Part 20

A loan has been proposed to be obtained for us of the States of Holland on the credit of this government. All public operations are slow in that country, and though the affair is at length said to be concluded, it is not yet executed. Considerable advances have, however, been made here in expectation of being reimbursed by it. The last aids granted us have been so absorbed by my payment of the drafts on Mr Jay and Mr Adams, and acceptance of those for the enormous unexpected purchases in Holland, which were to have gone in Captain Gillon's ship, but left behind, that I shall have nothing to spare for extraordinaries, unless some of the Holland loan comes soon into my hands. I am now told from Amsterdam, that the two ships freighted there to carry those goods are detained, as their contract was to sail under convoy of the South Carolina, which left them; and they must now take more men to defend them, and of consequence claim a higher freight, and to have it paid before they sail, unless I will buy the ships, and send them on account of Congress, neither of which is in my power to do. It was with reluctance I engaged in that affair, having little confidence in Captain Gillon's management, and fearing some embarrassment of our credit. I consented in fine to engage for the payment of ten thousand pounds sterling, being the value of the goods suitable for Congress, said to be already shipped in that vessel, and as there was said to be still some room, and she was thought a safe conveyance, I concluded to furnish an additional sum to fill that supposed vacancy, which I limited to five thousand pounds sterling more. You will judge of my surprise, when I saw the accounts of that additional purchase, which amounted, instead of five, to fifty thousand pounds sterling. I at first absolutely refused to pay for them. But Captain Jackson came to me from thence express, urged that the purchase was made by order of Colonel Laurens; that the goods were on board; that if I would not undertake to pay for them, they must be relanded, and returned or sold, which would be a public disgrace to us; that they were all articles exceedingly wanted in America, &c. &c. In fine, I was prevailed on, and accepted the bills, and was obliged to go with this after-clap to the Ministers, a proceeding always disagreeable, after the dispositions of the funds of the year have been arranged; and more so in this case, as the money was to be paid for the manufactures of other countries, and not laid out in those of this kingdom, by whose friendship it was furnished. This fresh grant was at first absolutely refused; at length I obtained it, and I hoped the difficulty was over.

But after all, the officers declare the ship was overloaded, that there was not room to lodge the people and provisions, nor to act in fighting her; the goods are turned out into two other ships, those are left, and it is now proposed to me, either to buy them, or to advance a freight nearly equal to their value. I cannot make a new demand for this purpose; and I shall not wonder if this government, observing how badly our shipping and transporting the supplies are managed, should take that business for the future entirely into their own hands, as they have begun to do in the case of replacing the cargo of the Marquis de Lafayette, and indeed, till some active, intelligent person, skilled in maritime affairs, is placed here as consul, I cannot but think it will be much better executed, and more for our advantage. Some considerable parts of that new cargo are already shipped, and the rest I hear are in great forwardness.

The very friendly disposition of this Court towards us still continues, and will, I hope, continue forever. From my own inclination, as well as in obedience to the orders of Congress, everything in my power shall be done to cultivate that disposition; but I trust it will be remembered, that the best friends may be over burthened; that by too frequent, too large, and too importunate demands upon it, the most cordial friendship may be wearied, and as nothing is more teazing than repeated, unexpected large demands for money, I hope the Congress will absolutely put an end to the practice of drawing on their Ministers, and thereby obliging them to worry their respective Courts for the means of payment. It may have otherwise very ill effects in depressing the spirit of a Minister, and destroying that freedom of representation, which, on many occasions, it might be proper for him to make use of.

I heartily congratulate you, Sir, on your being called to the honorable and important office of President, and wish you every kind of prosperity.

Be pleased to present my dutiful respects to the Congress, and believe me to be, with great and sincere esteem and respect, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

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ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, November 24th, 1781.

Sir,

Major General du Portail will have the honor to present this. Congress, in consideration of their long and faithful services in this country, have granted permission to him and Colonels de Laumoy and de Gourion, to revisit their friends in Europe for the winter.

As the merit of these gentlemen has procured for them particular marks of the esteem of Congress, they wish them to be distinguished by the notice of their sovereign, and for that purpose have directed that they be recommended to you, and that you be requested to present them at Court, in such a manner as will bespeak for them the attention they justly merit.

Congress are persuaded that this task will be particularly agreeable to you, as they are indebted to your care for the useful services of these gentlemen, and as nothing is more acceptable to a man of real merit, than to be made the means of displaying it in others.

This is the third letter I have had the honor to write to you since my entering upon office, and you will find it numbered in the margin accordingly. I beg you will be pleased to number all your letters to me in the same manner, that I may know those which by any means may be prevented from coming to hand.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

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ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, November 26th, 1781.

Dear Sir,

The Marquis de Lafayette, who has obtained leave to revisit his family for the winter, does me the honor to be the bearer of this, and duplicates of two former letters to you. The degree of estimation in which he is held here, you will collect from the enclosed resolutions relative to him, so that you may converse freely with him, and I doubt not that he will be able to satisfy your inquiries on many important questions relative to this country, on which account I may confine myself more to general heads than I would otherwise do.

As to intelligence, there is little of importance, the army all having gone into winter quarters, after the late glorious campaign, the enemy having been defeated on every hand. A party of about six hundred of them, who fell upon the western frontier of New York, were the last that quitted the stage; having been driven off by an inferior number of militia, with the loss of their leaders, and many privates killed, and about fifty, including the wounded, made prisoners. A body of troops is detached to the southward to reinforce General Greene, with orders to attempt Wilmington on their way, which the enemy occupy with about five hundred men, and keep up a connexion with the disaffected counties in North Carolina.

We have not in a long time heard either from you or Mr Jay, so that we are much in the dark respecting the probable prospect of a negotiation this winter, or rather are led to conclude from your silence, that the prospect is extremely remote; in which case, all your objects will concentre in preparing for the ensuing campaign, and directing the operations as far as possible to this country. The success of the combined operations this summer will give great weight to your arguments, especially as they are such as would deserve, independent of that, the most serious attention. But, Sir, you will have a difficult card to play, to induce France to do what not only our but her interests essentially require. Never was there a time in which money was more necessary to us than at present. The total abolition of paper, the length of the war, the restricted commerce we have carried on for the first five years of it, the arrears of debts, and the slender thread by which public credit hangs, put it totally out of our power to make any great exertions without the immediate supply of money. Taxation will be carried as far as it can go, but this will fall very far short of our wants. The richest nations in Europe, unable to carry on a war by taxation only, are compelled to borrow. How then will it be expected that a nation, which has had every difficulty to struggle with, an enemy in the heart of its country, and all its considerable towns at one time or another in their possession, a superior navy on its coasts, and the consequential ruin of its agriculture and commerce, how, I say, can it be expected that such a nation should find resources within itself for so long and bloody a war? And yet in this situation, we are alarmed by our advices from you, by representations from the Minister of France, by assurances from every quarter, that we must expect no further assistance in money. Surely it is not possible that France, after having done so much for us, after having brought us within view of the desired haven, should oblige us to lose the advantage of all she has done; and yet be assured that the most serious consequence may attend her stopping her hand at this critical time. Public credit, which is growing very fast, will drop to the ground. The contracts made for the ensuing campaign must be given up; the troops, who were made to expect pay in specie, will be dissatisfied; and upon the least ill fortune, a failure in supplies will show their discontents; recruiting will be checked, and the conclusion of the war on those advantageous terms, which one vigorous exertion next spring in this country would secure, will be postponed to a later period, when in fact all we wish, to enable us to accomplish these great objects, is less than one year's continuance of the war will cost France. You will, therefore, show the necessity of setting our credit upon a firm basis, the prospect we have of accomplishing it, from the great confidence in the integrity and abilities of the financier, from the economy which is introduced into our departments, from the industry which money excites, and which a fluctuating medium had destroyed, and from the total debility which much attend another shock to public credit.

You are perfectly acquainted, Sir, with the natural resources of the country, you know the value of our exports, and the security they afford for any debt that we may contract; in short, there are a thousand arguments on this subject, which will suggest themselves to you, not one of which will you, upon this occasion, omit to urge, since you must be perfectly convinced of its importance in every view, both to France and to us. The Superintendent will write more fully upon this subject, which relates so particularly to his department.

I would beg leave to remind you of another want, which we depend on your representations, and the good dispositions of the Court of Versailles, to remove. The chase here seems to be pretty well over, the enemy, tired of running across the country, have taken to their burrows, and the whole business that remains to us, is to take measures for unearthing them next spring. In order to this, ships are absolutely necessary. The situation of New York and Charleston renders them untenable against a naval force, and extremely strong against an attack by land; besides that success in such an operation would not be decisive, since, after putting us to immense expense of men and ammunition of every kind, while they keep the command of the water, they might change their position and be as troublesome as ever. At any rate, the reduction of both these places, from their distance, and the difficulty of removing the men and stores, cannot be effected the same campaign without a naval force, and with it, it will be the business of a few weeks. The advantage to France, independent of her interests as they stand connected with ours, in keeping a great naval force on this continent is obvious.

_1st._ The expense to which they put the English, by obliging them to maintain an equal force at this distance from home, at four times the cost at which the French navy may be maintained in this country; which, with proper management, need not exceed what they expend even in France.

_2dly._ The number of seamen they employ in the transport service, being so many deducted from what might supply their navy, with the same expense as if so employed.

_3dly._ The protection afforded to the trade on this coast, and the prospect of capturing the enemy's victuallers, and the consequent ruin of their affairs.

_4thly._ But above all, the decided advantage it will afford our combined operations, and the speedy termination of the war, by an advantageous peace. It is true, France may have other objects, which may interfere with these. To this we can say nothing; she must judge for herself. All we can do is to point out what we conceive will be most useful to her as well as to us, and submit to her determination. It would be well, however, if we were apprized of it as soon as possible.

If a negotiation should open this winter, or there should be a probable prospect of it, you will do me the favor to give me the earliest advices of it. There are many delicate points, on which you would like to know the sentiments of people on this side of the water, which I will endeavor to acquaint you with.

I should inform you, that Congress, have discharged the commission for negotiating a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, and taken that burthen from Mr Adams's shoulders; that in compliment to the Marquis de Lafayette, they have made him the bearer of a letter to the King of France, which I enclose; that in answer to your favor of the 11th of June, they have passed the enclosed resolution.

Mr Morris will write to you on this subject, and enable you to discharge the bills. Should France send a fleet next spring, it would be advantageous to have it unincumbered with such orders, as may prevent its taking advantage of circumstances. This has unhappily prevented this campaign from being absolutely decisive. But neither this, nor any other great object can escape your observation, bent as it is upon promoting the happiness of your country.

In order to enable you to meet the claim of the tories to the property that has been confiscated, I am endeavoring to collect for you an accurate account of the damages wantonly done by the enemy in this country, which will at least serve to set against that claim.

Congress are preparing for an active campaign. They have directed eight millions of dollars to be raised by tax. There is not, however, the least idea that this, or even one half of it, will be collected in the time specified; you will not, therefore, suffer the Court to deceive themselves, by hopes of exertions founded on this measure, but urge again and again the absolute necessity of supplying money.

I have conversed so freely with the Marquis de Lafayette on the general state of our politics, that I would rather refer you to him, than trouble you with a longer letter on the subject.

I cannot however close this, without desiring you to inquire whether any intercepted letters from Mr Deane to persons in this country have been published in Europe. Rivington has given us many, which are generally believed to be his.

The Marquis will satisfy your inquiries about them.

I am, dear Sir, with sentiments of the highest respect and esteem, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

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WILLIAM ALEXANDER TO B. FRANKLIN.

Paris, December 15th, 1781.

My Dear Sir,

I told you the last time I had the pleasure of seeing you at Passy, that I would make a trip to London, but had no notion it would be so soon. On coming to town last evening, I found such pressing letters, that I propose setting off this evening, or tomorrow at latest. I would have called, if possible, to receive your commands, but as I am pinched in time, I must content myself with sending for them. The bearer will call for them an hour after receiving this letter.

I shall probably be interrogated about the dispositions in this country to peace. My own idea is, that you seek only your independence, and that _this_ country, were that secured, will be moderate in other matters, as the object of the war does not seem to be conquest. Let me know if this is proper language. I notice that a courtly argument has been used in Parliament for continuing the continental war, that withdrawing would make you insolent, and give France exclusive advantages. Were it not proper that this were contradicted flatly? Any commissions you may have will be taken care of, and I shall be back, barring accidents, in three weeks.

Wishing you everything that is good, I remain, with equal esteem and respect, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

W. ALEXANDER.

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TO WILLIAM ALEXANDER.

Passy, December 15th, 1781.

Dear Sir,

I thank you for informing me of your intended journey. You know so well the prevailing sentiments here, and mine in particular, that it is unnecessary for me to express them; and having never been believed on that side of the water, it would be useless. I will say, however, that I think the language you mention very proper to be held, as it is the truth; though the truth may not always be proper.

Wishing you a good voyage, and happy return to your children, I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, yours, &c. &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

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TO DAVID HARTLEY.

Passy, December 15th, 1781.

My Dear Friend,

I received your favor of September 26th, containing your very judicious proposition of securing the spectators in the opera and play houses from the danger of fire. I communicated it where I thought it might be useful. You will see by the enclosed, that the subject has been under consideration here. Your concern for the security of life, even the lives of your enemies, does honor to your heart and your humanity. But what are the lives of a few idle haunters of play houses, compared with the many thousands of worthy men and honest industrious families, butchered and destroyed by this devilish war! O! that we could find some happy invention to stop the spreading of the flames, and put an end to so horrid a conflagration!

Adieu, I am ever yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.

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ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, December 16th, 1781.

Dear Sir,

Since my last, of which I send you a duplicate by this conveyance, nothing material has happened here, unless it be the evacuation of Wilmington, which is, perhaps, the most important post of communication with the disaffected people of the country of any they have held in America. The tories of North Carolina possessed a boldness and spirit, which were not found elsewhere, and upon occasion appeared openly in arms. They are by these means abandoned to the enemy, and the resentment of their country.

The cypher, which I shall use with you, is No. 4 of those sent by Mr Morris; in that, the duplicate is written which went uncyphered by the Marquis de Lafayette.

I enclose a resolution of Congress for erecting a pillar to commemorate the victory at Yorktown. I must request your assistance in enabling me to carry it into effect, so far as it relates to me, by sending the sketch they require, with an estimate of the expense with which it will be attended. I could wish it to be such, as may do honor to the nations, whose union it designs to celebrate, and for that reason should think the execution ought to be deferred till our finances are in a better situation than they are at present; but as this lies with Congress only, you will be so obliging as to enable me to do my duty, by laying the sketch before them as soon as you can conveniently get the same executed.

I have also the honor to enclose an ordinance of Congress, which comprises all their former resolutions with respect to captures, with the addition of some others; among them, one for "prohibiting the importation of British goods," unless such as may have been taken from the enemy. This will make some arrangements with the Court of France necessary. The high duties upon prize goods consumed in France render them considerable articles of exportation, and unless some mode is fallen upon to evidence their having been captured, they will be liable to seizure here. I would propose that the Lieutenants of the Admiralty, or some other officers in the seaport towns, should, to an inventory of the goods shipped, annex a certificate under hand and seal, of their having been captured from the enemy, and that this should be done without any charge to the purchaser. You, Sir, who are better acquainted with the interior of the government of France, than I can be supposed to be, will be pleased to suggest some mode of executing this business; or if none better presents itself, to use means for carrying what I propose into effect. I send by this conveyance a number of American papers, and beg in return to be favored with those of France, or any new publication that may deserve attention.

I am, dear Sir, with great respect and esteem, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

_Enclosed._

1. An ordinance, ascertaining what captures on the waters shall be lawful.

2. Resolve, directing the Secretary of Foreign Affairs to prepare a sketch of emblems, &c.

3. Resolves for raising eight millions of dollars, and the proportion of each State.

4. Recommendations to the several States for enacting laws against the infraction of the laws of nations.

5. Letter to Messrs Wallace, Johnson, and Muir, at Nantes.

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DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.

London, January 2d, 1782.

My Dear Friend,

I have received the favor of yours of the 15th of December by Mr Alexander. I most heartily join with you in the wish, that we could find some means to stop the spreading flames of this _devilish war_. I will not despair. The communications, which he has imparted to me from you, have revived my hopes of peace. I laid them before the Minister immediately. We are at a suspense for the present upon a very material preliminary. I did intend writing to you at the present pause, that we might make our ground good as we go on, but an accident which has happened obliges me to do it without delay. For having had a most essential question transmitted to me from Lord North for explanation, when I would have applied to Mr Alexander, I could not find him; and now I find that he has left his hotel these four or five days, and his return being uncertain, I must apply to you. I will state to you what has passed.