Part 19

The number of Congress bills that have been drawn on the Ministers in Spain and Holland, which I am by my acceptances obliged to pay, as well as those drawn upon myself, the extreme importance of supporting the credit of Congress, which would be disgraced in a political, as well as a pecuniary light, through all the Courts of Europe, if those bills should go back protested, and the unexpected delays arising with regard to the intended loan in Holland, all those considerations have compelled me to stop the one million five hundred thousand livres, which were to have been sent by way of Amsterdam. As soon as more money can be furnished to me by this Court, I shall take care to replace that sum, and forward with it as great an addition as possible. I am now soliciting supplies of clothing, arms, ammunition, &c. to replace what has been unfortunately lost in the Marquis de Lafayette; and hope to succeed.

Captain Jackson, who is truly zealous for the service, has been exceedingly solicitous and earnest with me to induce me to permit the money to go in this ship, but for the reasons abovementioned, I find it absolutely necessary to retain it for the present, which I doubt not will be approved by Congress.

With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

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JAMES LOVELL TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, July 21st, 1781.

Sir,

It does not appear that the resolutions of June 26th, affecting yourself and colleagues, as well as Mr Dana, have been transmitted. Mr President Mc'Kean will take other opportunities of writing. I think it essential, however, in the meantime, to forward duplicates, which may serve for information, and perhaps authority, to all concerned.

Your humble servant, JAMES LOVELL, _For the Committee of Foreign Affairs_.

_P. S._ Please to give copies where proper.

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TO C. W. F. DUMAS.

Passy, August 6th, 1781.

Dear Sir,

I have received several letters from you lately, enclosing others for the President of Congress, and for Spain, all of which are sealed and forwarded, except the last for the President, contained in yours of the 26th past, which shall go by the first opportunity. The reading of those letters gave me much information, and therefore pleasure; though since the fixing of Mr Adams there I do not attend so much to the affairs of your country as before, expecting indeed but little from it to our advantage; for though it was formerly in the same situation with us, and was glad of assistance from other nations, it does not seem to _feel_ for us, or to have the least inclination to help us; it appears to want magnanimity.

Some writer, I forget who, says, that Holland is no longer a _nation_, but _a great shop_; and I begin to think it has no other principles or sentiments but those of a shopkeeper. You can judge of it better than I, and I shall be happy to find myself mistaken. You will oblige me, however, by continuing the history either directly to me, or in your letters to Congress; but when you enclose a sealed letter in another to me, please to observe to place the second seal on one side, and not directly over the first; because the heat of the second is apt to deface the impression of the first, and to attach the paper to it, so as to endanger tearing the enclosed in opening the cover.

With best wishes for your health and prosperity, I am ever, dear Sir, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

_P. S._ I pity the writer of the enclosed, though I have no other acquaintance with him, than having seen him once at Hanover, where he then seemed to live genteely and in good credit. I cannot conceive what should reduce him to such a situation, as to engage himself for a soldier. If you can procure him any friends among the philosophers of your country, capable of relieving him, I wish you could do it. If not, and he must go to the Indies, please to give him three or four guineas for me, to buy a few necessaries for his voyage.

B. F.

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TO C. W. F. DUMAS.

Passy, August 10th, 1781.

Dear Sir,

Enclosed I send you a late paper received from Rhode Island. You will see in it the advantages our troops have gained in South Carolina. Late advices directly from Philadelphia say, that the enemy have now nothing left in Georgia, but Savannah; in South Carolina, but Charleston; nor in North Carolina, but Wilmington. They are, however, in force in Virginia, where M. de Lafayette has not sufficient strength to oppose them, till the arrival of the reinforcements, which were on their march to join him from Maryland and Pennsylvania.

In looking over my last to you, I apprehend I may have expressed myself perhaps a little too hardly of your country; I foresee you will tell me that we have many friends there; I once thought so too; but I was a little out of humor when I wrote, on understanding that no loan could be obtained there for our use, though the credit of this kingdom was offered to be engaged for assuring the payment, and so much is lent freely to our enemies. You can best tell the reason; it will be well not to let my letter be seen.

I am ever, dear Sir, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

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TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, September 13th, 1781.

Sir,

I duly received the two letters your Excellency did me the honor of writing to me, both dated the 19th of June, together with the letter addressed to the King and the three Commissioners, with the instructions relative to the negotiations for peace. I immediately went to Versailles and presented the letter, which was graciously received. I communicated also to Count de Vergennes a copy of your instructions after having decyphered them. He read them while I was with him, and expressed his satisfaction with the unreserved confidence placed in his Court by the Congress, assuring me that they never would have cause to regret it, for that the King had the honor of the United States at heart, as well as their welfare and independence. Indeed this has already been manifested in the negotiations relative to the Plenipotentiaries, and I have had so much experience of His Majesty's goodness to us, in the aids afforded us from time to time, and of the sincerity of this upright and able Minister, who never promised me anything which he did not punctually perform, that I cannot but think the confidence well and judiciously placed, and that it will have happy effects.

I have communicated to Mr Adams and to Mr Jay the purport of your despatches. Mr Adams already had received the same; by the first safe conveyance I shall acquaint the Congress with the steps that have been taken in the negotiation. At present I would only say, that the settling of preliminaries meets with difficulty, and will probably take much time, partly from the remoteness of the mediators, so that any relaxation of our warlike preparations in expectation of a speedy peace, will be imprudent as it may be pernicious.

I am extremely sensible of the honor done me by the Congress in this new appointment. I beg they would accept my thankful acknowledgments; and since they judge I may be serviceable, though I had requested leave to retire, I submit dutifully to their determination, and shall do my utmost to merit in some degree the favorable opinion they appear to have of me. I am the more encouraged in this resolution, as within the last three months I find my health and strength considerably re-established.

I wish, however, that a consul general may soon be appointed for this kingdom; it would ease me of abundance of troublesome business to which I am not equal, and which interferes with my own important functions.

The King having graciously complied with my request, of replacing the supplies lost in the Marquis de Lafayette, many hands are employed in providing them, who work hard to have them ready and shipped, so that they may arrive before winter.

With the highest respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

_P. S._ The copying machine for Mr Secretary Thompson is in hand, and will soon be finished and sent to him.

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JOHN ADAMS TO B. FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, October 4th, 1781.

Sir,

Your Excellency's letter of June 11th, is yet unanswered. I have the honor to agree with your Excellency in opinion, that it is reasonable that articles of rent of the hotel, payment of couriers, postage of letters, salaries of clerks, stationary for the bureau, and feasts and illuminations made upon public occasions, should be deemed expenses of the States. Indeed, otherwise it will be impossible for American Ministers to live in any such manner as is expected of them, both by Europeans and Americans.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, Sir, &c. &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, October 20th, 1781.

Dear Sir,

Congress having lately thought it advisable to alter the arrangement of their great executive departments, and to dissolve the Boards and Committees under whose direction they formerly were, I am to inform you, that they have done me the honor to appoint me their Secretary of Foreign Affairs; in which capacity they have made it my duty, as it will always be my inclination, to maintain an intimate and regular correspondence with you. I have this day taken the oaths of office, and as the recital of fortunate events is the most pleasing task annexed to it, I shall give you a short sketch of the state of our military operations.

When General Washington was fully apprized, that Count de Grasse was to visit this Continent, he made every provision for the attack of New York, where the enemy had about six thousand troops, and seven ships of the line, which were thought inadequate to its defence. He collected the troops, as well those of allies as our own, and made a movement towards New York. The delay of our recruits in coming in, a small reinforcement to the enemy from Europe, and some other circumstances, gave us reason to be apprehensive for the event of this attempt, though the magnitude of the object still urged the General to undertake it. It was the enemy's place of arms, the repository of their magazines, and the only harbor for large ships left them on this side of Halifax. Every preparation was accordingly made, when some circumstances deemed unfortunate at the time, but which like many others of our supposed evils have in the end been productive of good, occasioned an alteration in the destination of Count de Grasse. He sailed for the Chesapeake. The General still appearing to prosecute his first design moved his army, and made such preparations as induced the enemy to believe, that he meant to possess himself of Staten Island, as preparatory to his design upon New York.

In the meantime the army filed off through Hackensack and Newark, to keep up the deception, and arrived by expeditious marches at the head of the Elk. Count de Grasse arrived at the critical moment, and Cornwallis, at the head of about seven thousand men, found himself completely invested at Yorktown by an army of near fourteen thousand regular troops. The British fleet, which arrived at New York about the time that Count de Grasse reached the Chesapeake, made an ineffectual attempt to relieve their army. They were defeated and compelled to return to New York, after losing the Terrible, a seventyfour, and two frigates; by which means, a junction of the fleet from Rhode Island was formed with that under the Count de Grasse. It arrived the day after the action, and narrowly escaped falling in with the English fleet.

Our batteries were opened on the 7th. The enemy having evacuated their principal outworks and been repulsed in one or two sallies, our second parallel was begun on the 11th, within three hundred yards of their lines, and the least sanguine among the officers fix the end of the month as the era of Cornwallis's captivity. His whole force at York, and on the opposite side of the river, including seamen and regulars, amounts to about seven thousand men.

The enemy sailed from Sandy Hook yesterday, with twentythree ships of the line, and three fiftys, with several frigates, and a number of fire ships. They have nine thousand of their best troops, if we are rightly informed, on board their ships of war. They are resolved to make some attempt for the relief of Cornwallis, whose capture must draw after it the loss of all the posts they hold in the Southern States, and the total ruin of their affairs in America. Georgia has re-established her government, where the enemy have no other footing than in Savannah. South Carolina is about doing the same. General Greene has very prudently wasted the strength of the enemy, and raised the confidence of the militia, by fighting them in detail. His late victory, which I enclose you an account of, in his own words, affords the most promising prospect of speedily recovering the possession of that country.

Congress are, however, looking forward to another campaign. They have voted twentyfive thousand men for the ensuing year. These, when raised and appointed, together with the success which has hitherto, and which we may promise ourselves will still continue to attend the allied arms, will enable you to open your diplomatic campaign with great advantage, and permit you, Sir, to rejoice in the close of that great work, to which you have so sedulously and ably contributed.

I need not tell you, Sir, how anxious I shall be to hear from you on every occasion. Nothing short of the most constant and regular information will satisfy the expectations of Congress. We have much to learn, and but few opportunities of acquiring information. Your situation enables you not only to let us know what passes with you, but to extend your inquiries to Courts where we have no Ministers, and of whose politics we would not choose to be ignorant, though they may but remotely concern us at present. For my own part, I freely confess, that I rely much upon your knowledge and experience to supply my want of both.

I propose to write so frequently to you as to keep you fully informed, not only of what is, but of what is not done, since the last may sometimes be as important to you as the first.

As far, Sir, as you may find a similar task consistent with your health, your leisure, and your various avocations, you will render us essential services in imposing it upon yourself.

Congress having resolved, that all communications with their Ministers abroad, shall pass through this office, you will do me the honor, Sir, to direct in future all your public letters to me.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

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ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, October 24th, 1781.

Dear Sir,

I three days since did myself the honor to write to you, informing you of my appointment to the Secretaryship of Foreign Affairs; and preparing you for the happy event which has taken place. Enclosed you have the capitulation of Yorktown and Gloucester, by which a British army of 5600 men was surrendered to the allied arms of France and America; and no inconsiderable fleet, with 800 seamen, to the navy of His Most Christian Majesty.

Since my last, which was written the day after I entered upon office, I have seen yours of the 14th of May. There are many things in it which deserve the attention I mean to pay it, when the first hurry that the intelligence I communicate occasions is over. But, Sir, there is a part which I cannot delay to take notice of, because I feel myself interested in opposing the resolution that you seem to have formed of quitting the station, which, for the honor of the United States, you now hold. I shall be impatient till I hear, that you comply with the wishes of Congress on this subject, as communicated long since. Though the new powers with which you are invested impose additional burthens upon you, yet as they at once contain the amplest testimonials of the approbation of Congress, and directly lead to the completion of the great cause in which you so early engaged, I cannot but flatter myself that you will take it upon you. I sent with my first letter to you one to the Count de Vergennes, informing him of my appointment. You will do me the honor to present it.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

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TO THOMAS MC'KEAN, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, November 5th, 1781.

Sir,

Herewith you will receive a copy of my last; since which I have been honored with two letters from the late President, the one dated March 2d, relating to Captain Jones's cross of merit, which I have communicated as directed; the other, dated July 5th, respecting the release and exchange of Mr Laurens.

Having no direct communication with the British Ministers, and Mr Burke appearing, by a letter to me, warmly interested in favor of his friend, General Burgoyne, to prevent his being recalled I have requested and empowered him to negotiate that exchange, and I soon expect his answer. The late practice of sending to England prisoners taken in America, has greatly augmented the number of those unfortunate men, and proportionally increased the expense of relieving them. The subscriptions for that purpose in England have ceased. The allowance I have made to them of sixpence each per week during the summer, though small, amounts to a considerable sum; and during the winter, I shall be obliged to double, if not treble it. The Admiralty there will not accept any English in exchange, but such as have been taken by Americans, and absolutely refuse to allow any of the paroles given to our privateers by English prisoners discharged at sea, except in one instance, that of fiftythree men taken in the Snake sloop, by the Pilgrim and Rambler, which was a case attended, as they say, with some particular circumstances. I know not what the circumstances were, but shall be glad to see the fiftythree of our people, whom they promised to send me by the first cartel. I have above five hundred other paroles solemnly given in writing, by which the Englishmen promised either to send our people in exchange, or to surrender themselves to me in France, not one of which has been regarded, so little faith and honor remain in that corrupted nation. Our privateers, when in the European seas, will rarely bring in their prisoners when they can get rid of them at sea. Some of our poor brave countrymen have been in that cruel captivity now near four years. I hope the Congress will take this matter into immediate consideration, and find some means for their deliverance, and to prevent the sending more from America. By my last accounts, the number now in the several prisons amounts to upwards of eight hundred.

I request also some direction from Congress (having never received any) respecting the allowance to be made to them while they remain there. They complain that the food given them is insufficient. Their petition to the English government to have an equal allowance with the French and Spanish prisoners has been rejected, which makes the small pecuniary assistance I can send them more necessary. If a certain number of English prisoners could be set apart in America, treated exactly in the same manner, and their exchange refused till it should be agreed to set these at liberty in Europe, one might hope to succeed in procuring the discharge of our people. Those, who escape and pass through France to get home, put me also to a great expense for their land journies, which could be prevented if they could be exchanged, as they would be landed here in ports.

The Ambassador of Venice told me, that he was charged by the senate to express to me their grateful sense of the friendly behavior of Captain Barry, commander of the Alliance, in rescuing one of the ships of their State from an English privateer, and setting her at liberty; and he requested me to communicate this acknowledgment to Congress. There is a complaint from Holland against Captain Jones, for having taken the brigantine Berkenbosch and sending her to America, and I have been desired to lay before Congress the enclosed depositions relating to that capture, and to request their attention to it.

The Ambassador of Portugal also frequently asks me if I have received any answer to their complaint, long since sent over. I wish it was in my power to give one of some kind or other. But none has yet come to my hands. I need not mention the importance of attending to the smallest complaints between nations, the neglect of them having sometimes very serious consequences.

The mediation proposed is not agreed to by England, who refuses to treat with our United States but as a Sovereign with subjects, and I apprehend that a change in that resolution is only to be expected from time, the growing insupportable expense of the war, or a course of misfortunes in the progress of it. The spirits of that nation have been continually kept up by the flattering accounts sent over, of our being weary of the contest, and on the point of submission. Their Ministers, as appears by their intercepted letters, have been themselves so far deceived as to expect daily those submissions, and to have the pleasure of laying them before the King. We may, perhaps, be able to guess a little by the King's speech at the approaching new session of Parliament, whether they still continue under this delusion. As long as it subsists peace is not to be expected.