Part 32

Captain Woodford, who has lately arrived in this city from Leghorn, informs me that there are some merchants there inclined to enter into the American trade. He is to command a vessel from that port, and is apprehensive of meeting some of the cruisers belonging to the States of Africa. This danger will probably deter many Americans from entering into the Mediterranean trade, and if possible it should be removed. The King of France, in the 8th article of the Treaty of Commerce, has engaged to employ his good offices and interposition with the Emperor of Morocco, and with the Regencies of Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli, and every other power on the coast of Barbary, in order to provide as fully as possible for the convenience and safety of the inhabitants of the United States, and their vessels and effects against all violence, insult, attacks, or depredations, on the part of the said Princes and States of Barbary, and their subjects.

You will be so good as to inform me, whether any steps have been taken by the Court of France, for the security of the inhabitants of the United States, in consequence of the above article.

I have the honor to be, &c.

RALPH IZARD.

FROM THE COMMISSIONERS TO RALPH IZARD.

Passy, August 25th, 1778.

Sir,

We have the honor of your letter of this date, and shall give the earliest attention to its contents.

We apprehend there would be no impropriety at all in your application to his Excellency the Count de Vergennes, concerning the subject of a loan in Genoa, and we wish that you would apply. As we wish however to do everything in our power to procure you success, we shall do ourselves the honor to propose the subject to his Excellency the first time we see him, which will probably be tomorrow, when we shall make an application to him also upon the other subject of your letter, the interposition of His Majesty with the Emperor of Morocco, and with the Regencies of Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, and every other power on the coast of Barbary.

We have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN, ARTHUR LEE, JOHN ADAMS.

_P. S. August 27th._ Since writing the foregoing, we have spoken of the Genoese loan to Count de Vergennes, who gave us no encouragement to hope that France would engage for us in that affair. The other matter will be the subject of a proposed written memorial.

TO THE ABBÉ NICCOLI.

Paris, September 1st, 1778.

Dear Sir,

Your favor of the 28th of July affords no very flattering prospects to us from Tuscany. My expectations and hopes from that quarter were high, and I confess that I am disappointed. All Europe appears to me to be interested in the success of our cause, and Italy will certainly receive no inconsiderable share of the benefits resulting from the establishment of the independence of the United States; it is, therefore, not a little to be wondered at, that she should refuse to stir a finger towards the accomplishment of that event. I am well aware, that the revenues of the Grand Duke are not equal to those of the King of France; something, however, is certainly in his power; and we are taught by Scripture to set a proper value on a single mite, when it is proportioned to the ability of the donor.

The Grand Duke, you say, has discharged almost half the debt with which he found the State encumbered at his accession. This is a proof of the wisdom and good government of his Royal Highness, and shows how well founded the opinion is, which the world has entertained of that excellent Prince. It shows also, that his State is in a very flourishing condition. I have been lately informed, that his Royal Highness intends shortly to discharge another part of his debt, to the amount of three millions of French livres. If this payment could be postponed, and the money lent to the United States, it would be of considerable service to them. You will excuse me for pressing this subject with earnestness, as I have the greatest desire to execute the business, which the Congress have done me the honor of putting into my hands.

Captain Woodford has lately arrived here from Leghorn; he informs me that some merchants at that port are determined to enter into the American trade, and that he is to command a vessel from thence bound to Virginia, which he thinks will be ready to sail in the course of a few weeks. He is a man of a very good character, and I hope he will succeed, which will probably induce many others to follow his example. He has charged himself with the delivery of this letter, and I do not doubt but that you will give him any advice or assistance in your power to facilitate the execution of his plan.

My wife and family join in offering you their compliments, and I am, dear Sir, &c.

RALPH IZARD.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, September 2d, 1778.

Sir,

I am directed by the Congress to endeavor to procure a loan of money in Italy, and have in consequence done everything in my power to obtain proper information on the subject. My correspondent in Tuscany gives me no hopes of procuring any there, as that country is just beginning to emerge from a state of languor, under which it has suffered for two centuries.

No other part of Italy seems to afford a more agreeable prospect except Genoa, and I am told, that even there, the security of the Court of France will probably be expected, for any sum which the inhabitants of that Republic may have it in their power to lend to the United States. The value of the paper currency of America has sunk, on account of the great sums which it has been absolutely necessary to issue in the prosecution of the war against Great Britain. If the loan can be obtained, the Congress will be enabled to reduce the quantity in circulation, and at the same time raise and establish the credit of the remainder. This will be of such important service to our country, that I am induced to hope your Excellency will be so good as to afford us your assistance in it, and speak to the Marquis Spinola, the Envoy from Genoa, on the subject. I shall be extremely happy to have it in my power to inform the Congress, that by your Excellency’s assistance, I have been enabled to execute the trust which they have committed to me.

I have the honor to be, &c.

RALPH IZARD.

TO HENRY LAURENS, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, September 12th, 1778.

Dear Sir,

My last letter to you was dated the 25th of July, and yours of the 19th of May still continues the only one I have been favored with from you. My letter of the 28th of June was accompanied by several papers, which appeared to me proper that you and every other friend of our country should be acquainted with. Five sets of them were sent to you, and it will be very unlucky if one of them does not get safe to your hands.

The molasses business would certainly have proved the source of continual disputes if it had not been altered, but the mischief, which might have been expected from that, is beyond comparison less than what is pointed out in my letter to Mr Lee of the 18th of May. My apprehensions on this subject were communicated to the Commissioners at this Court, but I am sorry to say that they made no impression upon them. Mr Lee alone seemed to think it possible I might be right; the other two gentlemen were perfectly satisfied. Dr Franklin’s usual consciousness of infallibility was apparent, and Mr Adams insinuated, that the business of the treaties was put entirely into the hands of the Commissioners at this Court, and nobody else had any right to give their opinions about them; that he understood that I had objected to the 11th and 12th articles of the Treaty of Commerce respecting molasses, but he believed I should find myself greatly mistaken in that matter; that he did not doubt but those articles would be extremely popular in Congress, and that they would be very angry when they were informed that I had objected to them. I answered, that I was sensible the conclusion of the treaties was committed solely to the gentlemen he mentioned, but that the principles in which I had been educated militated against the other part of his opinion; that I had thought it my duty to oppose the proceedings of the King and Parliament of Great Britain when they were injurious to my country, that the same motives had occasioned my opposition to the articles in question; that I had submitted my objections to the treaty to the President, and hoped he would make them known to Congress; that if they thought I had acted wrong, I should of course be informed of it by him; that I should in that case look upon myself to be no longer fit to be employed, when my opinion differed so totally from that of my employers, and should request the favor of the President to procure the leave of Congress for me to return into my own country.

I have had the satisfaction, however, of finding that Mr Adams, as well as his countrymen, Dr Franklin and Mr Deane, have been mistaken in their expectation, that Congress would be inattentive to the interests of nine States of America to gratify the eaters and distillers of molasses. I am yet to learn whether the arguments made use of in the abovementioned letter of the 18th of May have had any weight with you, and the other gentlemen to whom I desired you to submit them, but I am very sorry to inform you that my apprehensions were too well founded. The letters, which Mr Lee has lately received from Spain, leave not the least room to doubt what the expectations of that Court are respecting the Floridas. For my own part, no such additional proof was necessary after having compared the 5th article of the Treaty of Alliance with the 9th article of the original treaty, transmitted by Congress.

The conduct of Spain has been full of ambiguity; she has been arming with all possible diligence, and at the same time sent an Ambassador to London, who has hitherto made use of no other language but that of peace and mediation. England, who seems to have lost her common sense at the same time that she parted with her humanity, does not appear to suspect that the delays of Spain may possibly be intended only to make her blow more certain and effectual. Some politicians believe, that the delays of Spain have been occasioned by her being averse to the independence of America. Nothing can be more absurd than such an opinion. Spain can have nothing to apprehend from us alone, equal to what she had reason to fear from the united strength of Great Britain and America. When the present war is ended, I hope the blessings of peace will be long enjoyed. Should Spain be suffered to get possession of the Floridas, perpetual causes of quarrel may be expected, and therefore I hope the wisdom of Congress will guard against this evil.

When my apprehensions on this subject were communicated to the Commissioners at this Court, a proper explanation I believe might have been obtained from the Ministry under their hands, as the ratification of the treaties was not arrived, and it is certain they were very much alarmed about them, and expected they would have undergone a much severer scrutiny than they did. The limits, which Congress have prescribed in the 9th article of their original treaty, are such as I am convinced we ought to have, and I hope that nothing will happen to make it necessary that they should be altered. Mr Lee will, I suppose, inform Congress of the contents of his letters from Spain on this subject. It appears of so much consequence to the Southern States, that I think they should be consulted separately on the subject of ceding the Floridas to Spain, before the question is brought before Congress.

In my letter to the Committee of Foreign Affairs, of the 25th of July, I enclosed them two letters, which I had written to the Abbé Niccoli at Florence, on the subject of money. I now send you his answer, by which you will find that there is no very flattering prospect of obtaining any there. I send you likewise enclosed several other papers, which will show you that I have done everything in my power to fulfil the wishes of Congress; nothing has been left unattempted to promote the success of what I have had constantly at heart. I have had an interview with Count de Vergennes, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and endeavored to prevail upon him to offer the security of the Court of France for any money, which might be borrowed in Italy for the use of the United States. He refused affording any assistance in the matter. I then wrote him the enclosed letter of the 2d of September, without promising myself much hopes of success from it. The King of Prussia during the last war received a subsidy from Great Britain, of between seven and eight hundred thousand pounds sterling. The object to be obtained was certainly much less considerable, than what France has already got by the dismemberment of so great a part of the dominions of her natural enemy, and yet the States of America, her allies, whose exertions have procured so desirable an event for her, have no subsidy, and even her assistance in effecting a loan is refused. France has certainly great demands for money herself; she might, however, have been more liberal than she has been, and I am of opinion she would have been so, had things been properly conducted by those who ought to have thought less of themselves and more of the public.

I have in this, and some of my former letters, given you my opinion on such parts of the treaties as appeared likely to prove injurious to us. The Southern States are most affected by the articles, which have been already taken notice of. The 9th and 10th articles of the Treaty of Commerce contain matter which will, if I am not much mistaken, prove the subject of great uneasiness to the States of New England. The gentleman, whose presumption and self sufficiency I have already complained of, may in this instance, I believe, be acquitted of having any design. Whatever there may be improper in these articles can be only attributed to the want of information, and to their not being acquainted with the subject.

When the peace of Paris in 1763 was concluded, I was in London, and heard the subject of the fishery much discussed; the French pretended that by the 13th article of the treaty of Utrecht, they had an exclusive right to fish on all that part of the island of Newfoundland, which extends from Cape Bonavista to Point Riche. The English Ministry would not admit of any such explanation of the article, and accordingly the French have enjoyed no such exclusive right since. The words “indefinite and exclusive right” are not to be found either in the treaties of Utrecht or of Paris, yet they were inserted in the 10th article of our treaty of commerce, and that it may seem as if no innovation was intended, that right is claimed as having been _designed_ by the treaty of Utrecht, and the whole is to be conformable (not to the words,) but to the _true sense_ of the treaties of Utrecht and Paris. I do not think that the States of New England would be very well contented, if they should find themselves excluded from the right of fishing on any part of the coast of Newfoundland. I have endeavored to get all the information I could on this matter, and am confirmed in my opinion that it is intended.

The discussion of this business will probably not be entered upon till the conclusion of peace, and that event I fear is not very near at hand. It is however of importance, that those persons who are likely to be affected by this matter should be acquainted with what I have written to you about it, that they may consider it and be prepared.

The commercial business of America in this kingdom continues still in confusion. You were fully informed on this point sometime ago, and I recommended Mr Lloyd strongly as a proper person to set these matters right. I believe him to be a very capable merchant, and I have the highest opinion of his integrity and attachment to the cause of America. These are qualities at all times to be valued, but in the present situation of our affairs, at the distance the commercial agent is placed from the seat of inquiry, the difficulty there is of preventing the plunder of the public money, and the detecting of it after it is done, are additional motives with me for wishing to see the commercial business of our country in his hands. He is going to America, and I expect that he will see you at Congress. Dr Franklin is still endeavoring to place his nephew in that office.[68] Whether he is a proper person I shall not take upon me to decide. Mr Lee thinks he is not, and I suppose will offer his reasons to Congress.

I have lamented exceedingly that the situation of affairs has not permitted my going into Italy. Perhaps my having been here, and the observations that I have sent you respecting the treaties, may not prove useless; should my countrymen think so, it will give me great satisfaction.

I am, dear Sir, &c.

RALPH IZARD.

_P. S._ I have communicated my sentiments to Mr Lee and Mr Adams respecting the fishery, and I hope they will write on the subject to their friends. It will, however, I think, be very proper for you to speak to the New England delegates about it, that they may have time to consider it, and consult their constituents.

[68] For the correction of an error here, respecting Dr Franklin’s designs in regard to his nephew, see the present volume, p. 164, note.

THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO RALPH IZARD.

Philadelphia, October 28th, 1778.

Sir,

It is unnecessary to say anything to you about the particular foundation of the enclosed Resolve. We hope you will experience good consequences from it, in a point very interesting to you while in Tuscany. There, you certainly must depend greatly on our correspondents in France for American intelligence, which will be much more frequently sent from hence to them than to you. We shall enjoin it upon them to furnish you, and particularly upon Mr Adams, while he remains at Paris.

Mr A. Lee will communicate to you the purport of some papers, which are sent to him, and in which you are jointly concerned. It was not possible for us at this time to send you extracts from them.

You will be pleased at knowing that the British Commissioners are convinced of the folly of their errand to America, and are returning home. It is probable that the British army will follow them soon, or at least go to the West Indies. Of this, however, the Marquis de la Fayette, the bearer, may gain fuller information before he sails from Boston. Though a pressing load of other business has till this time prevented Congress from taking up the whole consideration of their foreign affairs, yet that must be the speedy consequence of their appointment of Dr Franklin Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of France. All the papers of this Committee are on their table, and we shall despatch packets upon any material decision.

In the mean time we wish you every success, and are with much regard, Sir, your friends and humble servants,

RICHARD H. LEE, JAMES LOVELL.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, January 28th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

I have had the honor of informing Congress, that the political state of Europe has prevented the Grand Duke of Tuscany from receiving me in the character of their representative, and as I thought it would be injurious to them if I had resided at his Court in any other character, I have remained in France, ready to embrace the first opportunity of obeying the orders of Congress, if any change of circumstances should put it in my power to do so.

In consequence of a resolution of Congress, “that the Commissioners at the other Courts in Europe be empowered to draw bills of exchange from time to time, for the amount of their expenses, upon the Commissioners at the Court of France,” I drew a bill of exchange on the 12th instant for five hundred louis d’ors, on the Commissioners at this Court, and I waited on them at Passy with it myself for acceptance. I presented it to Dr Franklin, as eldest, who refused to accept it. He said the two thousand louis d’ors, which I had already had, were so extravagant a sum, that he was sure I could not have spent it, and if I had, he saw no reason why Congress should support my family. Congress will be pleased to recollect, that my commission is dated the 1st of July, 1777, and that I received it the September following. Dr Franklin added, that the resolution of the 7th of May, 1778, to which I referred him, directed that the Commissioners _at_ the other Courts of Europe should draw bills for the amount of their expenses, but as I was not _at_ Florence, he was determined not to consent that any more money should be paid me, and I might protest the bill if I pleased. I desired that he would favor me with his reasons in writing, which he promised to do; but though I wrote to him eight days after about it, and received a repetition of his promise under his hand, he has not to this day paid the least regard to it. Congress will judge, when they consider the differences, which have for some time past unhappily subsisted between us, by what motives Dr Franklin has been actuated in the conduct, which I have just stated, and will, I hope, take such measures as will for the future prevent any such unjustifiable proceedings.

As the Commissioners at the other Courts of Europe are directed to draw bills of exchange for their support, on the Representatives of Congress at the Court of France, the situation of the former will be very deplorable, if the latter are allowed the liberty of disobeying those orders of Congress, whatever may be the pretence for such disobedience. At the time of Dr Franklin’s refusal to accept my bills for five hundred louis d’ors, there were in the hands of the public banker between two and three hundred thousand livres. Dr Franklin is not empowered to judge of the propriety of my going into Italy, or staying in France. I consulted him however about it, and it was his opinion, that the situation of affairs did not admit of my going to Florence. After Dr Franklin had refused to accept the bill, I presented it to Mr Lee and Mr Adams, who accepted it immediately. It is with reluctance that I lay this matter before Congress, but it is my duty to do it, as it is an evil that requires an immediate remedy. Our disagreements are much to be lamented by every friend to our country; I can, with the most perfect truth declare, that I have done every thing in my power to prevent them, but I have found it impossible. I have a most grateful sense of the goodness of Congress to me, in appointing me one of their Representatives in Europe; it has been my constant wish to prove myself worthy of the confidence with which they have honored me, and I consider it as my greatest misfortune, that I have not had it in my power to render them any service.

As there does not appear to be any prospect of my being received in my public character at Florence, nor any other means of my being of service, I am desirous of returning to America. I should take the first opportunity of doing so, but do not think myself at liberty to leave Europe without the permission of Congress; you will very much oblige me if you will be so good as to obtain that permission for me, and send me copies of it by several opportunities.

I have the honor to be, &c.

RALPH IZARD.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, March 4th, 1779.

Gentlemen,