Part 38

Permit me to refer to copies of my letter to yourself, and to the American Ministers at Paris, both of the 9th ult. which will accompany this. I was on the point of agreeing for the cabin of the packet, alluded to in my last letter, when I received a letter from my sister Laurens in the south of France, informing me that my brother, who has been long in a declining state, feeling himself approaching fast to dissolution, earnestly wished to see me before I should leave Europe. I cannot refuse to comply with the request of a dying friend, and besides this, humanity and gratitude forbid my leaving a widowed sister, who has been the foster mother of my daughters, at such a distance from her home, and unacquainted with the language of the country, without a friend and protector. I intend, therefore, to proceed immediately, trusting in the goodness of Congress for an exemption from censure in this singular case. When it is considered how exceedingly detrimental to my own interest the delay will be, it must appear that I submit to it from necessity. The journey, going and coming, will probably take up two, perhaps three months, allowing a reasonable time for detention at Vigan; hence I have no prospect of embarking before the next Spring. I should have been already advanced on my journey, but I wait the arrival of Mr Jay and Mr Hartley, who are daily expected from Paris.

Yesterday I received from Dr Franklin a copy of a letter written the 31st of August to Congress, which shows that the definitive treaty amounts to nothing more than a re-confirmation of the Provisional Articles, which I much regret. As it is possible this may arrive before the advices from France, I think it proper to enclose the copy abovementioned.

A Mr Edmund Jennings has been long hovering over, and as often as he could find opportunity, penetrating into American councils on this side of the water, and there is good reason for believing, notwithstanding all his pretensions to friendship, that his chief business has been to create dissensions, and also that he has been the principal contriver and manager of anonymous letters, calculated for that purpose. As I had detected Mr Jennings in some very improper conduct of this sort, and therefore refused him my countenance any longer, he, knowing no medium between familiarity and enmity, pricked by his own conscience, and enraged by my silence, took an opportunity in my absence of printing about forty pages of misrepresentation and falsehood, which he circulated in a private way, with a view, I suppose, of injuring me, and I am informed he has sent a large quantity of his paper to America, under the patronage, as I have reason to believe, of Dr Bancroft. Congress, and my fellow citizens in general, are too wise to condemn before they hear; therefore, I have taken the liberty to send you for their information, forty two copies of “a true state of the case,” packed in a box put under the care of Captain Josiah, the bearer of this. I write this “state of the case” in very great haste, and might have said much more to Mr Jennings’s disgrace, but there is enough to show, that he is not worthy of public trust, and that he is a dangerous confidant to a Minister of State.

Readers of Mr Jennings’s paper, from the profusion of his charges against me of animosity, enmity, uncalmness of temper, &c. &c. would suppose there had been much altercation between us, either by letter or verbally. On the contrary, I have neither corresponded with, or seen him but twice passing in the streets, since the sixth of January last, and nothing is more evident than my carefully avoiding to relate to those whom he alludes to as his particular friends, the discovery of his folly in asserting a lie upon his honor, unless he means to include Mr Adams as one of them; a sense of duty to my country, and a sincere regard for Mr Adams, led me to attempt to open his eyes, and I judged it equally necessary to inform Dr Franklin and Mr Jay. But I shall trouble you no longer on this subject. Congress will be possessed of the two papers, and I shall submit to their judgment. I do not esteem it a trifling affair, to remove a wicked and mischievous favorite from his influence in our councils.

I have the honor to be, &c.

HENRY LAURENS.

_P. S._ You will receive with this two of the latest Gazettes, and divers other newspapers to this day inclusive.

TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Dover, September 16th, 1783.

Sir,

In my way to France, I found here the sloop Olive Branch, on the point of sailing to Philadelphia. By her I trouble you with the preceding copy of my last address of the 11th instant, and also a couple of newspapers. Mr George Taylor goes in this vessel, recommended by that very worthy man, Granville Sharpe, than whom the United States have not a warmer friend in Europe. Shall I therefore request you, Sir, to countenance this young gentleman, and assist him in his virtuous pursuits? I think he can have no other in view, going from Mr Sharpe.

Mr Hartley was with me yesterday morning, and said he had hopes “things would do yet,” alluding to the Commercial Treaty. I am sure he means well, but I put “all proper confidence” in everything they say. “Things will indeed do yet,” provided we take care of ourselves.

With the highest regard and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

HENRY LAURENS.

TO CHARLES THOMPSON.

Bath, March 28th, 1784.

Sir,

Doctor Franklin lately conveyed to me a copy of your letter of the 5th of January last, directed to the Ministers of the United States for treating with Great Britain. It found me at this place in a very ill state of health. Ill as I was, I should have repaired immediately to Whitehall, had not Mr David Hartley, who still retains his commission, happened to have been present, and just going to London. I requested him to propose to Lord Carmaerthen, a convention for extending the stipulated term for exchanging ratifications of our definitive treaty of the 3d of September, and for that purpose I would without delay repair to London, for executing it on the part of the United States, if necessary; to add that if the formality might be dispensed with, without prejudice to either of the contracting parties, I desired the assent of the minister should be signified to me in writing. This morning brought me a letter from Mr Hartley, a copy of which will accompany this. I flatter myself, that the contents will afford the same satisfaction to Congress, as I feel upon the occasion.

Previous to the late dissolution of Parliament, a bill was passed, extending what is called the Intercourse Bill to the 20th of June, upon which probably will be grounded a new proclamation, for regulating the commerce between this kingdom and the United States. I have requested Major Jackson, who will do me the honor to take charge of this letter, to watch the London Gazette, and should a proclamation appear while he is in London, to enclose one of those papers to you, for the information of Congress. The West India merchants, and owners of estates in the British Islands, held several meetings and consultations, while I was in London, on the commerce in which they are particularly interested. I was frequently applied to, and delivered such sentiments as appeared to me to be necessary, particularly that I was firmly persuaded the United States separately, or in Congress, would retaliate every restriction, by which means we should have a treaty of commerce by acts of Parliament on one part, and acts of Assembly or of Congress on the other, and bring the great question to a test, which country would sustain the most damage or inconveniency by partial or total prohibitions.

I have just received a letter from a very eminent merchant in London, in which he writes,

“I could have wished to have given better accounts of the administration, touching the American Intercourse Bill, but there are strong remains of the old leaven among us, and the same disposition of monopolising the trade and navigation of the world to ourselves.”

That there is a continuance of the old leaven, on this side, may be concluded from the following sentiments of a gentleman, who writes as a professed friend to America, in opposition to Lord Sheffield.

“There is not yet that stock of good temper in either people, that could be wished.”

“The English are yet sore from their disappointment, and though they have lost a part of their dominions, they have not lost the recollections of having been masters, and expect something like the usual deference to be paid to them.” Hence I am not surprised at anything published by an inveterate enemy, whose design seems to be to declare commercial war in the first instance, possibly for introducing his “chain of stout frigates from Halifax to Bermuda.”

I went from hence the middle of January, determined to prepare for embarkation, and to be at sea about the 20th instant, but was taken very ill upon the road, and have continued ever since incapable of business. After being confined seven weeks in London, I returned to Bath, in hopes of receiving benefit again from the waters, but if I were perfectly in health, a recent circumstance would retard my progress. My brother lately died in the South of France, and I am constrained to wait the arrival of his widow. The affairs of two distressed families demand my attention, and as neither expense, nor as I apprehend other detriment, to the public will be sustained by my absence, the delay of a month or six weeks longer I trust will not give offence. Be pleased, Sir, to lay this before Congress, with assurances of my utmost respect, and continued attention to the interests of the United States.

I have the honor to be, &c.

HENRY LAURENS.

DAVID HARTLEY TO HENRY LAURENS.

Golden Square, March 26th, 1784.

Dear Sir,

It is with great satisfaction, that I am able to inform you, that it is not thought necessary on the part of Great Britain, to enter into any formal convention for the prolongation of the term, in which the ratifications of the definitive treaty were to be exchanged, as the delay in America appears to have arisen merely in consequence of the inclemency of the season. I took care to express on your part, the motives of candor and attention to this country, which were the ground of your offer, and it gives me pleasure to assure you, that they were received with equal candor and attention on the part of the British Ministers. My compliments and best wishes always attend yourself and family.

I am, dear Sir, with great respect and esteem, your most obedient, humble servant,

DAVID HARTLEY.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

London, April 24th, 1784.

Sir,

I had the honor of addressing Congress, under directions to Mr Secretary Thompson, the 28th ultimo, by Major Jackson, and a copy by the packet from Falmouth, and the 8th instant by the same packet, copy by Sir James Jay, to which I beg leave to refer. Mr Hartley went off for Paris the 17th, preferring that spot to this for the exchange of ratifications. I am told there is a pretty handsome stipend annexed to each journey.

The London Gazette of the 17th instant, a copy of which will be enclosed with this, contains a proclamation of the 16th, for extending the American intercourse to the 20th of June next, in terms, almost verbatim, a repetition of the antecedent. The friends of administration say, that the present Ministers are afraid of attempting enlargements before the meeting of the new Parliament. At present, from the best information I can collect, their utmost view is to a restricted trade in small vessels, of sixty or eighty tons, of American property, between the United States and the British West Indies. The tonnage on their part to be unlimited.

I have the pleasure of conversing often with men the most judicious and experienced in commercial affairs; all agree with me, that precise retaliation would produce good effects; possibly retaliation may be the very wish of our implacable enemies; certainly there is a majority still in council mumbling the Thistle,--of which wise men think they have already had enough. What new maggot has bitten them? “See,” say they, and reason upon the falsehood, “there is already a secession of four States; only nine could be collected for ratifying the treaty; New York we know is unrepresented, Connecticut is also unrepresented, (then presume upon two other States) they are all in confusion, weary of their independence, and will soon return to Great Britain upon her own terms.” I allude to no person eastward of Charing Cross. I cannot impute such conduct to ignorance; they will not be convinced, although they have Moses and the Prophets; in my mind, it proves a determination in that majority, not to _return_ to America with any degree of cordiality or generosity to urge a commercial, hoping in time to provoke a more hostile war, and to improve upon what they call the errors of the last. I am assured, that the last commander in chief of the British troops in America is a principal adviser. Mr Brooke Watson is added. To bring the King and people in general to consent to war with the United States will be a work, however, requiring no small exertion of skill. “His Majesty was dragged into the late war, as reluctantly as ever a bull was dragged to a baiting. I have seen the Queen shed floods of tears in the cruel progress, and have heard her Majesty say, I do not interfere in politics, but I think the Americans are an injured people. The King has often expressed to me his regret at the shedding of so much blood, but, said his Majesty, what can I do? They drew me in little by little; I have been deceived, I have had more truth from you, W. than from all of _them_ together. The King has been, and is willing to send to, and receive from the United States Ambassadors, (this part is undoubtedly a fact) and wishes for a liberal intercourse and commerce with them. Those men, who were called the King’s friends, for promoting the war, from the old Rubicon Peer, to the one always supposed to have been the invisible counsellor, (naming them specially) are now his enemies, because he has acknowledged the independence of the States. Had a late violent measure succeeded, and _that party_ gained the power aimed at, a voluntary abdication was determined upon, arrangements were absolutely made for that purpose. I can live, said the King, in an humbler state and be happy. The heir apparent would have mounted the throne, a question on the right of _alienating the Prince of Wales’s inheritance_ would have been brought forward, a war as soon as possible commenced for recovery, mistakes and errors of the last to be avoided.” I might add &c. &c. but that must rest to a future day.

I think it my duty, Sir, to communicate these memorable circumstances to Congress. If the intelligence merits attention, they will make proper application, but for the sake of our friend who delivered it to me, from no second hand report, upon whose honor and veracity all America would place the highest confidence, who could have no motive to a studied unprofitable falsehood, I humbly request it may not become suddenly a subject of out door conversation.

Two of my friends, characters highly esteemed in the United States, have been with me at several times within these three days past; whether they are in the secret of the above written history I know not, but rather believe the contrary, each confirmed that part relative to an intended breach, trusting, however, in the resistance of the people. If I trust at all, it is in their imbecility. The people may, by “exertions of skill,” be taught to believe, that going to war will mend their fortunes and recover national glory; let us contrast some of the late addresses of thanks with the later elections, and we shall see the inconsistency of conduct in the “first city in Europe,” and many other instances will appear. It may be asked how they can support a war under such a load of debt? It is averred by competent judges, that ragged and deranged as the finances of this country are, they are infinitely better than those of the neighboring maritime powers. A determination may be founded upon the comparative essay of resources; but I am under no apprehension from all they can do, provided timely, wise precautions are taken on our part. If all the people called loyalists were scattered in America, they would not do so much mischief as they do here; we could manage them best at home. I have employed a person to look out for a proper ship for my passage to America, hoping to embark in the course of next month.

With great respect and regard, I have the honor to be, &c.

HENRY LAURENS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

London, April 30th, 1784.

Sir,

Under cover of this will be found a copy of my last despatch, dated the 24th. I have only to add, that the more I converse with intelligent men, the more I am confirmed in believing, that there is a core of bitterness and pride against the United States in this kingdom, which cannot easily be dissipated; and which will break out whenever the parties have, or shall fancy they have, power. It is true, indeed, “Englishmen cannot lose the recollection of having been masters, and expect something like the usual deference to be paid to them, they are yet sore from their disappointment.” (Quoted in a former letter to Mr Thompson.) I have asked when were Englishmen masters of their brethren in America? When were the Americans subject to Englishmen? We were once fellow subjects under one King, now separated forever; willing, nevertheless, in peace to be friends, ready at the same time to resent injuries of whatever kind or degree. I do not presume to touch your navigation laws, but I maintain the right of the United States to follow good examples; to speak of retaliating any restrictions in commerce, is held to be the height of arrogance. It is assured me, that Mr Deane is an active counsellor against us, and Mr Galloway, no doubt all the old Governors, Mr Smith of New York, and others have their influence. Mr Smith, I am informed, has reported very extraordinary things, which I shall not repeat without further confirmation.

I have the honor to be, with perfect esteem and respect, &c.

HENRY LAURENS.

END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.