Part 35

I dare not presume, in my present private character, to give an opinion on the present state and prospect of our public affairs, but I entreat Congress to be assured, that my endeavors, even in this contracted sphere, have been exerted on proper occasions, and I hope with some good effect, for promoting the honor and interest of the United States. I have enjoyed a happy correspondence with men of liberal sentiments in England, as well as with the American Ministers at Paris and at the Hague. As it is possible I may be detained in Europe through the ensuing winter, should Congress have any commands for me, letters via Nantes or Bordeaux, directed to the care of Madame Babut Labouchere at this port, will obtain the quickest conveyance by way of Holland, to the care of Mr Adams. Under cover with this will be forwarded, at the request of Mr Adams, a copy of Mr Fitzherbert’s full power to treat for peace.

With the highest respect and regard, I have the honor to be, &c.

HENRY LAURENS.

[77] In his letter of May 30th, (see above, p. 464) Mr Laurens insinuates, that Dr Franklin had neglected him while he was in the Tower. The following letter and extract, written by Dr Franklin, will show that this suspicion was groundless.

“TO SIR GREY COOPER, BARONET, SECRETARY TO THE TREASURY OF GREAT BRITAIN.

Passy, November 7th, 1780. “Sir,

“I understand that Mr Laurens, an American gentleman, for whom I have a great esteem, is a prisoner in the Tower, and that his health suffers by the closeness and rigor of his confinement. As I do not think that your affairs receive any advantage from the harshness of this proceeding, I take the freedom of requesting your kind interposition, to obtain for him such a degree of air and liberty, on his parole, or otherwise, as may be necessary for his health and comfort. The fortune of war, which is daily changing, may possibly put it in my power to do the like good office for some friend of yours, which I shall perform with much pleasure, not only for the sake of humanity, but in respect to the ashes of our former friendship.

“With great regard, I have the honor to be, &c. B. FRANKLIN.”

On the 14th of May, 1781, he writes to the President of Congress.--“Agreeable to the vote of Congress, I have requested the assistance of this (the French) Court, for obtaining the release of Mr President Laurens. It does not yet appear that the thing is practicable. What the present situation is of that unfortunate gentleman, may be gathered from the enclosed letters.”

The letters here alluded to are, one from Sir Grey Cooper, dated November 29th, 1780; and another from Charles Vernon, Lieutenant Governor of the Tower of London, dated November 27th. They may be found in Dr Franklin’s Correspondence under these dates.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO HENRY LAURENS.

Philadelphia, September 17th, 1782.

Sir,

Having learned by your letter to Congress, of your enlargement from your long and severe confinement, it becomes my duty to inform you, that Congress were pleased to appoint me their Secretary to the United States for their Department of Foreign Affairs, and to direct that all communications with them from their Ministers should be through me. In this view, Sir, I have the honor to open this correspondence, forwarding the annexed resolutions by the first of them, marked No. 1. You will learn that they are unwilling to deprive themselves of your assistance in the great business of negotiations for a general peace, which, though languid at present, cannot fail to be quickened by the first turn of fortune in favor of the allied powers, since the King and Ministry of England are evidently trusting to the weak hope, that some brilliant stroke will turn the popular tide in favor of the prosecution of the war. Should she, as she probably will, be disappointed in this, she will be compelled to fly to peace for refuge against impending ruin. The second resolution needs no comment. We have no intelligence here, but what I have written to some of the gentlemen in commission with you, or what may be found in the papers I do myself the honor to transmit to you.

I sent Doctor Franklin bills for two quarters’ salary, drawn under your first commission. I shall, in future, in stating your account, consider you as acting under your second. As our Ministers are expressly prohibited by resolutions, transmitted by this conveyance, from making any disposition of money in Europe, it becomes necessary that they should have agents here to state their accounts, and vest the amount of their salaries in bills and remit them. I have taken this task upon me hitherto, and you will find by the bills drawn in your favor since January, that your advantage in this mode, from the low price of bills, will enable you without loss to pay an agent here. You will be so obliging as to transmit to me your receipt, and a state of your demands against the public, that I may get them discharged for you.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO HENRY LAURENS.

Philadelphia, November 8th, 1782.

Sir,

Your letter of the 5th of September, directed to the President of Congress, was received and referred in course to this office. If my letter of the 17th of September last, containing their resolution not to accept your resignation has reached you, I hope you will acquiesce in their determination, and see the propriety of remaining in France till their further order. In this expectation I have drawn for your last quarter’s salary. The bills will be sent you, with a state of your account, by Mr Lewis Morris. A duplicate of my last letter with the resolution above referred to, will accompany this.

I send Mr Franklin such resolutions as refer to general objects, which may be of use to you in conducting your negotiations, presuming that he will communicate freely with you. There will be no necessity while you are together of multiplying them with respect to our affairs here; they have undergone no change. The number of resolutions passed by Congress and the different States, (copies of which have been transmitted to our Ministers) serve to show the fixed and unalterable determination of the rulers and the people on this side of the water, to adhere inviolably to their engagements. This will, I hope, open the eyes of the British, and show them the vanity of expecting to dissolve a confederacy, which is founded in mutual interest and honor.

With respect to intelligence, we have little of importance. The army is gone into winter quarters. The fleet, under the command of the Marquis de Vaudreuil, still remains at Boston. Fourteen sail of the line and eight frigates left New York the 26th ultimo. We have yet no account of the evacuation of Charleston, though we have long expected it. I cannot turn my eyes to that quarter, without offering you my sincerest condolence on the untimely death of the gallant Colonel Laurens. It is not easy for those who knew his value to offer consolation. When time shall have turned the keen edge of your afflictions, you may find some mitigation of it in the cause and manner of his death, in the services he has rendered his country, and in the honor which he reflects on all who were connected with him.

I am, Sir, with respect and esteem, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

TO LORD CORNWALLIS.

Paris, December 9th, 1782.

My Lord,

Often, since the 31st of May last, your Lordship must have charged me with want of decency and good manners, for a seeming delinquency to an address of that date, which your Lordship intended to honor me with. The bare apprehension has added to my unhappiness, notwithstanding my feelings of assurance that your Lordship will acquit me upon the instant of being informed, that only a few minutes have passed since Mr Oswald called upon me with the letter, and an apology for having mislaid and detained it so long.

Believe me, my Lord, though I was at a distance from Passy, I was not unmindful of accomplishing your Lordship’s release from parole, in exchange for my discharge. My feelings on that occasion were always alive. I was never satisfied with my own enlargement, till I had written pressingly to Doctor Franklin, and had finally delivered my opinion upon an appeal from the Doctor, intimating that he would do “what I should think best.” Without a moment’s hesitation, I signified my ideas, both of the expediency and necessity of satisfying the well grounded expectations of the British Ministry. Your Lordship will find that the release followed, or that it was the consequence of previous applications on my part, and of Mr Oswald’s assurance that an exchange was expected, that he himself had treated with me while I was a prisoner in the Tower of London for that purpose, by desire of the Administration, a fact, to which many others might be added, confronting an assertion respecting this affair, in a late letter from the British Commissioners at New York to General Washington. The assertion in that letter did great violence to candor, but as I am sure your Lordship could not possibly have been privy to the ground of that transaction, I forbear to enlarge upon the subject. Nor do I mean to touch the veracity of the Commissioners, who no doubt wrote as they had been instructed. Even the instruction, I charitably hope, was rather the effect of inadvertency than of premeditated _detour_.

I have the honor to be, &c.

HENRY LAURENS.

TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, December 15th, 1782.

Sir,

I have had the honor of receiving at several times, your official despatch No 1, of September 17th, its duplicate, and the undermentioned acts of Congress.

_Of the 14th of September._ Public monies committed to the disposal of the Superintendent of Finance.

_17th of September._ Enjoining the attendance of the Ministers Plenipotentiary for treating with Great Britain.[78]

_3d of October._ On the communication from the Minister of France.

_17th._ Enjoining American Ministers to transmit intelligence.

An extract of a letter from Sir Guy Carleton, of the 12th of September.

To which several acts, I shall observe the utmost respect and obedience.

Upon receipt of that of the 17th of September, without questioning the right of Congress to compel the service of a citizen of America, who had neither solicited nor accepted a commission, I proceeded with all the despatch which a very infirm state of health would admit of, and by travelling night and day, arrived here not only time enough to sign the preliminary articles, but in time to offer suggestions which my colleagues were pleased to accept and adopt as necessary.

I had considered my residence in England, not only as proper for recovering my health, but also as essential to the service of the United States. I embraced various opportunities of informing the people in general of the ground and nature of the dispute between the two countries, of which they had been amazingly ignorant, of contradicting false reports respecting America, and of convincing some of the most intelligent, as well as some of the most adverse to the doctrine, that a full acknowledgment of our independence was consistent with, and would eventually contribute to promote, the true interest of Great Britain, and I have some ground for believing that my labors in some degree facilitated the great business, which has been just completed, a formal acknowledgment from the King, and a full renunciation of all claim upon the United States; and I humbly think, if I were in England at this moment, I might be of more real service to my country, than I can possibly perform in my present situation.

I thank you, Sir, for the newspapers. The melancholy intelligence, which they contained _for me_, must have reached me by some means. Your mode of conveying it was delicate and obliging. I have received value for the bills, which had been sent to Dr Franklin on my account, more particularly acknowledged in my letter of yesterday to Mr L. R. Morris. My thanks are also due for your trouble in stating my account. A charge for commission shall be most cheerfully admitted, but it is impracticable to comply with your recommendation by sending a statement of my demand, because I am ignorant of the vote of Congress for my salary, under both the old and new commission; nor is it needful, as I mean not to take up a further sum while I am in Europe. Indeed, if the late remittance had not been made, I should have persevered in paying my expenses from my own funds. I too well know the distresses of Congress, arising from a want of money, and therefore most earnestly wish to avoid adding to them. Enclosed you will find a loose receipt for the 20,000 livres, but it is not in my power to be special in the discharge.

Casting my eye this moment over the joint letter of the American Ministers, I perceive Congress are not there informed of a letter we have despatched to Mr Dana, at the Court of St. Petersburg, recommending to him to announce at that Court, and to foreign Ministers resident there, the signing of the preliminary articles between Great Britain and the United States; a copy of which, the separate article excepted, has been transmitted to him for that purpose. I could not refrain from giving this intimation, lest it should have escaped us all. This is not to be doubted, that recognitions by applications for commercial, and perhaps other treaties, will speedily follow from almost all the courts of Europe. There is already an instance in one of the principal trading kingdoms in the Baltic.

Shall I request the favor of you, Sir, with this to lay before Congress the enclosed copy of a letter, which I had occasion to write to the Earl of Cornwallis, on the third instant. It may tend to throw light upon the transaction in exchanging that officer, which I perceive has been very unfairly represented by the British Commissioners at New York. When Congress are informed of the precarious state of my health, and shall be pleased to reflect upon the long sufferings I have endured, that I have devoted almost the whole of my time, for eight years past, to the service of my country, detached from, and regardless of my domestic interests; and when they consider the very severe stroke lately fallen upon me, by the death of my eldest son, and the dispersion of the survivors in my family, for whom it is necessary I should endeavor to reprovide a home; I am confident my present determination to return to Bath, the only place in which I can hope to recover a part of my broken constitution, as soon as I can be spared from present duty, and from thence to America in March or April next, will not give offence. I shall indeed be much better pleased to receive in the mean time, and therefore now earnestly solicit, a formal permission, than to hazard their displeasure by an act, which, however necessary and unavoidable, may possibly be construed into an abandonment of their service, or even a slight of their orders.

I have the honor to be, &c.

HENRY LAURENS.

[78] “_In Congress, September 17th, 1782._--_Resolved_, That the honorable Henry Laurens be informed, in answer to his letter of the 30th of May, 1782, that the reasons which induced the United States in Congress assembled, to appoint him to be one of their Ministers Plenipotentiary for negotiating a peace still existing, his services in the execution of that trust cannot be dispensed with.

“_Resolved_, That the honorable John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, and Henry Laurens, be respectively informed, that it is the pleasure and express direction of Congress, that they punctually attend and assist in the negotiations for peace; and that each of them be instructed, upon receiving information of the time and place appointed for opening the negotiations, immediately to give notice thereof to the rest, that may be in Europe, in order that each may have a seasonable opportunity to take part in the trust reposed by the said commission, and earnestly enjoined by this act.”

TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, December 24th, 1782.

Sir,

Permit me to refer to what I had the honor of writing by the present conveyance on the 15th instant.

Mr David Hartley, on the 19th, moved in the British House of Commons,

“That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, stating that his faithful Commons think it their indispensable duty, not only to return their grateful thanks to his Majesty for having adopted the sense of his Parliament and people, in having pointed all his views and measures, as well in Europe as in North America, to an entire and cordial reconciliation with those Colonies, but likewise to express to his Majesty that, whatever may be the result of the general negotiation for peace now depending, our conciliatory sentiments towards America remain unaltered, as presented in their humble address to his Majesty on that subject in the last session of Parliament, and therefore that this House will consider as enemies to his Majesty and this country, all those who shall endeavor to frustrate such beneficent dispositions of his Majesty, by advising or by any means attempting the further prosecution of the war on the continent of America.”

The motion was seconded by Colonel Hartley. Mr Secretary Townshend objected, by calling for the Journals, and ordering the Resolutions of February and March last to be read, which he alleged were to the same effect as the motion, and were still in full force.

Some debate ensued, and upon a division, the ayes for the motion were 13, and the nays 51. Perhaps it would have been better if the motion had never been forced to a vote, than being forced, to be lost. What were the recent inroads up the Santa Cumbahee, and other rivers in South Carolina? What is the retaining a garrison in Charleston and another in New York, but offensive war?

In my own mind, I have no doubt but that the Court of London would carry on an offensive or any other war, or make partial peace, or pursue any means and measures, which might best gratify its desires, and its apparent interests.

My letters from London of a late date speak the following language.

“We are of opinion, that a general peace is still far distant, and are not so eager for it; if the preliminary articles between this kingdom and America shall terminate hostilities between us two, let us shake hands, and be _reconciled_ with our American brethren, and the nation _in general_ will prefer a war to a dishonorable peace _with France_.” Who is to interpret?

I am directed to give intelligence, not advice and opinions, but I trust Congress will not be offended with the few sentiments, which I shall presume modestly to urge.

The people of England still retain the idea of “OUR _colonies_,” and of “_reconciliation_.” Government gives all possible encouragement to their humor; it has been their incessant endeavor to detach us from our ally, and it is given out in London, that they have out-manœuvred the Court of France. God forbid that any future act or future supineness, on the part of the United States of America, should give the smallest degree of countenance to so dishonorable an insinuation. Every engine has been, every degree of craft under the mask of returning affection will be practised, for creating jealousies between the States and their good and great ally. The United States of America are too wise to be duped, too honorable to commit any act, be their distresses what they may, that shall sully their good faith. Through their ally’s assistance and their own virtuous perseverance, they attained to those preliminaries; they will virtuously persevere until they shall have performed every tittle of their engagements with that ally, against whom, I must declare for my own part, I see no cause for entertaining more particular jealousy than ought to be kept upon guard against every negotiating Court in the world, nor half so much as should at this moment be upon the watch against every motion arising from our new half friends. I had occasion to write to the same Mr David Hartley, that I should suspect every superfluous and every deficient word coming from that quarter. Nevertheless, I earnestly wish, and shall continue my utmost endeavors, for obtaining an honorable well founded peace with Great Britain. But I will not consent to _receiving her wooden horses, nor will I listen to her whispers_, or imbibe prejudices against a Court, which has been a friend to my country in need. Congress will be pleased to pardon this freedom, and accept the zeal of their faithful and most obedient servant,

HENRY LAURENS.

TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, January 9th, 1783.

Sir,

I had the honor of addressing you on the 15th and 24th ultimo, by Captain Barney, in the ship Washington. Duplicates by way of Nantes. Shall I request you, Sir, with my humble respects, to inform Congress that my health has ever since been declining; that I am at this moment reduced to a deplorable state, scarcely able to walk across my chamber; that I should nevertheless have continued here at all hazards, had I not been strongly advised to visit Bath, the only place where I can hope to recover part of a constitution, broken down by sufferings and in the service of my country, and at the same time assured from proper authority, that there is too great a probability of an interval, before a definitive treaty will be seriously talked of, for performing my intended journey. Should the contrary happen, the earliest notice from hence, as well, as from London, will be forwarded to me, and if possible I shall return without delay. This interval strikes no alarm to me. I had, upon my first arrival here, intimated my apprehensions to all my colleagues.

Wherever I am, the honor and interest of the United States shall be my great and greatest concern.

I have the honor to be, &c.

HENRY LAURENS.

TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

London, March 15th, 1783.

Sir,