Part 8

In pursuance of the plan, which I had the honor of mentioning in former letters, I arrived here the 4th of this month. Mr Sayre accompanies me in the place of Mr Carmichael, who after promising refused to go.

The king being absent in the review of his troops, I have only had some conversation with his Minister relative to their beginning a commerce with you in their own bottoms. This I have reason to think will take effect; but there seems to be a system of great caution here, which will cramp whatever they attempt.

I have good reasons for assuring you, that Russia will send no troops against us. The consequence of the Prince of Hesse’s conduct is beginning to be a lesson to the other German princes, so that it is not probable they will draw any more supplies from them. The country of Hesse is depopulating so fast from the apprehension of being forced into this service, that the women are obliged to cultivate the lands. At present, therefore, the foreign resources of Great Britain seem to be exhausted, nor is there any human probability of their reinstating their army, should this campaign materially diminish it, except it be with Catholics from Ireland. I have a plan for rendering that of little effect, which I hope will succeed.

Upon your maintaining your ground this campaign, the question of acknowledging your independence will become very serious next winter among the European powers; but until the events of this summer are decided, their conduct will remain the same, and no open act of interference is likely to take place. Till that time too they should not wish to receive commissioners, as it subjects them to the complaints of the English Court.

A transaction has lately happened in England, which, notwithstanding appearances speak otherwise, makes me believe that our enemies expect some further and considerable assistance from Hesse. It is their paying an old rejected claim to the Landgrave of £41,000. I know the British Court too well to believe they would do this from any other motive, than the expectation of future favors, and to soften the sense of shame and loss, which, already sustained by the Landgrave, would prevent him from furnishing them further. But whether the object is merely to quicken him in supplying the stipulated recruits, or to get some of his old regiments, I cannot learn. A letter, which I have read, from the agent of that Prince at the Court of Great Britain to his Minister, upon the very subject of this claim, grounds it only on the necessities of England for troops to carry on this war, without mentioning that he had stipulated anything specially on his part in return. You may, however, depend upon my endeavors to get the most speedy and accurate information on this subject, and to raise every obstacle that can come from this and the imperial Court.

I expect to have finished what I can do here in ten days, when I shall set out on my return to Paris, whence the conveyance being safer, I shall write you more particularly.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

_P. S._ I see by the English papers, that a motion by Lord Chatham for an address of the House of Lords to the king, to begin an accommodation by a cessation of hostilities, and an offer of a full redress of grievances, supported by Lords Shelburne and Camden, was rejected by 100 to 28. This motion was made on the 30th of last month, and the chief objection on the ministerial part was, that it would stop the career of their success that must soon reduce you.

TO THE COMMISSIONERS AT PARIS.

Berlin, June 15th, 1777.

Dear Sirs,

I had the honor of writing to you from Munich and Vienna, from the last of which I arrived here the 4th of this month. The letters you have received from hence will show you how the wind blows here; I have tried all in my power to make it change, hitherto in vain. In ten days I shall set out on my return. There cannot be a state of more perfect quiescence than prevails in this place; what is merely commercial is planned, but whether it will be adopted remains to be determined.

I have the honor of being, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Berlin, June 15th, 1777.

Dear Sir,

It has been with uncommon satisfaction, that I have seen you in a situation in which I long ago hoped you would be, if we were forced to dispute the great question, which in my own judgment I was satisfied would happen. I never forgot your declaration, when I had last the pleasure of being at your house in 1768, that you were ready to take your musket upon your shoulder whenever your country called upon you. I heard that declaration with great satisfaction. I recollect it with the same, and have seen it verified to your immortal honor, and the eminent advantage of the illustrious cause in which we are contending.

I have the pleasure of assuring you, that your conduct against General Howe has been highly approved by the principal military men here and in France. That approbation has been increased in those, to whom I have had an opportunity of stating the great inferiority of the troops you commanded to those of the enemy, in number and in every necessary provision for war.

The Prussian army, which amounts to 228,000 horse and foot, are disciplined, by force of hourly exercise and caning, to move with a rapidity and order so as certainly to exceed any troops in Europe. When the king reviews an army of 40,000 men, not a man or horse, though the former in full march and the latter in full gallop, is discernibly out of the line. The regiments here are in the field every day, where, besides the general exercise, every man is filed off singly and passes in review before different officers, who beat his limbs into the position they think proper, so that the man appears to be purely a machine in the hand of a workman.

The improvements of utility, which I have been able to note, are these. The ramrod is thicker all the way than ours, and enlarged at each end as ours are at one; the advantage of this is, that, to ram down the charge they do not turn the rod, but raising it to the muzzle plunge the lower end into the barrel, and then raising it up return it straight, without the necessity of turning it as formerly. This saves two very awkward motions for turning the rammer, and a great deal of time. The mouth of the loops, that receive the rammer is very large, so that there is much more readiness in hitting them than formerly, which also expedites the important business of charging the musket. To compensate the increase of weight, the musket is shortened two inches in the barrel. When they present, instead of levelling their firelocks, they are taught to slant them down, so that a point blank shot from them so depressed would strike the ground at about ten yards distance. And this depression is found necessary to counteract the elevation, which the act of firing gives inevitably to the musket. And even when a ball does strike the ground, it generally rises and may do execution; but if directed too high, it is lost irretrievably.

These are alterations, which seem to me of great utility; and I wish they may appear so to you.

It is my intention, when I have leisure, to write the history of this civil contention. The share you have had in it will form an interesting and important part. It will be in your power to preserve a variety of most material papers and anecdotes for such a work. May I venture to hope, that you will think me so far worthy of your confidence, and fit for such a work, as to preserve them for me? Dubious parts of history can be cleared by such documents only.

The resources of our enemy are almost annihilated in Germany; and their last resort is to the Roman Catholics of Ireland. They have already experienced their unwillingness to go, every man of a regiment raised there last year having obliged them to ship him off tied and bound. And most certainly, they will desert more than any other troops whatsoever. They themselves rely upon the present campaign, so that if it should not produce something very decisive in their favor; which God forbid, we may depend upon their efforts being in the wane.

With the most ardent wishes for your success, safety, and happiness, I am, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

BARON DE SCHULENBURG TO ARTHUR LEE.

Translation.

Berlin, June 18th, 1777.

Sir,

After having duly examined the propositions, which you have been so kind as to address to me, respecting the establishment of a direct commerce between his Majesty’s States and the English Colonies of America, I am of opinion with you, Sir, that it is very probable, that even with paying the highest premium of insurance, the scarcity and dearness of our merchandise in America, added to the abundance and low price of your productions, which can be advantageously sold in Europe, would render this commerce very profitable to the two nations. Nothing remains, therefore, but to make the essay; but a difficulty almost insurmountable presents itself, which is, that never having gone as far as your country, we want vessels as well as captains, pilots, and sailors, who could or would go to such distant seas. Besides, the vessels we have are necessary for the interior commerce between his Majesty’s different provinces, and for that which we carry on with France, England, and Spain. We can only therefore try and see if there are any proprietors of vessels in Holland or Hamburg, that in consideration of a suitable freight, will load with and carry our merchandise; and in the second place, if insurance can be effected.

We will endeavor to obtain information on these two points, and if it is possible to succeed by these means, after having removed some other difficulties of less consequence, we may be able to derive some benefit from the information, which you have been so kind as to furnish me.

I have the honor to be, &c.

BARON DE SCHULENBURG.

TO BARON DE SCHULENBURG.

Berlin, June 20th, 1777.

Sir,

I had the honor of receiving your Excellency’s letter of the 18th this day. Upon trial, I hope the difficulties will not be found so great as your Excellency seems to imagine.

When I had the honor of conversing with your Excellency, I mentioned, that the admission of our cruisers into his Majesty’s ports to supply themselves with necessaries, careen, and sell their prizes in a secret manner, would be attended with great advantages. It is the only method of establishing a commerce, at present, from America hither, in the commodities and vessels of the States; for the privateers take in a light cargo from America, which they bring to the ports where they are permitted; this they exchange for necessary supplies, and then make a cruise, by the profits of which they are enabled to purchase a cargo of such manufactures as are wanted in America, with which they return.

If I had his Majesty’s permission to signify, that our cruisers would be received in his ports upon this footing, as they are in the south, I can have no doubt but that this species of commerce would soon take place; and most assuredly, the advantages of it to those ports, and consequently to his Majesty’s kingdom, would be very considerable. Without such permission, our cruisers will be obliged to send the prizes they make in the northern seas to the south, or directly to America, and will have no means of commerce or communication with his Majesty’s dominions.

In about two days I purpose quitting Berlin on my return, before which I hope to hear from your Excellency on this important subject.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

BARON DE SCHULENBURG TO ARTHUR LEE.

Translation.

Berlin, June 26th, 1777.

Sir,

After having testified to you, in my letter of the 18th instant, the inclination we have to establish a direct commerce with the Colonies of North America, provided we can succeed in surmounting the difficulties which are in the way, it only remains for me to answer you respecting the free admission of your privateers into our ports, of which you wrote me in your letter of the 20th. I can assure you, Sir, that the king is very much disposed to please your constituents; but, on the other hand, his Majesty in the present circumstances, as you well know, cannot embroil himself with the Court of London. Moreover, our ports have ever hitherto received only merchant vessels, and no ships of war nor privateers have ever entered there, so that the officers established in our ports would be embarrassed how to conduct themselves on such an occasion, the usages customarily observed in this respect being totally unknown to them.

We must therefore inform ourselves, in what manner the Courts of France and Spain act, and of the formalities they observe towards your privateers, and how they grant free admission to the latter, consistent with the connexions of friendship, which they at the same time support with Great Britain. The result of this information will decide whether, and on what conditions, the desired permission can be granted, and it will afford me pleasure, Sir, to inform you as soon as possible of the measures his Majesty shall think proper to adopt.

I have the honor of being, &c.

BARON DE SCHULENBURG.

TO THE COMMISSIONERS IN PARIS.

Berlin, June 28th, 1777.

Dear Sirs,

I have not yet received a line from you. It is not easy to divine the reason for so long a silence.

There are for sale here, and deliverable in any port in France, fourteen thousand weight of brass cannon, at six guineas the quintal, and six thousand to be melted down at five guineas and a half. They are six, twelve, and twentyfour pounders. The expense of freight and insurance to Nantes or elsewhere will be added to this price.

Two days ago, while I was at dinner, my bureau was broken open, and some papers stolen out, which were in my _porte-feuille_. The English Ambassador happened to be in the hotel where I lodge, when I discovered the robbery. Upon being informed that I was gone to the Governor, and that the suspicion fell upon one of his servants, he went away in great confusion, and in half an hour the _porte-feuille_ with all the papers were laid down at the door, and the person ran off undiscovered. The examinations that have been taken charge his servant with having repeatedly told the servants of the hotel, that his master would give two thousand ducats for my papers. The landlord, who charged his servant with it before him, deposes, that he said he would send the servant to answer for himself, but the servant never appeared. Prince Colberg, who was also present, deposes, that he immediately quitted the room in the greatest confusion. The whole is before the king. The return of the papers, (those which he particularly wanted not having been left in the bureau,) disappointed him of his object, while the whole odium rests upon him.

I shall leave this on Thursday next, and expect to be at Strasburg in twelve days from thence, so that a letter will meet me there by return of post.

I am, with the greatest esteem, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE KING OF PRUSSIA.

Translation.

Berlin, June 29th, 1777.

Sire,

The singular wisdom, by which your Majesty has raised your kingdom to so flourishing a state, the wise measures, which have carried the prosperity of your dominions to a truly astonishing degree, do not prevent me from being so bold, as to say to your Majesty, that there are yet means of increasing the number and the wealth of your subjects.

Nothing is more true, than that the wealth of kings depends upon the number of their subjects. Ancient and modern history will show, without an exception, that commerce is the mother of population. There is no need of citing proofs of this to the most learned king that ever lived. Such is the fact, and the reason is plain. It is then reasonable to say, that the king, who is desirous of increasing as much as is possible the number of his subjects, should establish and encourage commerce in his dominions.

Your Majesty’s dominions are admirably situated for commerce. Three large rivers, which run through them, must furnish the greatest facilities for it. What then is wanting? Merely an object sufficiently distant to form sailors, and sufficiently extensive to establish and support trade. Such an object is America; and the unexpected events, which have made the trade of that country free, afford inducements for it. The monopoly of this trade, which, in the opinion of that great and wise man, Mr Pitt, supported the power of England, no longer exists, and, without a miracle, will never exist again. The nations that shall endeavor to obtain a part of it for themselves, by furnishing to a young and grateful people the means of resisting their oppressors, will be very successful. But those, who wish to await in tranquillity the event of this war, ought not to expect to turn trade from the course, in which custom and gratitude, before that time, will have fixed it. The present, therefore, is the proper time for those to begin, who wish to enjoy for the future the commerce of America.

But there are obstacles to this trade; for, in the first place, you have no vessels of war to cause your flag to be respected. But, Sire, you have the best regiments in the world; and Great Britain, destitute as she is of wise counsels, is not, however, so foolish as to incur the risk of compelling your Majesty to join your formidable forces to those of her rival. Besides, such is the present weakness of England, so pressed and exhausted is she by the war with America, that she is obliged to blind herself to still harder things, which are carried on immediately before her eyes.

Secondly. It is not practicable to have at the same time an army so numerous as that of your Majesty, and a respectable fleet, since the latter would require too many men, and destroy the country. This reasoning would be sound, if population were diminished by commerce. But the contrary is the fact. In place of diminishing, it increases it. Thus the most commercial countries are always the most populous. Population is always proportioned to the means of living. Commerce, by increasing these means, increases the population. Instead therefore of increasing the consequences of a numerous army, commerce is their most certain remedy.

Thirdly. Sailors are wanting for the enterprise. It is the enterprise itself that must form sailors. A handful of experienced sailors are enough to encourage others; and the matter once put in a good train will go on successfully by itself. If your Majesty’s ports were open for the entrance of our armed vessels, if they could there deliver their cargo, refit, and sell their prizes secretly, then the instructions and the encouragement, which they would give to your sailors, and particularly if some of them were allowed to make a voyage in our vessels, would in a short time form sailors of your own subjects, and would draw a number of them from other countries into your ports, by the desire of going on a cruise to America.

But it may be said, this would be taking an active part in the affair, and deciding for the independence of America.

Not more than it is already decided by the fact, nor more than is authorised by the laws of nations, founded on the just interests and the wants of a State. The fact is, that we have the sword in our hand and that we are making war openly. Are there more convincing proofs of actual independence? We are in the possession of the country, the articles of commerce are the produce of our labors, and belong to us. They are ours by right and in fact, and it belongs to us alone to dispose of them. Is it necessary then, that other nations should wait and suffer the most pressing want, while the English are using their utmost exertions to ruin us, and to wrest from us our property in order to sell it to them? Or can they not go there, buy the commodities of which they are in want, and with which the English can no longer furnish them, without violating the character of neutral nations? It is not difficult to say which is most agreeable to reason, and consequently to the rights of nations. Neutral nations, in carrying on this trade, decide as to the fact, and not as to the right. This is the distinction which the laws of England make; since the English are allowed to obey the actual, or _de facto_ power, although it should not be so by right, or _de jure_. Besides, the English acknowledged the Duke of Braganza as king of Portugal, and received his Ambassadors, in the year 1641, for this reason, that he had been called to the crown by the unanimous consent of the people. Congress is established on the same foundation. The assemblies of the States choose the members of Congress, and empower them annually; and these assemblies are chosen by the whole people. Can there be a consent more unanimous, or more maturely given? Will your Majesty allow me here to adduce some authorities on this subject?

Charles, Duke of Sudermania, having been crowned king of Sweden at the commencement of the 17th century, sent James Vandyck into France, and offered to Henry the Great the renewal of the treaties and alliances, which had before been made between these two powers. Vandyck showed, that the advantages which France would derive from the commerce of Sweden would be so considerable, that the king listened to the proposals of this Minister, and was desirous to conclude a treaty with him. There was nothing to prevent him from doing it, except that the action of Charles, who had usurped the crown from Sigismond, his nephew, after the latter had been chosen king of Poland, was the more odious, as the pretext of religion was the cause of the revolution. It was also taken into consideration in France, that the king of Denmark, who was no friend to Charles, might form an alliance against him with his brother in law the king of England. But notwithstanding all this, M. de Villeroy, in writing to Jeannin, April 8th, 1608, speaks plainly, and says; “All these reasons and considerations would not prevent the king from making a treaty with Charles, if he should find it for his interest, and that of his kingdom to do so.”--_Wickfort_, p. 26. The example of Henry the Great is worthy of a prince, who has no less claim to this title.

Vatel, in examining the same question, says; “Foreign powers conform in this case to the possession, if the advantage of their own affairs incites them to do so. There is no rule more certain, more conformable to the right of the people, and to the independence of nations. Since foreigners have no right to concern themselves with the domestic affairs of a people, they are not obliged to examine and to search into their conduct in these same affairs, in order to determine the justice or injustice; of it; they can, if they think proper, suppose that the right is annexed to the possession.”

The advantages, which your Majesty’s dominions would derive from the commerce of America, cannot but be very great. It would be a new market, and one always increasing with the rapid increase of population in America, for woollen and linen cloths, porcelain, and all sorts of manufactures in iron. The returns would be in tobacco, indigo, linseed, cotton, and peltry.

It is true, that these advantages will be very much diminished by the ravages of the English and their mercenaries, if we are to contend alone against their whole force, with the immense difficulty of obtaining from Europe arms and ammunition, after a thousand evasions, great risk, and loss of time. It is for your Majesty, in conjunction with some other European powers, to put a stop to these ravages by a commercial alliance with the United States.

There is no name so highly respected among us as that of your Majesty. Hence there is no king, the declaration of whose friendship would inspire our people with so much courage, and add so much force to our cause.