Part 31

I have been told by a gentleman, that the French Ministry had desired that Mr Arthur Lee and myself, _expressly mentioned by name_, might have certain matters concealed from us. I cannot take a step in this business without having some insinuation to encounter. My informant was not so explicit as I wished him to be. He did not acquaint me with the points intended to be concealed, whether they related to the treaties or to the departure of Mr Deane. I must beg the favor of you, therefore, to let me know if you were desired by the French Ministry to conceal either or both the matters from me _by name_, or whether, as I believe to be the case, you had no such injunctions at all. There is reason to believe, that the insinuation is injurious both to the French Ministry and to us. I have never, by any part of my proceedings, subjected myself to be refused admittance into their presence. I have never been compelled to have recourse to any person to soothe and deprecate their resentment, excited by transactions, which they thought obliged them to make use of expressions highly reflecting on the honor of my country, at the very time when perhaps the interests and even the safety of America might have been affected by that resentment. Will you undertake to make the same declaration? If you do, it shall appear, that I do not deal in insinuations; and if the Ministry were inclined to show any marks of their dissatisfaction, the world will judge who were the persons most likely to experience them.

If after having been made acquainted with the instructions of Congress relative to the treaty, the Ministry desired to have the proposed alterations concealed from me, and there was any danger of an obstruction to your negotiation if the directions of Congress were insisted on, I shall endeavor to learn what could have induced them to such a conduct. The mischievous tendency of some parts of the treaty might have been pointed out, had they been communicated to me before it was too late, and a troublesome and ineffectual application to the Court of Spain for relief might have been rendered unnecessary.

I am, Sir, &c.

RALPH IZARD.

TO HENRY LAURENS, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, June 28th, 1778.

Dear Sir,

The treaties are expected to arrive soon in France, as Congress received them by the Sensible, a French frigate, in the month of April. In some of my letters I informed you of my sentiments on one or two of the articles in the treaty of commerce, and of the ineffectual steps, which I took in consequence of them. Whether Congress has been made acquainted with these sentiments, or whether they approve of them, I know not, as I have not received a letter from you, from the Committee, nor from any member of Congress, since my arrival in France. The treaties were not communicated to me till the 30th of March, when they were half the way over to America, and of course too late for any alterations to be made until they had undergone the inspection of Congress.

From the dispositions of the principal parties concerned in the negotiation, and from the manner in which my application respecting the eleventh and twelfth articles of the treaty of commerce was received, there is very little reason to think, that any objections, however justly founded, would have made any impression. I have, however, done every thing in my power, and I shall be very happy if any good effects should be produced by my endeavors. It has been my constant wish to avoid contentions of every kind; it has been particularly my desire to avoid them with Dr Franklin from every consideration. His abilities are great, and his reputation high. Removed as he is at so considerable a distance from the observation of his constituents, if he is not guided by principles of virtue and honor, those abilities and that reputation may produce the most mischievous effects. I send you by this opportunity some papers, which I desire may be communicated to my countrymen from South Carolina, who are members of Congress, and if it is your opinion, that they or any part of them should be laid before Congress, you will be so good as to do it. If, on the contrary, you think the situation of affairs will make it improper to trouble Congress with them, you will withhold them. It is my wish, however, that you may approve of their being communicated to Congress. Whatever may be your determination, I shall think I have acted right in communicating them to you. You will find from them with what caution the treaties were concealed from me, while they were negotiating, and even after they were signed. When Dr Franklin thought Mr Deane had been gone long enough to get to America, before any observations could be written on the contents of them, they were sent to me. The article respecting molasses, in the treaty of commerce, may be productive of considerable mischief.

I can, however, account for that transaction from natural causes. Two of the gentlemen engaged in it were born in New England. That part of America is possessed of very few articles of export, and the great use which is made there of molasses makes it a very desirable object, that it should be perpetually exempted from duty. The articles in the treaty of alliance, which I have complained of, are infinitely more mischievous, and when I attempt to account for the conduct of the gentlemen, who have concluded them, and at the same time set aside the clear and unequivocal article on the same subject, transmitted to them by Congress, I am utterly incapable of doing it without suspecting the most dishonorable practices, which I cannot think they have been guilty of.

It appears the more unaccountable, when the instructions, which were transmitted by the Congress to the Commissioners at the time the original treaty was sent, are examined. Congress judged, that some alterations might be found necessary, and explained their intentions in the following manner. “It is the wish of Congress, that the treaty should be concluded, and you are hereby instructed to use every means in your power for concluding it, _according to the plan you have received_. If you shall find that to be impracticable, you are hereby authorised to relax the demands of the United States, and to enlarge their offers, _according to the following directions_.” In these instructions, such articles as it was thought would admit of alteration are pointed out. But the ninth article is not among the number. It seems indeed essential to the safety of the United States, that the countries and islands therein expressly mentioned, should be in their possession. There is a most uncommon degree of effrontery in Dr Franklin’s declaring, that the fifth article of the treaty of alliance could not possibly admit of such a construction, as I apprehended might be put upon it. I have not the least doubt but it was intended to leave an opening for negotiating Florida into the possession of Spain, if the successes of the House of Bourbon against England should put it in the power of the former to dictate the terms at the conclusion of a general peace. It is more than probable likewise, that what I have hinted at in my letter to Mr Lee, respecting Newfoundland, and the other Islands on our coasts, and the fishery, may in future be productive of a great deal of trouble, if proper explanations are not obtained in time.[67]

If anything was necessary to make the effrontery, which I have just taken notice of, complete, it was Franklin’s observation, that if my apprehensions were ever so just, it was now too late for any remedy here. His tricks and chicanery put it out of my power to make any objections before the treaties were signed and sent to America, and then he gives that as a reason, why no remedy should be attempted against the evil, which is pointed out. In my conscience, I believe him to be an improper person to be trusted with the management of the affairs of America in this kingdom. If he were sent to the Court of Vienna he could not have an opportunity of doing any harm. No affront could be taken at this exchange, as that Court is in general looked upon to be the first in Europe, and it is improper for the same person to have a commission both for Vienna and Berlin.

The English newspapers have given us the proceedings of Congress on the 22d of April, respecting the conciliatory bills. I am very anxious to know what reception the Commissioners have met with, and the extent of their powers. It is much to be lamented, that they have not been enabled by Parliamentary authority to acknowledge the independence. The Ministry are fully convinced themselves, that nothing else will do, and yet they continue to act under the same dreadful infatuation, which has already produced so many calamities to their country, and refuse to adopt any measures, however salutary, till it is too late. I most ardently wish for peace, provided it can be obtained upon terms, which Congress may think proper to be accepted.

Mr William Lee has been some weeks at Vienna. He writes me, that the French Ambassador advises him “to wait there with patience, till the prospect of things open a little more than they do at present.” I have informed you in several of my letters, that my reception in Tuscany depends entirely upon the proceedings of the Court of Vienna. The Emperor and the King of Prussia are each at the head of a powerful army in Silesia, and within a few miles of one another. A negotiation has been for several weeks constantly carrying on with respect to the succession of Bavaria, and it is astonishing, that nothing is yet concluded. Each of those princes has two hundred and fifty thousand regular troops, and more are continually raising. The Emperor has, besides, the Hungarian nobility and their dependants, who may upon occasion be called upon to serve. They are supposed to form a body of about three hundred thousand men, and may be looked upon as militia.

The King of Prussia, although negotiating with the Emperor, is not idle in other matters. He is using his utmost endeavors to excite the northern powers to join him against the House of Austria, and if he succeeds in bringing about an accommodation between the Russians and the Turks, the Czarina will certainly afford him very powerful assistance. Whether either the Emperor or the King of Prussia will be connected with England does not yet appear. Neither of them seems inclined to offend her at present. The troubles in Germany have certainly produced this effect on the King of Prussia, for he made the clearest declaration before the death of the Elector of Bavaria, that he would be the second power in Europe to acknowledge the independence of America.

I am, dear Sir, &c.

RALPH IZARD.

[67] Succeeding events proved all these suspicions and speculations to have been erroneous.

TO HENRY LAURENS, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, July 25th, 1778.

Dear Sir,

The treaties were received by the Spy on the 9th instant, I am glad to find that the 11th and 12th articles of the treaty of commerce appeared to Congress in the same light that they did to me. The Committee of Foreign Affairs, in their letters to the Commissioners here, of May 14th and 15th, made nearly the same observations that I did to Dr Franklin, in my letter to him on that subject.

I have not however the satisfaction of knowing whether the part I have acted has been approved of, or even whether any of my letters got to your hands, as I have not been favored with a line from you since your arrival in Congress. I shall not complain, but follow Dr Franklin’s maxim in his letter of January 29th, which is, “to suppose our friends right, till one finds them wrong, rather than to suppose them wrong, till one finds them right.” It is possible that my letters to you, and yours to me, may have been lost or stolen. The tricks that were played with Mr Lee’s letters, and the public despatches, that were sent by Folger, will justify any suspicion. I shall take it for granted, that if you have written, your letters have miscarried, or if you have not written, that you were prevented by business of greater importance. It is however very unfortunate, and you cannot but be sensible how mortifying it must be to me, who have been engaged in distress and trouble, in consequence of my doing my duty to the public, not to find attention and support from a quarter, where I had every reason to expect it.

I had just written thus far when Mr Adams sent me your letter of May 19th, which was enclosed to him; and I thank you heartily for the very friendly expressions contained in it. You mention, that you intended to write me more fully by the same opportunity; but as that letter is not come to hand, I suppose it was too late for the conveyance. I am very anxious to see it, and hope to find by it that my proceedings have met with your approbation. The ratification of the treaties by Congress has put the ministry and the whole nation into as good spirits, as our countrymen were put by them. Except the parts which I have mentioned to you, they seem to be very fair and equitable, and I really believe that if a certain gentleman had thought less of his infallibility, they might have been made unexceptionable. The ministry made no objection to the alteration respecting the molasses, and I most sincerely wish, that Congress in their hurry had not passed over the other articles, which I am convinced will occur to them, when perhaps it may not be so easy to get them altered as at present.

The war in Germany is already begun. The King of Prussia, finding that his negotiations proved fruitless, has marched his forces into Bohemia, and that unhappy country, the constant seat of misery, will in all probability experience more calamities than ever. The wisdom of the Congress, and the valor of our countrymen, will I hope soon remove the war from our continent, and I pray to God that the blessings of peace may be at no great distance.

I cannot help expressing to you my astonishment, upon reading the account given of the interview between the Commissioners here and M. Gerard, on the 16th of December, printed in the Yorktown Gazette of May 4th. The part I allude to is the following. The French Plenipotentiary, speaking of the King, says, “he should moreover not so much as insist, that, if he engaged in the war with England on our account, we should not make a separate peace for ourselves, whenever good and advantageous terms were offered to us.” This account I understand was given to Congress by the Commissioners, and therefore it must be presumed to be true. How then can it be reconciled with the 8th article of the treaty of alliance? Suppose England should offer to acknowledge the liberty, sovereignty, and independence of America, upon condition that she should make a separate peace. The question is, can we in honor do it? Monsieur Gerard, Royal Syndic of Strasbourg, and Secretary of his Majesty’s Council of State, informed the Commissioners on the 16th of December, _by order of the King_, that the only condition his Majesty should require and rely on would be this, “that we, in no peace to be made with England, should give up our independence, and return to the obedience of that government.” The 8th article of the treaty of alliance declares directly the contrary, although the second says expressly, _Le but essentiel et direct de la présente alliance défensive, est de maintenir efficacement la liberté, la souveraineté, et l’indépendance des Etats Unis_. I most ardently wish for peace; at the same time the preservation of our national honor must be attended to. The virtue and wisdom of the representatives of our country in Congress will be shown, if this question should ever be agitated.

You will find by my letter to the Committee of this day’s date, that the situation of affairs has not allowed me yet to go into Italy. My own inclinations, if they alone had been consulted, would have carried me there long ago. Mr William Lee was right in going to Vienna. That Court acts from its own opinion without control, and might possibly have been prevailed on to receive him publicly. The event has not proved answerable to our wishes. The conduct of the Empress Queen has certainly been occasioned by a resentment against the Court of France, for not contributing, contrary to their own interest, to the aggrandisement of the House of Austria. A resentment so ill founded and unreasonable may perhaps not continue long; in the mean time, however, it is exceedingly provoking to me, as I am living at the public expense, without having it in my power to fulfil the objects of my commission. Perhaps, indeed, my having been in Paris may not prove altogether useless; and I hope the papers I have transmitted to you may not be thought unworthy the attention of Congress. After having had the facts stated to them relative to the situation of affairs in Europe, they will judge what instructions are proper to be sent to me. If they are positive, at all events they shall be followed; if discretionary, I shall act to the best of my judgment.

You are so good as to assure me in your letter of the 19th of May, that you will upon all occasions have at heart my honor and interest, and that you will by every opportunity keep me acquainted with the state of affairs. I feel very sensibly these friendly assurances, and promise you that amidst the troubles and vexations in which I have been engaged, I derive considerable comfort and satisfaction from them. You say nothing of your son. I heartily rejoice at his promotion. He must have informed you, that he was very desirous of going into the Prussian army. I dissuaded him from it, and advised him, if he was determined upon becoming a soldier, to take Marshal Saxe and the Chevalier Foland’s Commentaries upon Polybius into his hands, and go to America, where an ample field would be open to him. I am happy to find, that he has had no cause to repent of having followed my advice.

My wife offers you her compliments, and joins me in desiring that they may be presented to him. We have heard nothing very lately from his family in England; by the last accounts Mrs Laurens was well, and the child very much improved.

I am, dear Sir, &c.

RALPH IZARD.

FROM THE ABBÉ NICCOLI TO RALPH IZARD.

Translation.

Florence, July 28th, 1778.

Sir,

Although M. Favi, who knows my attachment for you, regularly informs me concerning you, yet I was very much pleased with receiving a letter directly from yourself, dated the 11th instant, and to find thereby that the gout had left you at last, and that your little family were well. I beg you to embrace them for me.

I have often wished for you all at Florence, during my stay here, and to partake with you the delights that are to be enjoyed beneath a fine sky, and under the protection of good laws. I have tortured myself to find some means to induce you to come here; my conscience and honor have always dictated the counsels I have given you, so contrary to my inclinations, but most conformable to your situation and the circumstances you are placed in. I wish very much that the order you have received to effect a loan in Italy might furnish you with a plausible reason to make me a visit, but I see so many difficulties in this design, that I dare not flatter myself with hopes. You will permit me to mention those, which present themselves on the part of Tuscany. Tuscany, which has been deprived for upwards of two centuries of an active commerce, is but just emerging out of the languishing and exhausted state into which she was plunged. There has indeed been for some years a large quantity of cash in circulation, but although my countrymen are convinced of the solvency of the United States, of their honesty in keeping their word, and that they consider their independence as established, they will not however lend their money, because they can employ it in a much more lucrative manner under their own eyes. To give you an evident proof of it, I send you the extract of an edict of his Royal Highness. You will find the inducements to be infinitely superior to anything the United States can offer.

I propose also to send you shortly an abridgment of the immunities, privileges, and liberties granted for fourteen years past by the Grand Duke to his subjects. You will see in it his system of administration, and you will judge whether, in a State favored as ours is, it can be reasonably expected to amass money to put it out to interest. I will moreover give you a proof of what has happened under his administration, and of which I am an eye witness. Cultivation of land has increased double, and landed property, if there is any for sale, is purchased at double the price it sold for before. The Grand Duke, who has reimbursed almost the half of the State debts, which he found at his accession, has the consolation to see the manner in which this money has been employed.

I confine myself, Sir, to one single point, to show you the little probability there is of accomplishing your object in Tuscany, leaving it to you to judge whether in the present circumstances government would not be blamed, should it permit a loan to be opened here for the United States. I know not whether they would permit such a thing for the Emperor.

This is enough respecting Tuscany. As to the other States of Italy, I see none in a condition to comply with your views excepting the Republic of Genoa. In this State, being strictly connected with France, you may not meet with the same difficulties on the part of the government, and as the Genoese have almost all their property in ready money, and are accustomed to lend to every body, I am persuaded you may find it with them, especially if the Ministry of France interposes favorably. I imagine that they will demand large interest, with security, perhaps, and guarantied by the King of France. You will do well, before you open this negotiation, directly to speak about it to the Count de Vergennes; and he should speak to the Marquis Spinola, the Genoese Envoy. If you have not this recourse, I know not how you can fulfil the commission of Congress, because all Europe being in a convulsed state, money becomes scarce and dear. You know that the Empress Queen has opened a loan in her States of Brabant; perhaps, should the troubles not cease, she will open one likewise in Milan. Thus, my friend, you have my opinion; I am sorry that I cannot furnish you with some better hints, and more conformable to your wishes and mine. I say nothing respecting myself, and I know not yet what the Grand Duke will do with me; whenever he shall determine, you shall not be among the last who are informed of it. Communicate always good news of your country to me, and be assured of the perfect and sincere attachment with which I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.

NICCOLI.

TO THE COMMISSIONERS.

Paris, August 25th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

In a letter, which I have lately received from Florence, and which I have had the honor of laying before you, it is recommended that an endeavor should be made to interest the Ministry in favor of any loan, that may be attempted in Genoa for the United States, as it is probable the Genoese may require the security of the Court of France for the payment of such sums, as they may have it in their power to lend. The Ministry must be convinced of the ability of America, in a few years after the establishment of peace, to discharge any pecuniary engagements she may at present have occasion to enter into, and the connexion, which subsists between the two countries, will, I hope, induce them to afford us every assistance in their power. I shall be glad to know whether you think I ought to apply to Count de Vergennes on the subject, or that the application should be made first by you; in either case, I shall be ready to co-operate with you, or act in any manner that shall appear most likely to produce the desired effect.