselves were made with all possible accuracy, while the funds necessary for the half of the equipment abovementioned, will be found in the produce of certain duties.

"We have been the more zealous not to delay giving satisfaction to the requisition of your High Mightinesses, as we consider the said plan, as tending to accomplish what has been for so many years represented and advised, as well by His Serene Highness as by us, in general petitions addressed successively to your High Mightinesses, as well as to the confederates, that is to say, to put the Republic in a more respectable state of defence, by augmenting her marine and troops, an object upon which it has been again insisted in the petition of the current year, which employed such reasons and such urgent motives to this purpose, that expressions now fail us for adding anything to what has been already said; and persuaded, moreover, as we are, that the circumstances and facts, such of them as have passed in a manner so remarkable, render useless and superfluous all further reasonings, in such sort, that all these details being already perfectly understood, as well by your High Mightinesses as by the confederates, we think we may depend upon this knowledge, in expectation of the definitive resolutions of your High Mightinesses, equally salutary and unanimous, and the effect of which will be to prevent and ward off the new misfortunes, which may threaten the Republic; assured, moreover, and persuaded, that the serious intention of the confederates is to accomplish the equipment proposed with all that depends upon it, and that to this end, their High Mightinesses will be pleased, not only to give their consent to the petition of two millions six hundred and twenty thousand five hundred and ninetyeight florins, formed by the present, but also, what is more important, to furnish as soon as possible their quota to the general treasury, by which means the colleges of the Admiralty, whose duty it is to attend to the equipments, may be possessed of the means necessary to this operation at convenient periods; which will be thought more indispensably necessary, on casting an eye on the reasons more amply alleged in the report of the colleges of the Admiralty, and expressed in the resolution of your High Mightinesses, the 17th of February, to which we refer."

MEMORIAL.

On the twentyfirst of March, 1780, Sir Joseph Yorke, the British Ambassador, presented a Memorial to their High Mightinesses, of the following tenor.

"High and Mighty Lords,

"The King, my Master, has always cultivated the friendship of your High Mightinesses, and has always considered the alliance, which has so long subsisted between the two nations, as founded upon the wisest principles, and as essential to their mutual prosperity. The principal objects of this alliance, which stands upon the immovable basis of a common interest, are the safety and prosperity of the two States, the maintenance of the public tranquillity, and the preservation of that just balance so often disturbed by the ambitious policy of the House of Bourbon. When the Court of Versailles, in direct violation of the public faith, and of the common rights of sovereigns, had broken the peace, by a league made with the rebel subjects of his Majesty, avowed and declared formally by the Marquis de Noailles; when, by immense preparations, France manifested her designs of annihilating the maritime power of England, the King expected that your High Mightinesses, too enlightened not to see, that the safety of the Republic is closely connected with that of Great Britain, would have been zealous to come to his assistance. One of the first cares of his Majesty was, to inform your High Mightinesses of all the circumstances of this unjust war; and in the critical situation in which the King found himself he did not forget the interests of his ancient allies; but, on the contrary, has shown the most sincere desire to favor the commerce and the free navigation of the Republic, as much as the safety of his people could permit. He even desisted a long time from demanding the succors stipulated by the treaties, fulfilling thus his own engagements, without insisting on the accomplishment of those of your High Mightinesses. The demand was never made, until after the united forces of France and Spain showed themselves ready to fall upon England, and there attempt a descent by the assistance of a formidable fleet. Although frustrated in this enterprise, the enemies of the King meditate still the same project; and it is by the express order of his Majesty, that the undersigned renews, at this time, in a manner the most formal, the demand of the succors stipulated by different treaties, and particularly by that of the year 1716.

"Hitherto your High Mightinesses have been silent upon an article so essential; at the same time, you have insisted on a forced construction of the treaty of commerce of the year 1674, against the abuse of which Great Britain has protested at all times. This interpretation cannot be reconciled to the clear and precise stipulations of the secret article of the treaty of peace of the same year. An article of a treaty of commerce cannot annul an article so essential of a treaty of peace, and both are expressly comprehended in the principal treaty of alliance of 1678, by which your High Mightinesses are obliged to furnish to his Majesty the succors, which he now demands. You are too just and too wise not to feel, that all the engagements between powers ought to be mutually and reciprocally observed, and although contracted in different periods, they oblige equally the contracting parties. This incontestible principle applies itself here with so much the more force, as the treaty of 1716 renews all the anterior engagements between the Crown of England and the Republic, and incorporates them, as it were, together.

"Moreover, the subscriber had orders to declare to your High Mightinesses, that he was ready to enter into conferences with you, to regulate in an amicable manner all which might be necessary to avoid misunderstandings, and prevent every disagreeable occurrence, by concerting measures equitable and advantageous for the respective subjects.

"This friendly offer was refused, in a manner as unexpected as it was extraordinary and unusual among friendly powers; and without taking notice of repeated representations, both public and secret, upon the subject of convoys, your High Mightinesses have not only granted convoys for different kinds of naval stores, but you have moreover expressly resolved, that a certain number of vessels of war should be held ready to convoy in the sequel naval stores of every species, destined for the ports of France; and this at a time when the subjects of the Republic enjoyed by the force of treaties, a freedom and an extent of commerce and of navigation far beyond that, which the law of nations allows to neutral powers. This resolution, and the orders given to Admiral Byland, to oppose himself by force to the visits of merchant ships, have given place to the incident, which the friendship of the King would have greatly desired to have prevented; but it is notorious, that this Admiral, in consequence of his instructions, first fired upon the sloops bearing the English flag, which were sent to make the visit in the manner prescribed by the treaty of 1674. It was then a manifest aggression, a direct violation of the same treaty, which your High Mightinesses seem to look upon as the most sacred of all. His Majesty has made beforehand repeated representations of the necessity and justice of this visit, practised in all similar circumstances, and fully authorised by this treaty. They were informed in London, that there were in the Texel a great number of vessels loaded with naval stores, and particularly with masts and large ship timber, ready to set sail for France immediately after, or under, a Dutch convoy. The event has but too fully proved the truth of these informations, since some of these vessels have been found even under this convoy. The greatest number have escaped, and have carried to France the most efficacious succors, of which she stood in the greatest necessity.

"At the same time your High Mightinesses thus aided the enemy of the King, by favoring the transportation of these succors, you imposed a heavy penalty upon the subjects of the Republic, to restrain them from carrying victuals to Gibraltar, although this place was comprehended in the general warranty of all the British possessions in Europe, and although at that time Spain had vexed the commerce of the Republic, in a manner the most outrageous and unexampled.

"It is not only on these occasions, that the conduct of your High Mightinesses towards the King, and towards the enemy of his Majesty, forms a most striking contrast in the eyes of all the impartial world. No one is ignorant of that, which passed in the too well known affair of Paul Jones. The asylum granted to this pirate was directly contrary to the treaty of Breda, of 1667, and even to the proclamation of your High Mightinesses of 1776. Further, although your High Mightinesses have kept, and still keep a silence the most absolute, with regard to the just demands of his Majesty, you have been forward, at the simple request of the King's enemies, to assure them of an absolute and unconditional neutrality, without any exception of the ancient engagements of the Republic, founded upon the most solemn treaties. Nevertheless the King would still persuade himself, that all which has passed ought to be attributed less to the disposition of your High Mightinesses, than to artifices of his enemies, who, after having excited discord among the members of the State, seek alternately by menaces and by promises to animate them against their natural ally. His Majesty cannot believe, that your High Mightinesses have taken the resolution to abandon a system, which the Republic has pursued for more than a century, with so much success and so much glory.

"But if such was the resolution of your High Mightinesses, if you were determined to forsake the alliance with Great Britain, in refusing to fulfil the engagements of it, there would arise from this resolution a new order of things. The King would perceive such an alteration with a sensible regret; but the consequences, which would follow from it, would be necessary and unavoidable. If by an act of your High Mightinesses, the Republic should cease to be the ally of Great Britain, the relations between the two nations will be totally changed, and they will no longer have any other ties or relation than those, which subsist between nations neutral and friendly. Every treaty being reciprocal, if your High Mightinesses will not fulfil your engagements, the consequence will be, that those of his Majesty will cease to be obligatory. It is in pursuance of these incontestible principles, that his Majesty has ordered the subscriber to declare to your High Mightinesses, in a manner the most friendly, but at the same time the most serious, that, if contrary to his just expectations, your High Mightinesses do not give him, within the term of three weeks, to be computed from the day of presentation of this memorial, a satisfactory answer, touching the succors demanded eight months ago, his Majesty, considering this conduct as a departure from the alliance on the part of your High Mightinesses, will no longer consider the United Provinces in any other light than that of other neutral powers not privileged by treaties, and consequently will, without further delay, suspend conditionally, and until further orders, in regard to their subjects, all the particular stipulations of the treaties between the two nations, particularly those of the treaty of 1674, and will hold himself simply bound by the general principles of the law of nations, which ought to serve as rules between powers neutral and not privileged.

JOSEPH YORKE."

On the 24th of March, the States-General made the following answer to Sir Joseph Yorke.

"That their High Mightinesses had resolved to represent to his Britannic Majesty by the Count de Welderen, their Envoy Extraordinary, that having seen by the memorial of the Ambassador, dated the 21st of March, that his Majesty fixed a term of three weeks to have a satisfactory answer touching the succors demanded, their High Mightinesses wished to satisfy, as soon as possible, the desires of his Britannic Majesty, by giving him a positive answer; but they foresaw, that the form of government inherent in the constitution of the Republic would not permit them to complete their answer in the time specified, as the memorial of the Ambassador, having become an object of the deliberations of the representative Provinces, it was necessary to wait the resolution of the several States, the Assemblies of which were now sitting, or about to sit; that their High Mightinesses assured themselves, that his Majesty, considering these reasons, would not persist rigorously in the time fixed, to the end, that their High Mightinesses might have that of forming in a manner conformable to the constitution of the Republic (in which their High Mightinesses had not a right to make any alteration) an answer to the memorial of the Ambassador, their High Mightinesses promising to neglect nothing for accelerating, as much as possible, the deliberations upon the subject, and they pray the Ambassador to support these representations, with his good offices, with the King, his master."

Sir Joseph Yorke, after reading this answer, replied, that whatever might be his desire to satisfy the inclinations of their High Mightinesses, the orders of the King, his master, would not permit him upon this occasion; that, however, he doubted not, that they would be equally satisfied by the representations with which their High Mightinesses had charged the Count de Welderen at the Court of London.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 3d, 1780.

Sir,

The fermentation in England has already distressed the administration and overawed some of the members of the House of Commons, but there is room to suspect, that this is chiefly to be attributed to the approach of an election. The petitions are very far from being universal, and the congress of the sub-committees is not yet numerous.

At a meeting of these from York, Surry, Middlesex, Sussex, Gloucester, Hertford, Kent, Huntington, Dorset, Bucks, Chester, Devon, and Essex, from the cities of London, Westminster, Gloucester, and the towns of Newcastle and Nottingham, holden at the St Albans tavern, and afterwards by adjournment at the great room in King Street, St James, on the 11th, 14th, 15th, 17th, 18th, and 20th days of March, 1780, the Reverend Christopher Wyvill in the chair, a memorial was agreed on, containing reasons for a plan of association.

They affirm that there is a despotic system, and they date the commencement of it nearly from the beginning of the present reign, and they say that they have arrived at the crisis, which the wisest of the political writers marked for the downfall of British liberty, when the legislative body shall become as corrupt as the executive, they should have said more corrupt, because that is undoubtedly the fact at present, as well as the case stated by Montesquieu.

They say, that by the unhappy war with America, begotten in the first instance of this despotic system, and nursed with a view of giving completion to it, the fatal influence of the Crown has been armed with more ample means for enslaving Parliament, while the nation has visibly sunk almost into beggary. Never did any country experience so sudden a reverse from prosperity to depression. They state the fall of rents, the accumulation of taxes, and the stagnation of all credit. They then run a long course of reasoning, to show the utility, importance, and necessity, of the several things they recommended to the people of England, which are all comprehended in a few propositions.

1st. They recommend perseverance in the petitions, and an association in support of them.

2dly. A new law for taking the suffrages of the people at elections, to prevent expense and influence.

3dly. To adopt, as part of their general associations, the following propositions.

I. That an examination be made into all the branches of the receipt, expenditure, and mode of keeping and passing accounts of public money.

II. One hundred, at least, of additional members of counties in the House of Commons.

III. That the members of the House of Commons be _annually elected_.

IV. That it is recommended to all voters to support, at the next election, such candidates as shall, by signing the association or otherwise, satisfy them that they will support these regulations in Parliament.

In the Middlesex committee, at the Masons' tavern, March 24th, this circular letter and the memorial it contained were unanimously approved, and their members in the general Congress thanked. In the Westminster committee, King's Arms tavern, Palace yard, March 15th, 1780, it was resolved, "that by the resolution of the general meeting, directing this committee to prepare a plan of association on legal and constitutional grounds, to support the laudable reform, and such other measures as may conduce to restore the freedom of Parliament, this committee conceive themselves bound to enter into the consideration of every question tending to establish the independency of Parliament on a solid and durable basis. That the duration of Parliament, and the state of the representatives of the people, are questions immediately under this description; that a sub-committee, consisting of seven persons, be appointed to inquire into the state of the representation of the nation and make a report." On the 20th of March, the sub-committee reported. The report is dated the 19th. "That new Parliaments to be holden once in every year were the ancient usage, and declared to be the hereditary and indefeasible right of the people of England; that the 6th of William and Mary is the first, which attempts to appoint the time of the continuance of Parliament to be for the term of three years, though the same act recognises the ancient laws and statutes of this kingdom, by which annual Parliaments were confirmed, and declares that frequent and new Parliaments tend very much to the happy union and good agreement of the King and people; that by the 1st of George the First, the Parliament then chosen for three years, (by acquiescence of the people to the act of William and Mary, on the faith of its declaring, that from henceforth, no Parliament whatsoever, that shall at any time hereafter be called, assembled, or held, shall have any continuance for longer than three years only at the furthest,) did pass an act to prolong its continuance to seven years; that temporary considerations are stated in the preamble to the act, as the principal motives for the act itself, that the 6th of William and Mary is worded as if declaratory of what was conceived, however falsely, to have been the constitution of the country; but that the septennial act assumes a power of altering the duration of Parliament at pleasure; that these alterations in the constitution of Parliament were made without communication with the constituent body of the people, and have been continued without the sanction of their approbation; that the septennial bill was strongly opposed in Parliament, and a direct infringement on the constitution, and a flagrant breach of trust towards the constituent body; that it was supported almost entirely on the principle of expediency; that the voice of the people appeared strongly against it, in many respectable petitions to Parliament on the occasion, and that a constitutional protest was entered by the Peers, stating, that frequent Parliaments were the fundamental constitution of the kingdom; that the House of Commons ought to be chosen by the people, and when continued for a longer time than they were chosen for, they were then chosen by the Parliament and not by the people; that they conceived the bill, so far from preventing corruption, would rather increase it, for the longer a Parliament was to last, the more valuable to corrupt ones would be the purchase, and that all the reasons which had been given for long Parliaments might be given for making them perpetual, which would be an absolute subversion of the third estate; that various motions were afterwards made and strongly supported for a repeal of the septennial act, particularly a motion for annual Parliaments in 1774, which was lost only by a majority of thirtytwo; that the city of London and other respectable bodies continued to instruct their representatives to prosecute this object in the most vigorous manner, as essentially necessary to the independency and integrity of Parliament, the rights of the people, and the prosperity of their country; that by the 8th of Henry Sixth, the Parliament, then elected by the commonality at large, passed an act to disfranchise the greater part of their constituents, by limiting the right of election of Knights of the Shire to persons having free lands, or tenants, to the value of forty shillings by the year, at the least, which restriction has ever since continued; that many towns and boroughs, formerly entitled for their repute and reputation, to send members to Parliament, have since fallen into decay, yet continue to have a representation equal to the most opulent counties and cities, while other towns and places, which have risen into consideration, and become populous and wealthy, have no representatives in Parliament; that the number of the inhabitants of England and Wales is above five millions; that of these, twelve hundred thousand are supposed capable of voting, as the constitution stood before the restrictive act above quoted; that not more than two hundred and fourteen thousand are at present permitted to vote; that out of these, one hundred and thirty thousand freeholders elect ninetytwo members for fiftytwo counties; fortythree thousand citizens, freemen and others, elect fiftytwo members for twentythree cities and two universities, and fortyone thousand electors choose three hundred and sixtynine members for one hundred and ninetytwo towns and boroughs; that fifty of these members are returned by three hundred and forty electors; and a number scarcely above six thousand, being a majority of the voters of one hundred and twentynine of the boroughs, return two hundred and fiftyseven representatives, which is a majority of the whole English House of Commons, and the efficient representation of above five millions of people; that many of these boroughs are immediately under the influence of the Crown, as the cinque ports; many of them are private property, affording hereditary seats, as those under burgage, tenure, and some of them almost without houses or inhabitants, as Galton, Newtown, and Old Sarum; that considering the representation with reference to property, many counties return representatives out of all proportion to what they contribute to the public revenue; that Cornwall pays to land tax and subsidy, sixteen parts out of five hundred and thirty, and sends fortyfour members to Parliament, while Middlesex pays not less in proportion than two hundred and fiftysix, and sends eight members; so that the inequality of the representation of this country, with regard to property, is still greater than when estimated according to the numbers of its inhabitants." The Westminster committee after considering this report, Mr Fox in the chair, came to the following resolutions.

"1. That annual Parliaments are the undoubted right of the people of England, and that the act which prolonged their duration was subversive of the constitution, and a violation on the part of the representatives, of the sacred trust reposed in them by their constituents.

"2. That the present state of the representation of this country is inadequate to the object, and a departure from the first principles of the constitution.

"3. That thanks be given to the sub-committee for their very intelligent report.

"4. That copies of it be sent to the several committees of the counties, cities, and boroughs of the kingdom."

I have been thus particular in stating the proceedings of these committees, because it must be an advantage for Congress to have them all in view, and to see the whole of the foundation that is laid. They are some of the most important proceedings of the present reign; they are the commencement of a new sovereignty in opposition to the old. If there is virtue or good sense in the nation, these machines will discover it and set it in motion, and provided the war continues, it will prevail; but if there is neither virtue or sense remaining, or not enough of these to produce the desired effect, it will probably be the last national effort made in favor of liberty, and despotism will range at large.

If the King would make peace now, he would dissipate all these combinations in England, Ireland, and Holland, as well as prevent the treaty with Spain, (which I believe is in a good way, from a letter which I lately saw from Mr Carmichael,) from giving advantages, to Spain, and disadvantages to England, which can never be altered. But if he continues the war long, if he should have signal successes, these may dispel the storms in England and Ireland; but if he should be unsuccessful, the new sovereignty will probably prevail against him, after involving the three kingdoms in confusion and blood.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 4th, 1780.

Sir,

There is an anecdote from Malaga, which ought to be mentioned to Congress, because, it cannot fail to have serious consequences.

The Swedish frigate, the Illerim, of thirtyfour guns, commanded by Captain Ankerloo, on the 28th of February, at half after eight o'clock at night met an English privateer belonging to Minorca, of twentyeight guns. The Swedish Captain, after hailing the privateer, let her continue her course, and went on quietly his own; about half an hour after the privateer returning, ranged herself astern of the frigate, and unexpectedly discharged both his broadsides, loaded with langrage, which killed three sailors, broke the thigh and the right leg of the Captain, wounded the Lieutenant and some people of the crew. Ankerloo, who in the evening had been obliged by a violent gale of wind to draw in his guns and shut up his ports, not finding himself prepared for battle, his officers took immediate measures, with the utmost alertness, for repulsing the privateer, which did in fact at last receive one broadside from the frigate; but, upon the whole, she escaped in the night, by the force of sails and of oars. After this perfidy on the part of the English, Ankerloo would have entered Marseilles for the sake of dressing his wounds, but having met with contrary winds and bad weather for three days, he put into Malaga, where he went ashore to the house of the Swedish consul, where he is since dead of his wounds.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 6th, 1780.

Sir,

It may be necessary to transmit the decree of Sir James Mariott, against the Dutch ship la Sybellina Hillegonda, in order fully to comprehend the proceedings, which I have sent before. The decree is this.

"The fact in this case is, a Dutch ship loaded with naval stores, for a port in France, under the convoy of not less than five men-of-war, and the commander of these men-of-war, not measuring his conduct by the line of the treaty, resists, fires upon the boat of the English Commodore, and forbids the execution of the treaty. The English Commodore returns the fire. The Dutch Admiral fires again, and strikes; so that the fact is to be adjusted, and it is of such a nature as has never before happened in the history of this nation. It falls unfortunately to my share, to decide upon these facts and their consequences.

"It is, nevertheless, a consolation, that although the judge of this court may decide, in the first instance, there is still a superior tribunal, in the last resort. This court ought to judge of the case of the treaty, since, in virtue of a special commission, under the great seal of the kingdom, the judges of the courts of admiralty are authorised and required to take cognizance of, and proceed judicially in all manner of captures, seizures, prizes, and reprisals, and decide upon them according to the course of the admiralty and the law of nations.

"The claimant disdains to found his right in any other way than upon the treaty. My idea is, that all the marine treaties, which subsist between two friendly powers, form but one code of laws, one great confederation, one indivisible union. They are, if it is lawful to make use of these sacred words, the Bible, the Book, or the Testament of the social contract between the nations, to be maintained inviolably, as a system, whereof we cannot break one part without dissolving the whole.

"The Dutch subjects have, in virtue of the treaty, particular privileges, superior to those of every other country, but they may overleap the bounds of these privileges, and from that time they ought to be weighed in the balance, like other neutral nations. To be found under a convoy is not, in itself, an infraction of the treaty, but the conduct of this convoy is to be considered.

"The fifth article of the treaty of 1674 is reciprocal. 'If any ship, belonging to the subjects of his Majesty of Great Britain, shall in open sea, or elsewhere, out of the dominions of the said States, meet any ships of war of the Lords the States, or privateers belonging to their subjects, the said ships of the Lords the States, or of their subjects, shall keep at a convenient distance, and only send out their boat, with two or three men only, to go on board such ships or vessels of the subjects of his Majesty, in order that the passport, or sea-brief, concerning the property thereof, according to the form hereunder annexed, may be produced to them, by the captain or master of such ship or vessel, belonging to the subjects of his Majesty; and the said ships, so producing the same, shall freely pass; and it shall not be lawful to molest, search, detain, or force such ship from her intended voyage. And the subjects of the Lords the States shall enjoy in all things, the same liberty and immunity, they in like manner showing their passport, or sea-brief, made out according to the form prescribed at the foot of this treaty.'

"The sixth article is, 'If any ship or vessel, belonging to the English or other subjects of Great Britain, shall be met making into any port belonging to an enemy of the Lords the States, or, on the other side, if any ship belonging to the United Provinces of the Netherlands, or other subjects of the Lords the States, shall be met in her way, making into any port under the obedience of the enemies of his said Majesty, such ships shall show, not only a passport, or sea-brief, according to the form hereunder subscribed, wherewith she is to be furnished, but also her certificate or cocket, containing the particulars of the goods on board, in the usual form, by the officers of the customs of that port, from whence she came; whereby it may be known whether she is laden with any of the goods prohibited by the third article of this treaty.'

"Such are the terms of this treaty, which this court will not declare to be now in force; but one of the parties may renounce it; and it would be from that time, so far forth, a good cause of annulling it. It could not ever have been the intention of the contracting parties, that the merchant ships of the subjects of the States should become the transport vessels for the service of the King of France, nor that the men-of-war of the States should serve as a convoy to them. It is impossible to form an idea more unworthy of the sovereignty of the States. The idea of granting a convoy to all Dutch ships destined for the port of an enemy is offensive, and still more aggravating, when accompanied with resistance, or orders to resist, when they go so far as to reject _ipso facto_ all the ordinary ways of public justice, and to set at nought the articles, which had been established to prevent the consequences of the intervention of neuters, as parties in a war, by public acts; articles which stipulate a legal procedure for discussing all the points in controversy, before the courts of admiralty reciprocally; and in case the parties should not be satisfied, they ought to be finally heard by their respective sovereigns in council. Such is the tenor of the twelfth article of the treaty of 1674.

"In the present state of the cause, this court will not say, nevertheless, that the States have annulled the treaty; because the orders of Admiral Byland have not appeared, and his conduct may be disavowed by the States; but even the granting of a convoy, and above all of a squadron, is essentially offensive, since the Dutch subjects are already sufficiently armed by the treaty, and by the methods of redress prescribed, which are the same with all maritime nations. The party complaining follows the ship and the papers, which she has on board, into the jurisdiction of the place and country where he is carried, as the subject, who in the nature of things and proceedings, can only of necessity be judged there, where the original proofs exist; the judges specially constituted, for the decision of prizes, both in the first instance and in the last resort, are, by common consent, charged to hear and determine all national differences between powers who are friends and allies, like the Council of Amphyctions in ancient Greece. But seamen do not well comprehend this language. They speak roughly, like the mouths of their cannons. If this vessel had fired upon the boat, and any one had thereby lost his life, I think I should not have hesitated to condemn her upon general principles. Neither Admiral Byland, nor his instructions, are before me. I know not how to give a sentence against him or his vessels; nevertheless, he ought not to have fired upon the boat of Commodore Fielding; but he was bound to send to him his boat, and to propose an interview and an amicable conference. He might have made him a visit, which he immediately would have returned; and all the captains of the Dutch merchant ships might have been ordered on board the English Commodore, to produce their passports and cockets. The effect of his resistance is thus the cause, that, although I do not declare the treaty null generally, nevertheless, in retaliation to these vessels taken in time of resistance, I ought to declare the ship forfeited of its privilege, and foreclosed of the treaty, by the act of M. Byland. There was certainly never any vessel under convoy without instructions, at least in her course, and without signals. If the claimants had not withheld them, it would have appeared, whether the Dutch Admiral ought, or ought not to have escorted these ships even into the ports of France, which would have aggravated the offence against the treaty. A convoy of a single ship, destined for the States, destined for the Colonies of the States, or loaded generally with innocent commodities, is, in itself, inoffensive; because, in these times, there are in all the seas little pirates, furnished with all sorts of commissions, American, French, Spanish, and English; but a squadron of a line of battle ships, and which appears force [?] even to the treaty, which they claim the benefit of, is a serious affair. To engage in hostilities is not the way of protecting commerce; and those who have solicited the States to grant such a convoy, were rather factious Americans, or intriguing French politicians, than solid, sensible Dutchmen, true and real friends of their country. There is certainly among them a number of worthy people, who can never desire to become, in fact, a Province, under the obedience of the King of France, or his resident Minister.

"The case of the Swedish convoy is not applicable to this case. That convoy had not made any resistance. The ships entered the Downs by the bad weather, and were there taken without their convoy, which came to anchor near them. This was represented, and the course of justice was followed. The ship's papers were produced directly in this court, the requisites were done, and the causes finally discussed according to the style of the admiralty, _velo levato_; no time was lost, either in contesting the justice or demanding right; and the captains of the ships returned contented with their vessels after they had been paid the freight, as well as the expense; and the naval stores, which they had on board, were purchased by the government, by virtue of powers granted to the Council of the Royal Marine, by act of Parliament, in conformity to acts of Parliament in former wars.

"The question, whether the hemp and flax are contraband, is clear. Both of them have been adjudged such on all former occasions, when the quantity has been considerable, and particularly, when they are not of the produce of the country of the party which carries them. The flax is as necessary for sails, as the hemp for cordage; and if this court has once ordered that flax should be sold to the Commissioners of the navy, it was because it was of little value, and in very small quantity. I am sorry to learn, that the Navy Board makes any difficulty upon this subject. The iron on board was only for ballast."

I cannot go through with the whole of this decree for want of time; but the following curious and convenient doctrine ought not to be omitted.

"That, which in the natural or intellectual world is called quality, is not relative. Good and evil are relative. Everything is what it is, and acquires its denomination from comparison, degree, manner, quality, place, time, person, fault, &c. &c. These relations constitute the metaphysical essence of every complex idea in the human understanding. Hence that source, without end, of disputes, the glory of the bar, and of the schools of philosophy.

"Grotius and Bynkershoeck agree, and who is there that will deny, that necessity gives a right to make ourselves masters of everything, without the seizure of which a nation cannot defend herself? As in relation to want, if the enemy, on one part, is in want of stores, the want to intercept them on the other is equal. And in relation to blockades, every port of the enemy is blocked relative to a neutral vessel loaded with stores, which is seized, and, by consequence, blocked, or hindered to go there. It imports little, that whether the blockade be made across the narrows at Dover, or off the harbor at Brest, or L'Orient. If you are taken, you are blocked. Great Britain, by her insular situation, blocks naturally all the ports of Spain and France. She has a right to avail herself of this situation, as a gift of Providence.

"In fine, it is necessary to observe, that the claimants, founding themselves upon the privilege of the treaty, have not a single paper on board to prove the property of the cargo, in which respect all are defective. The sentence then, is, that, under the circumstances of this case, the claim of privilege is rejected, and that the Dutch master be enjoined to produce his sailing orders, and certificates and cockets from the Custom House of the port from whence the ship sailed, according to the stipulations of the sixth article of the treaty of 1674. The hemp and flax are condemned as contraband on board of this ship, and the owners of the iron are held to prove their property."

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 7th, 1780.

Sir,

There are several articles of intelligence today, which are connected with the subject of my letter of yesterday. One is from the Hague, the 2d of April. "Thursday night last two couriers from Petersburgh arrived here, alighted at the hotel of the Prince Gallitzen, the Envoy Extraordinary of her Majesty the Empress of all the Russias to the States-General. One of the couriers set off immediately for London, to the Russian Minister who resides there. The Prince Gallitzen having been in conference the next day with the President of the Assembly of their High Mightinesses, relative to the said despatches, this Minister sent back, the next night after his arrival, the same courier. From that time the report runs, that the object of these despatches was to communicate to the Republic the measures taken by Russia, with some of the northern powers, for ensuring respectively the safety of the navigation and commerce of their subjects, and to invite the States-General to enter into the same arrangements."

The other is from Constantinople, the 14th of February. "The privateers continue to vex the neutral ships in the seas of the Grand Seignior, by visiting and stopping them wherever they find them, and even without any discretion, at the entry of the ports and under the guns of our fortresses. The French frigate, the Gracieuse, which lay at anchor in the road of Cyprus, having learned that an English privateer had brought into the port of this island a French prize, sent to her some boats armed to retake her, which they could not accomplish, however, without having some men killed on both sides. The English consul having carried his complaints to the government of the Island, of a violation of the laws of nations and demanded assistance, he was so well succored, that the French were obliged to abandon the prize, and all of their nation who were in the island came very near being massacred by the Turks. As the Porte has also been informed, that on the other hand the ship Smyrna, of Rotterdam, has run a risk of undergoing the same fate with the ship of Captain Kinder, of Amsterdam, and perhaps to suffer treatment still harder, and in sight of the city of Smyrna; she has not only resolved to send new orders to all the commandants, to enjoin them very seriously to observe a neutrality the most exact, by fulfilling their duty, but she has also testified her sensibility in regard to all these depredations to the Ambassadors of the Courts of France and England, by sending to them last Saturday a representation in writing, purporting, that as the Porte had not failed to observe, during the war between France and England, an exact and perfect neutrality to facilitate their commerce upon an equal footing, and to afford to their ships all possible safety in her seas, it was natural that she should, and ought to expect, that the two powers would answer her conduct with a sincere friendship. That at the news of the first differences arisen between the two kingdoms, there were conferences held with their Ambassadors, in which it was agreed upon an equal footing; that the rules of the sea should not be violated, and that they should be, on the contrary, exactly observed and respected. That in consequence of this agreement, the Porte had not neglected anything to fulfil of fortresses and castles in the empire, to protect the ships of war and merchant-men against every attack, and not to suffer that any hostilities should be commenced in the ports of the Grand Seignior, and under the cannon and in sight of his fortresses.

"But in spite of all these measures, these powers had not taken care to observe them, which was the cause that no nation could now navigate freely and safely; that even to this time, the Porte had not received the least answer on the subject of a regulation of neutrality, which had been formed upon the footing of that which had been established during former wars between Christian powers, and of which communication had been made to the said Ambassadors, with a view to put a stop to the intolerable irregularities which had taken place in his seas, and to the end to prevent in consequence continual complaints and representations. That the Porte was informed foreign privateers held his ports blocked up, and forced the ships which entered into them or went out, without even excepting the Turkish vessels, to submit to their unjust visits and searches.

"That such a conduct, being contrary to the honor of the empire, the Porte ought to determine, as soon as possible, and communicate to the belligerent powers a good regulation, to the end, to procure by that means repose, to his subjects, whom Providence had confided to his care, and to this end it was necessary, that the Ambassadors of these two powers should be advertised to request their Courts, in the first place, to send, as soon as possible, to the captains and officers of ships armed for war, or privateers, precise orders, and as some time must pass before they can receive such orders, the Porte hopes that the gentlemen, the Ambassadors, will be so good in the meantime, as to order the captains and officers to suspend their operations, and abstain from all acts of hostility.

"And as, in consequence of the ancient regulations, every time that any vessels of war or armed ships come into the seas of the Grand Seignior, the foreign Ministers were held to give notice to the Porte of the object of their expedition or voyage, of their destination, and of the time they were to stay, it could not but be regarded as unreasonable, and entirely contrary to the reciprocal friendship, if these formalities should not be observed, the Porte, considering it as one of its principal duties, to employ all possible means to procure the tranquillity of its merchants, to protect their possessions against all force and injustice, as also to grant its protection to the subjects of the belligerent powers, and those of other powers who are equally good friends of this empire."

The Porte finishes, by giving notice to the Ambassadors, that the Capitan Pacha was ordered to oppose himself in a friendly manner to the enterprises of those, who should pursue the ancient proceedings, and to protect the merchants and the ships of all nations, who carry on commerce in the countries of this empire, whose sovereigns live in friendship with the Porte.

A third is a letter from Petersburg, 7th of March. "The rencounter which the Dutch convoy, on going out of the Texel the later end of December, under the command of Admiral Byland, had with the English squadron under Commodore Fielding, as well as the violent and hostile manner in which they made prize of this convoy, have occasioned here the greatest astonishment, and it is very much desired to know the consequences of this measure, which is generally considered as very offensive to the Republic of the United Provinces, and derogatory both to the treaties subsisting between the two nations, to the law of nations, and to the respect which ought to take place between two free and independent powers."

But that which is thought more extraordinary still, is, that the Court of London should have ordered a step so violent and insulting at a time when, having to maintain a war so dangerous as that against France, Spain, and the United States of America, her situation must appear not less anxious than dangerous, which this Court itself seems to acknowledge, by representing as she has done, that not finding herself in a condition to oppose the dangerous designs of the House of Bourbon, which, if you believe her, threaten the safety of all Europe, she believed herself consequently to have cause to demand succors here, as well as from the Republic of the United Provinces. However this may be, it is nevertheless notorious, that the solicitations of England have produced no effect here, which has given no small satisfaction to those, who consider in their proper point of light the designs and the conduct of this power, since the commencement of this war against the liberty of commerce and the navigation of free and independent powers, by means of which people in general seem so much the more pleased with the present resolution taken by her Majesty the Empress of all the Russias, relative to the said solicitation, as well as with the system of neutrality, which she has adopted, because without this wise measure there is no doubt but Great Britain would have pushed much further the irregularity of her proceedings.

The English, who are here, exert themselves as much as they can to justify and even to praise this proceeding of their nation towards the said convoy, but in vain have they attempted to induce the public to adopt this error, by advancing boldly, that the Court of Russia approves the violence, which they have exercised in this rencounter. No man believes them, since in fact it is impossible that the Empress can approve an action so diametrically opposite to the tenor of treaties, to the law of nations, as well as to the dignity of a sovereign and independent power, the injustice of which is so notorious, that if it had been committed with similar circumstances upon the Russian flag, the Princess herself would have been the first to have condemned it. Thus the reports, which the English propagate here, of the approbation given to these proceedings, imply so much the more of a manifest contradiction to the sentiments and manner of thinking of the Empress and her Ministers, that it is well known, that from the beginning of the present troubles, the Court of Russia has made representations and complaints against that of London, for the violent and arbitrary manner of acting, which this last has indulged herself in, against the navigation and commerce of neutral powers, from whence it has resulted, that other nations, in imitation of this proceeding, have embarrassed business more and more, until there exists no safety for any, which causes the greatest embarrassment to merchants and the freighters of ships.

I ought to add to this letter, that the English emissaries, who propagate false news everywhere and about everything, having circulated a report, that the Porte was discontented with the peace made with Russia, the Grand Seignior thought it necessary to order the interpreter of the Court to declare to all foreign Ministers, that the Sultan and all his Ministers had every reason to be very well satisfied with the accommodation with the Empress of Russia, and that he was determined to maintain religiously all the articles contained in that treaty. All these things tend to show, that the state of Europe continues the same, and that England, instead of getting an ally, is likely to have a combination of all maritime powers to bring her to reason.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL, SECRETARY OF THE AMERICAN EMBASSY AT MADRID.

Paris, April 8th, 1780.

Sir,

I have this moment the honor of your letter from Madrid of the 29th of February, as I suppose, although the month is not mentioned. I thank you, Sir, for commencing a correspondence, which I have for some time wished to begin. I wrote to Mr Jay at Madrid, on the 22d of February, and wish to know if he has received the letter. It is certainly proper, that those who are intrusted abroad should maintain a correspondence and cultivate a good understanding with each other, because, although their departments are in some respects separate, yet in others they are intimately connected. From all that I heard in Spain, I expected, that you would meet with an agreeable reception at Madrid; and I am much pleased to learn from you, that I was not mistaken.

I have sometimes wondered at the slowness of Spain in making a treaty with us; but, when I reflected upon a certain secret article, my surprise ceased. We are already bound in a treaty to her, but she is not bound to us. It would be ungenerous in her, however, to hold us long in this situation. The treaty, notwithstanding all that has been justly said of the advantages to us, is not less advantageous to our allies. The single article, that binds us to exclude all armed vessels of the enemies, in all future wars, from our ports, is worth more millions to them than this war will cost; nay, it will be a severer loss to Great Britain, than all that she has spent in it. Whether Great Britain has considered this or not I do not know; but she will some time or other discover it, and feel the inconvenience of it.

You ask for news from America. A vessel from Baltimore is arrived at Bordeaux, but not a single letter to Dr Franklin or me. She brings two or three Baltimore newspapers, one as late as the 15th of February. There has been a hard winter, deep snows, uncommon frosts, frozen over from Connecticut to Long Island, and from New Jersey to Staten Island. Lord Sterling went over to Staten Island with a party on the ice, burnt a few vessels and a guard house, took a few prisoners, and brought off a few deserters. Some New Jersey people went over at the same time, and plundered without mercy. Finding the communication open with New York, which had been supposed to be obstructed by the ice, he returned. An article from a Fishkill paper says, that Clinton and Cornwallis sailed the 26th of December, with seven thousand men, for the West Indies, but that the storm, which happened soon after their departure, was supposed to have done him mischief. A ship, brig, and schooner were lost in the storm on Cape Cod, unknown who or whence, all perished. Congress had recommended to all the States to regulate prices at twenty for one, which, by the speculations in the papers, was not well liked. Governor Johnson is a delegate for Maryland, General Ward for Massachusetts, in the room of Mr Dana, (who desires me to return you his compliments and respects.) The other delegates as last year. This is all the news I can recollect, having seen the papers only a few minutes in a large company.

The general state of affairs appears very well. I see no probability of England's obtaining an ally; on the contrary, there are many symptoms of an approaching combination of the maritime powers, to protect neutral ships from searches and insults. Ireland is in the full career of independence. England seems determined to force Holland into a war against her, that she may have an opportunity to plunder her.

The correspondences and associations in England distress the Ministry very much; and, if the war continues and they should not be very successful, it seems likely, that they would save us the trouble of despatching them. I wish, however, that France and Spain were more convinced of the advantages they have in America and the West Indies. The more ships they send into those seas, the more they will force England to send there; and the more she sends there, the weaker she is in Europe, and the less she is dreaded and respected. Holland, Ireland, the opposition in England, and the other maritime powers all feel a confidence rising in proportion to the diminution of the British naval force in Europe, besides the innumerable advantages the French and Spaniards have, in supporting the war in the American seas over the English, which they have not in Europe; but I am apprehensive of being tedious. My compliments to Mr Jay and his family.

I am, with much respect, your most obedient and humble servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 8th, 1780.

Sir,

It will not be disagreeable to Congress to see a list of the naval losses of the English, since the commencement of the war.

_Taken by the Americans and the French._

Guns. Guns. Active, 82 Experiment, 50 Fox, 1st, 20 Montreal, 32 Fox, 2d, 20 Alert, cutter, 14 Lively, 20 Ceres, 18 Hellena, schooner, 16 Countess of Scarborough, 42 Ardent, 64 Liverpool, 28 Thorn, 16 Unicorn 20 Drake, 20 Ariel, 16 Minerva, 32 Folstone, cutter, 6 Serapis, 44 Holderness, destroyed, 4

_Lost, or cast away._

Guns. Guns. Somerset, 64 Mermaid, 28 Arethusa, 32 Glasgow, burnt, 20 Speedwell, 14 Vestal, 20 Acteon, 32 Mercury, 20 Repulse, 32 Quebec, blown up, 32 Viper, 16 Grampus, Success, 24 Tortoise, Pomona, 18 Leviathan.

_Burnt, sunk, or otherwise destroyed, to prevent their falling into the Hands of their Enemies_.

Guns. Guns. Augusta, 64 Cerberus, 28 Lark, 14 Syren, 28 Juno, 32 King Fisher, 14 Flora, 32 Falcon, 18 Orpheus, 32 Essex, 64

Making a total number of fortysix vessels.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 10th, 1780.

Sir,

There are several miscellaneous articles of intelligence, which ought to be mentioned to Congress.

One from Copenhagen, of the 25th of March. "The Count de Lucchese, Minister of the King of the Two Sicilies, and charged at the same time with the affairs of the Court of Madrid, has received orders to declare to ours, that the King of Spain had it in contemplation to make arrangements relative to merchant ships of neutral powers, and with which we should have cause to be very well pleased. However this may be, we have not any news that the Danish ships detained, to the number of twenty, at Cadiz and Malaga, have been as yet released, which is a great damage to those who are interested in those vessels.

"There is arrived in this city a courier coming from St Petersburg, who has also passed through Stockholm, who after having delivered his despatches to the Envoy Extraordinary of her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, at this Court, immediately continued his journey for Hamburg."

Another is from Madrid, the 13th of March. "It is said that our Court will soon publish a new regulation relative to the Dutch navigation. In the meantime, they have released two ships of this nation, viz. the Griffin and the Zandam, which were detained at Algeziras.

"The register ships destined for the Havana and Vera Cruz, which are ready at Cadiz, are to sail immediately; these ships will be convoyed by twelve ships of the line and two frigates, as far as the Canary Islands. It is assured, that there will be embarked on board of this fleet, twelve thousand men, who are to be transported to America under the command of Don Victa de Nava, Lieutenant General. The last letters from the Havana import, that there were in that port fourteen ships of the line, as well as four thousand men ready to embark for an expedition, the object of which is yet unknown. Two of our cruisers have entered Barcelona with five very rich prizes, among which, one had on board eighteen thousand guineas, destined for Mahon."

Another from Paris. "Letters from Malta of the 11th of February inform, that the King's frigate, the Syracuse, commanded by M. Clavel, off Candia, has taken the English cutter, the Buck, of twentyfour guns, twelve swivels, and two hundred and three men, commanded by Captain George Flagg, and that the bad condition to which the engagement had reduced her, had induced him to sink her."

Another from Francfort, of the 1st of April. "They write from Hesse, that they continued to raise many recruits, and that there were at Ziagenham six hundred and eight volunteers, who were to set off in a little time with eleven hundred and twenty men for America."

Another from Amsterdam, of the 6th of March. "We learn from Dort, that they expected there the English vessels destined to transport the German troops for the service of England, which were still at Nimeguen; and they write from the Hague, that General Faucet had arrived there a few days since."

Another from London, of the 31st of March. "The despatches, which the Court has last received from Sir Joseph Yorke, excite the particular attention of the Ministry. Although the contents of them have not yet been made public, it is said, nevertheless, that in consequence of the memorial, presented on the 21st to the States-General by the British Minister, their High Mightinesses have taken the _Pre-avis_, relative to the succors demanded by Great Britain, which, although conceived in very moderate terms, contains, nevertheless, a refusal to furnish the succors demanded. The Republic, as it is pretended, founding its inability to comply with this demand principally upon the non-existence of the case of invasion of the British States, as a case, which alone could lay them under obligation to accede to the requisition of the King of England, the Count de Welderen, Envoy Extraordinary of the States-General, has been on the 29th in conference with Lord Stormont, and communicated to him the _Pre-avis_ of their High Mightinesses, relative to the requisition of his Britannic Majesty, upon the subject of which the States-General will soon take a formal resolution. It is reported also, that his Excellency has likewise imparted to our Ministry the sentence of a court martial, which has adjudged, that Count Byland was not the aggressor in the affair of the seizure of the Dutch ships by Commodore Fielding. However, it is asserted, that the Court of St James has declared afresh, 'That if the States-General refuse to furnish to England the succors demanded in virtue of the treaties, she will give orders to search, without distinction, all Dutch ships under convoy and without convoy, and that all the merchandises and effects destined for the French and Spaniards, which shall be found loaded on board of these vessels, shall be seized and confiscated; adding, that it is neither just nor reasonable, that the Republic should be excused, on her part, from the observation of the treaties, while England should be held on hers to fulfil the conditions, and that thus, in consequence of her former declaration, the Republic should be no more considered but on the footing of other neutral powers.'

"They say, moreover, that the reasons alleged by their High Mightinesses in justification of their refusal to acquiesce in the demand of England, are of a nature to convince our Ministry, that such an acquiescence would produce consequences equally hurtful to the respective interests of the two powers in the present conjuncture.

"We are assured, that each man of the crews of the squadron of Commodore Fielding, will receive more than nine pounds sterling, for his share of the proceeds of the captures made of the Dutch convoy, and that there will be two hundred pounds sterling paid to the King's ships at Spithead, for their part of the prizes which they have made.

"The Court has received, within a few days, a great number of despatches from its Ministers at foreign Courts, the contents of which have given occasion to several cabinet councils. Those of Sir Joseph Yorke have excited a particular attention.

"The officers of all the vessels of war destined for sea, have received orders to repair on board as soon as possible, and be ready to sail on the first notice. The officers of the regiments of regular troops, and of the militia, must also join their respective corps without delay, that they may be ready to march by the middle of April. The forces will encamp nearly in the same place as last year; and there will be some detached corps ready to join the different camps according to circumstances."

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect and esteem, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 10th, 1780.

Sir,

The _Memoire_ of the Prince Gallitzen, Envoy Extraordinary from the Empress of all the Russias to the States-General, presented the third of this month, is of too much importance to the United States of America, and their allies, to be omitted to be sent to Congress. It is of the following tenor.

"High and Mighty Lords,

"The undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary of her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, has the honor to communicate a copy of the declaration, which the Empress, his Sovereign, has made to the powers actually at war. Your High Mightinesses may regard this communication, as a particular mark of the attention of the Empress to the Republic, equally interested in the reasons which have given birth to this declaration.

"He has, moreover, orders to declare, in the name of her Imperial Majesty, that how much soever she may desire, on the one hand, to maintain during the present war the strictest neutrality, she will, nevertheless maintain, by means the most efficacious, the honor of the Russian flag, and the safety of her commerce, and the navigation of her subjects, and will not suffer that any injury should be done to it by any of the belligerent powers. That to avoid, on this occasion, all misunderstanding or false interpretation, she has thought it her duty to specify in her declaration the terms of a free commerce, and of that which is called contraband; that if the definition is founded upon notions the most simple, the most clear, and the most determinate by the law of nature, that of the latter is taken by her literally from the treaty of commerce of Russia with Great Britain; that by this she proves incontestably her good faith, and her impartiality towards both parties; that she thinks, consequently, that she ought to expect, that the other commercial powers will be earnest to accede to her manner of thinking relative to the neutrality.

"In pursuance of these two views, her Majesty has charged the subscriber to invite your High Mightinesses to make a common cause with her; insomuch, that this union may serve to protect commerce and navigation, observing at the same time the most exact neutrality, and to communicate to you the measures which she has taken in consequence. Similar invitations have been already made to the Courts of Copenhagen, Stockholm, and Lisbon, to the end, that by the common cares of all neutral maritime powers, a neutral system, founded on justice, and which, by its real utility, may serve as a rule for future ages, may be established and made legal in favor of the commercial navigation of neutral nations. The subscriber makes no doubt, that your High Mightinesses will take into consideration the invitation of her Imperial Majesty, and concur in making, without delay, a declaration to the belligerent powers, founded upon the same principles with those of the Empress, his sovereign, by explaining your sentiments at the same time upon the subject of the protection of your commerce, of your navigation, and of the nature of contraband goods, conformably to the terms of your particular treaties with other nations. Moreover, the subscriber has the honor to assure your High Mightinesses, that if, for establishing solidly a system, equally glorious and advantageous to the prosperity of navigation in general, you will commence a negotiation with the neutral powers abovementioned, to the end to establish a particular convention upon this subject, the Empress, his sovereign, will be ready to engage in it.

"Your High Mightinesses will readily perceive the necessity of coming to a resolution upon subjects equally important and advantageous to humanity in general.

"The subscriber requests the favor, that your High Mightinesses would furnish him with a speedy answer.

GALLITZEN."

* * * * *

DECLARATION

_Of her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, made to the Courts of Versailles, Madrid, and London, mentioned in the foregoing Memorial._

"The Empress of all the Russias has manifested so visibly the sentiments of justice, equity, and moderation, which animate her, and has given, during the whole course of the war maintained against the Ottoman Porte, such convincing proofs of her attention to the rights of neutrality, and the freedom of commerce in general, that, in this respect, she may appeal to the testimony of all Europe. This conduct, as well as the scrupulous exactness with which she has observed the rules of neutrality during the Course of this war, has given her room to hope, that her subjects would peaceably enjoy the fruits of their industry, and the advantages, which belong to all neutral nations. Experience has, however, taught her the contrary, since neither these considerations, nor the regard due to what the law of nations in general prescribes, have been able to hinder the subjects of her Majesty from being oftentimes troubled in their navigation, or interrupted or retarded in their commerce, by the subjects of the belligerent powers. These interruptions having come upon business in general, and that of Russia in particular, are of a nature to awaken the attention of all the neutral nations, and oblige her Majesty, the Empress, to seek to deliver herself from them by all means suitable to her dignity and the well being of her subjects.

"But before she shall put them in execution, being filled with a sincere desire to prevent all subsequent acts of violence, she has thought that it was consistent with her equity to lay open to all Europe the principles, which will govern her, and which are indispensable to prevent all misunderstanding, as well as all which might give occasion to it. To this she has determined herself with so much the more confidence, as these principles are drawn from the primitive law of nations, and adopted by all nations, which the belligerent powers themselves cannot enervate, at least not without violating the laws of neutrality, and contemning the fundamental rules which they themselves have adopted, in divers treaties and alliances now existing.

"ARTICLE I. That all neutral vessels ought to navigate freely from one port to another, as well as upon the coasts of the powers now at war.

"ARTICLE II. That the effects belonging to the subjects of the belligerent powers shall be free in neutral ships, excepting always contraband goods.

"ARTICLE III. That her Imperial Majesty, in consequence of the limits above fixed, will adhere strictly to that which is stipulated by the tenth and eleventh articles of her treaty of commerce with Great Britain, concerning the manner in which she ought to conduct towards all the belligerent powers.

"ARTICLE IV. That as to what concerns a port blocked up, we ought not in truth to consider as such any but those, which are found so well shut up by a fixed and sufficient number of vessels belonging to the power which attacks it, that one cannot attempt to enter into such port without evident danger.

"ARTICLE V. That these principles above laid down ought to serve as a rule in all proceedings, whenever there is a question concerning the legality of prizes.

"From these considerations, her Imperial Majesty makes no difficulty to declare, that wishing to insure the execution of that, which is herein before declared, to maintain at the same time the honor of her flag, as well as the safety of the commerce of her States, and also to protect the navigation of her subjects against all those whom it may concern, she has given orders that a considerable portion of her maritime forces shall be put to sea, with no other intention than to insure the observation of the most exact and the most strict neutrality, which her Majesty proposes to keep as long as she shall not see herself absolutely forced to depart from that system of moderation and of perfect neutrality, which she has adopted; in such sort, that it will not be but in the last extremity, that her fleet will exercise her final orders to go wherever the necessity and the circumstances may require.

"It is then by assuring the belligerent powers in the most solemn manner, and with all that rectitude and sincerity, which form the distinguishing character of her Imperial Majesty, that she declares to them that she proposes to herself no other thing, than to convince them of the sentiments of equity with which she is animated, as well as of the tendency of her salutary views towards the well being of all nations in general, and particularly of those now at war, and that consequently her Imperial Majesty will provide her Admiralty as well as her Generals with instructions relative to this system, extracted from the code of nations, and which they have so often taken for rules in their treaties."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 11th, 1780.

Sir,

The counties in England, which have agreed to petitions upon the expenditure of public money, the influence of the Crown, and the corruption of Parliament, are these.

York, December 3d, 1779, Dorset, " 27th, " Middlesex, January 7th, 1780, Chester, " 13th, " Hertford, " 17th, " Sussex, " 20th, " Huntington, " 20th, " Surry, " 21st, " Cumberland, " 22d, " Bedford, " 24th, " Essex, " 24th, " Gloucester, " 25th, " Somerset, " 25th, " Wilts, " 25th, " Devon, " 28th, " Norfolk, " 29th, " Berks, " 31st, " Bucks, February 26th, " Nottingham, " 28th, " Kent, March 4th, " Northumberland, " 8th, " Hereford, " 11th, " Suffolk, " 14th, " Cambridge, " 25th, " Derby, " 30th, "

In all, twentyfive counties.

The first meeting of the delegates was March the 11th, 1780. The cities and towns, which have agreed upon similar petitions, are London, Westminster, York, Bristol, Cambridge, Nottingham, Newcastle, Reading, and Bridgewater.

The counties, which have not yet agreed upon petitions, are Westmoreland, Durham, Lancaster, Salop, Stafford, Lincoln, Leicester, Warwick, Oxford, Worcester, Cornwall, and Rutland. Hants agreed on a petition, but appointed no committee, and Northampton agreed to instruct their members on the points of the petition.

This account takes no notice of the twelve Welsh counties; these, however, are small.

The counties, which have already petitioned, it seems, therefore, are a vast majority of the kingdom in numbers as well as property and understanding; and the meeting of their committees may be reasonably considered as a more equitable and adequate representation of the people of England, than the House of Commons.

Amidst all the addresses, instructions, petitions, associations, and resolutions, I never found one that dared to expose the true cause of their miseries, and to propose a remedy, until the association of the county of York appeared, which was agreed to by the committee of sixtyone, to be recommended to the general meeting of the county of York, held the 28th of March, 1780.

They declare their unanimous assent,

1st. To the economical reform requested by the petitions of the people.

2dly. To the proposition for obtaining a more equal representation of the people in Parliament, by the addition of at least one hundred Knights, to be chosen in a due proportion by the several counties of Great Britain.

3dly. To the proposition for the members of the House of Commons to be elected, to serve in Parliament for a term not exceeding three years.

But the most important resolution of all was also unanimous, "That it is the opinion of this meeting, that the prosecution of an offensive war in America is most evidently a measure, which, by employing our great and enormously expensive military operations against the inhabitants of that country, prevents this from exerting its united, vigorous, and firm efforts against the powers of France and Spain, and has no other effect upon America, than to continue, and thereby to increase the enmity, which has so long and so fatally subsisted between the arms of both, can be productive of no good whatever, but by preventing conciliation, threatens the accomplishment of the ruin of the British Empire."

This meeting, which is said to have been the largest ever known, and perfectly unanimous, gave power to the committee of association to call the county together when they should judge proper.

After all, even this committee does not appear to see the true interest of the country, the necessity of peace. Peace alone can save them. They are for leaving America, which is a great thing; but it does not appear but that they are still for continuing the war with our allies.

An article of the 4th of April says, that commotions are reported to have arisen in the County of York, many of the inhabitants of which have peremptorily refused to pay the taxes.

Congress will observe by the paragraphs in the Morning Post of April the 1st, that they seem to be in England totally ignorant of the designs of the Empress of Russia, and of the other neutral powers.

The paper of April the 3d contains Major General Campbell's and Lieutenant Colonel Dickson's account of the surrender of the port of Baton Rouge, &c. with about five hundred regular troops prisoners of war, to Don Bernado de Galvez, the 21st of September.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 14th, 1780.

Sir,

Everything which tends to show the probability of a general association of the maritime powers, against the violences at sea, which the English have practised, and which other nations, after their example, have begun, and which tends to prove the justice, the wisdom, and the humanity of such an association, is worthy of observation. For my own part, I think, that the abolition of the whole doctrine of contraband would be for the peace and happiness of mankind; and I doubt not, as human reason advances, and men come to be more sensible of the benefits of peace, and less enthusiastic for the savage glories of war, all neutral nations will be allowed, by universal consent, to carry what goods they please in their own ships, provided they are not bound to places actually invested by an enemy.

_Constantinople, March the 3d._ "The Porte having received the disagreeable news, that three xebecs from Malta had seized upon a large Turkish ship with a rich cargo of coffee, rice, hemp, and other productions, this advice has accelerated the departure of two men-of-war and four gallies, which will go before the fleet of the Grand Admiral, to cruise in the Archipelago, and protect the navigation of the European nations against the vexations of the French and English."

_Copenhagen, March the 28th._ "Captain Zagel, the courier of her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, is returned to Petersburgh, accompanied by Captain Socolousky, Secretary of the Russian Consul in the Sound. They are very busy here in equipping the vessels of war, the Wagrie, of sixtyfour guns, the Infodstretten, of sixtyfour, and the frigate Combord, of thirtyfour."

_London, April the 4th._ "There are lately arrived here interesting despatches to government from Sir Joseph Yorke, which contain some further explanations of the dispositions of the Republic, in consequence of the last Memorial presented to their High Mightinesses by that Minister, and the resolution to protect the commerce of their subjects. However this may be, there are actually in the ports of this kingdom fifty Dutch vessels seized by our ships of war, because they were found loaded with naval stores for our enemies; and, already the most of their cargoes have been adjudged good prizes. These articles being considered as contraband, and their transportation to an enemy contrary to treaties subsisting between the Republic and England."

_Hague, April the 9th._ "We learn, that the States of the Province of Overyssell have sent to the Assembly of their High Mightinesses their instructions, relative to the two Memorials presented by Sir Joseph Yorke, the 28th of July, and the 26th of November, of the last year, the first purporting a demand of succors stipulated by the treaty of 1678, and the second demanding an immediate and categorical answer. The contents of the instructions are, 'That their Noble Mightinesses, after having maturely reflected upon all which concerns the matter in question, especially upon the treaties existing between the kingdom and the Republics, as well as the obligations, which the two nations had mutually laid themselves under, and also in particular, upon the present situation in which this republic now stands in several points respecting her own preservation, the maintenance of her rights and possessions, and respecting the powers actually at war, judge, that the two Memorials presented by Sir Joseph Yorke may and ought to be answered in the following manner. That all the principles alleged, and the circumstances at this time existing, oblige their High Mightinesses more than ever to watch carefully their own preservation and defence, to use every effort to ward off all further dangerous consequences, and to this end, to request his Majesty not to take it in ill part, if in the critical situation of affairs, in which the least diminution of their forces might be dangerous, their High Mightinesses think themselves lawfully authorised to refuse the succors demanded by his Majesty, although these succors, considering certain engagements, the pretended application of which it would be useless at this time to search into, may be judged indispensable by his Majesty, in the firm confidence, that, in the circumstances in which their High Mightinesses find themselves, his Majesty, not disapproving, of their conduct, will desist, not only from demanding their assistance, but on the contrary, as a proof of the affection of which his Majesty had so often given them assurances, will permit them invariably to pursue that neutrality, which from the beginning of the present troubles they have adopted.'

"It is asserted, that on the Memorial presented by the Prince Gallitzen, Envoy Extraordinary of the Empress of Russia, their High Mightinesses have provisionally concluded, 'That having taken the said Memorial into consideration, the deputies of the respective Provinces have sent copies of it, as well as of the papers annexed to it, to be communicated to their Assemblies, praying them to procure, as soon as possible, the resolutions of the States, their constituents.'

"In the meantime, since the said Memorial has been made public, it is given out, that the convention between the Courts of Petersburgh, Stockholm, and Copenhagen, will in a little time be confirmed, and that Denmark will procure, on certain conditions, five or six thousand seamen for this Republic.

"We learn that the answer of his Britannic Majesty to the representations which the Count de Walderen, Minister of the States-General at the Court of London, has been charged by their High Mightinesses to make to the British Government, relative to a prolongation of the term of three weeks, prescribed in the last Memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke, for giving him a definitive answer, &c. arrived the 31st of last month, and is found to be in the negative, the King insisting on an answer by the time fixed, which will expire next Tuesday.

"They give out, that the cities of Dantzic, Lubec, Bremen, Hamburgh, &c. will adopt, as well as most of the northern powers, the party of neutrality, and that, if England persists in the practice of visiting, stopping, and searching neutral vessels, Denmark is resolved to exclude English vessels from the Sound."

To judge of things the most impartially, no man can doubt, that proceedings so violent, and so contrary to the natural rights of nations, will make the neutral powers _feel_ how much it imports them to set bounds to the intolerable excesses, to which their vessels, sailing under the faith of treaties, are daily exposed by the ships of one party in the present war.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 15th, 1780.

Sir,

There is an article from Hamburgh which deserves attention; it is this.

"The neutrality of the powers of the north is decided. They have profited of the divisions, which have arisen between England and North America, by selling to the former, timber, cordage, hemp, and tar, which she formerly drew from her Colonies. The occasions, which the enemies of Great Britain have also had for these articles, have established a competition, which has procured great advantages to the commerce of the north. They have everywhere taken measures to protect it."

In vain has England sought assistance from that quarter; her conduct has irrevocably deprived her of it.

_Leghorn, 22d of March._ "We learn from Naples, that the King has purchased of the Order of Malta two vessels, to increase the marine of that kingdom. His Majesty is attentively engaged in the care of forming officers for this department. The young gentry, whom he has sent to serve on board of the squadrons of the belligerent powers, have all of them distinguished themselves; and those who remain at Naples, under the direction of the Chevalier Aston, have discovered equal zeal, intelligence, and good will, for the service of the marine."

_Madrid, 25th of March._ "Our squadrons, they write from Cadiz the 16th of this month, will put to sea without delay. Transport ships are taken up on freight with great activity, and all the troops are arrived. The following is an exact state of the armament.

"The complete regiments of the King, Guadalajara, Arragon, Soria, and the second regiment of Catalonia; in all ten battalions, making six thousand and six hundred men.

"The squadron of D. Solano; the St Louis, of eighty guns, the St Augustine, the Orient, the Gaillard, the Arrogant, all of seventy guns, and the Rule of sixty guns.

"The squadron of D. Tomaseo; the St Nicholas, of eighty guns, the Eugene, the Damase, the St Janizer, the St Francis, the Assisse, and the Warrior, all of seventy guns.

"The first squadron takes in provisions for five months, and the second for four months and a half. They fill up the regiments, which are destined for the expedition, with soldiers from the regiment of Hibernia.

"The beautiful wools of Segovia have not been always employed within the kingdom, because the love of labor has not been predominant; but since the establishment of the royal patriotic society, industry has recovered its activity. D. Laurent Ortiz de Paz has established spinneries of wool in that city, and in St Ildephonso, and other places. His Majesty has assigned rewards for men and women, who shall distinguish themselves in this kind of labor. This measure cannot fail to establish the royal manufacture of fine cloth, which the Marquis of Enseñada had already erected at Segovia, and which had fallen into decay with the favor of that Minister."

There are in some of the papers hints of a plan of pacification, which is said to come from the Rockingham party. The substance of it is as follows.

"Let us open our eyes! The hope of subjecting America is a chimera. Nothing but clemency can ever open a way for a reconciliation with its inhabitants. To show that we wish it sincerely let us give up Nova Scotia, that dry, uninhabitable, and languishing colony, which produces nothing. Let us also permit the Canadians to institute a form of government, which may be agreeable to themselves, and let the independence of North America become the object of our support. Sooner or later it will be unavoidable, that America should separate herself from us, and I should be very glad that a permanent system of alliance should take place between them and their mother country, before our ancient colonies shall be united to France, by ties too strict to be relaxed. I am persuaded, that neither Nova Scotia nor Canada will remain long under the government of England; and it is to be feared, that in contending for them we shall still further embroil affairs. Nova Scotia is not worth the trouble of keeping it, and it will require continual succors. Canada will occasion us more expense than it will bring us in profit, and will never become flourishing under an European government; at least unless the whole country should be recovered. We deceive ourselves if we imagine, that by emancipating the Americans we shall lose our American islands. We hold these by the strongest of all ties, which is, that of their own interest. North America will not seek to make conquests so long as it shall be divided into distinct States, and under a republican form of government; and it is probable, that several centuries will pass away before she will change the form of her administrations. Commerce will return into England, and into our islands, without any other motive than that which actuates all the commercial nations of the earth. If we were now disembarrassed of the objects of dispute, concerning which Spain discovers so many pretensions, and if we could content ourselves with a superiority at sea, all that would result from it would be, that our trade to the Levant would increase, we should become more respectable, and we should see ourselves more in a condition to maintain our quarrels, and protect our rich possessions, without hazarding a bankruptcy by expenses, which we cannot sustain. Our maritime power will always be sufficient to protect our islands. Our naval forces will never want anything so long as we shall have divers markets, where our vessels may go. The northern powers of Europe, and the northern States of America, will be competitors to serve us, so long as we preserve the superiority upon the sea, and while, by means of our manufacturers, we can pay for them, or make an advantageous exchange, with the one and the other. We have as good a right to things, which we can purchase in divers foreign markets, as if the things were the productions of our own establishments.

"Are France and Spain in want of warlike stores? Are they not as well supplied with them as we are? And do they not make Sweden rather incline to their side, by means of their commerce with that country for these articles? Is it probable that they can ever shut up from us the ports of America, of Russia, of Denmark, and of Sweden, while it is the interest of these States to furnish us? It is necessary, then, to resolve to demand peace by the means which offer themselves, and which are not only able to obtain it, but may still be preserved, and in which there is no appearance that we shall be disturbed, if, at least, at all times we preserve our marine upon a respectable footing; and, if we do not, we ever subject ourselves to be restrained upon the article of the number of ships, and in the places where we shall employ them. In that case we shall not perceive that Gibraltar or Minorca is wanting to us. We shall always be ready to meet our enemies in those parts where our safety, security, and riches lie, and which nature points out to us as our proper element. Surrounded on all sides by the sea, there is one half of the nation whose inhabitants understand navigation, from their infancy, and they are disposed to become seamen because they are almost educated with the sea. But whenever we shall engage ourselves in the wars of the continent, we shall never draw from them any solid advantages. Where are the trophies so dearly purchased of King William and Marlborough? And where is the benefit of the two last wars? The balance of power will not remain long in our hands, although we have engaged the annual produce of an innumerable quantity of taxes.

"In America we have destroyed the balance, which held our colonies in dependence. We ought not, then, to lose the opportunity of binding the interests of the United States with ours by some amicable convention, which will assure us of their attachment, and deliver us from the cruel necessity of continuing the war with our own children. It is by this means we may preserve for a long time our insular property, and enjoy still a superiority at sea."

_Paris, April 11th 1780._ "The Ambassador of Russia has notified, within a few days past, to our Court, that it was the intention of his sovereign that the commerce of the subjects of her empire should not be troubled, and that under no pretence should their vessels be stopped by those of the belligerent powers, and that she is arming to defend her flag, and protect it from insults. This declaration was to be made at the same time to the Courts of Madrid and London. It is asserted, that it is the first fruit of a treaty of commerce, which Russia has concluded with us, and of a confederation which she has entered into with the other northern powers, and in which they wish to engage Holland and Portugal. We are very inquisitive to learn how this notification will be received by the Court of St James."

The English ministerial gazettes propagate a report, that there was arrived in Europe a deputy of Congress to offer peace to Great Britain. Those of the opposition assert, that this deputy who is in fact arrived, will do nothing but in concert with France, when it shall please England to propose a negotiation of peace.

The following article is published in the English papers, to excite the people against the opposition.

"If the Marquis of Rockingham should come again into the administration, his first operation would most probably be, to declare America independent. This would, nevertheless, be a fatal resolution, which, instead of giving us peace, would throw that event still farther off. A proof so striking of our pusilanimity would raise still higher the hopes and the pride of the House of Bourbon. France would demand that we should restore to them Canada, Cape Breton, and Nova Scotia, as well as the islands which were taken from her the last war. Nothing less would be necessary for Spain than the restitution of Gibraltar and Jamaica. But it cannot but be supposed, that the Marquis of Rockingham is too much attached to his head to expose it to danger by so shameful a dismemberment of our empire. He would then make us continue the war with the disadvantage of not being able any longer to rein in the Americans, who would assist everywhere their allies by land and by sea. But every Englishman of good sense sees to what disasters this plan of conduct would lead us. The ambition of this Marquis and of his party is not to triumph over rebels, and the natural enemies of England; it is to humble his King and ruin his country."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO M. DE SARTINE.

Paris, April 16th, 1780.

Sir,

I have received the two letters, which your Excellency did me the honor to write to me, on the 5th and on the 12th of this month.

I do not mean to give your Excellency the trouble of answering these letters of mine, which contain extracts of letters from abroad, or simply news. This would be giving your Excellency too much trouble, and taking up too much time. Indeed, I think it will very probably be often, if not always unnecessary, because your Excellency's information must be, beyond all comparison, earlier, more exact, and more particular than mine; yet, as it is possible that sometimes a circumstance of importance may escape one channel of intelligence, and yet pass in another, I thought it to be my duty sometimes to send your Excellency an extract. In this view, I now have the honor to send your Excellency another extract from a letter of the 6th of this month; but I pray your Excellency not to take the trouble to answer it.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

END OF THE FOURTH VOLUME.

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Transcriber's note:

Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).

Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals.

Variations in spelling, punctuation and hyphenation have been retained except in obvious cases of typographical error.

On page 39 the blank areas remain as they are in the original:

"upon the property, real or personal, within the same township or place, since the first day of which was in the year of our Lord 177 , and the same accounts and estimates to be transmitted to the Commissioners without delay."